|
|
Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations > Geopolitics
How globalized information networks can be used for strategic
advantage.Until recently, globalization was viewed, on balance, as
an inherently good thing that would benefit people and societies
nearly everywhere. Now there is growing concern that some countries
will use their position in globalized networks to gain undue
influence over other societies through their dominance of
information and financial networks, a concept known as 'weaponized
interdependence'. In exploring the conditions under which China,
Russia, and the United States might be expected to weaponize
control of information and manipulate the global economy, the
contributors to this volume challenge scholars and practitioners to
think differently about foreign economic policy, national security,
and statecraft for the twenty-first century. The book addresses
such questions as: What areas of the global economy are most
vulnerable to unilateral control of information and financial
networks? How sustainable is the use of weaponized interdependence?
What are the possible responses from targeted actors? And how
sustainable is the open global economy if weaponized
interdependence becomes a default tool for managing international
relations?
'I'm a fairly calm fellow; I don't usually get het up about things.
But I was, let's say, concerned when I tuned into the Moscow Echo
radio station and heard that the Kremlin had put a price on my
head. The announcement didn't quite say 'dead or alive'. But it
came close...' Mikhail Khodorkovsky, March 2021 Mikhail
Khodorkovsky has seen behind the mask of Vladimir Putin. Once an
oil tycoon and the richest man in Russia, Khodorkovsky spoke out
against the corruption of Putin's regime - and was punished by the
Kremlin, stripped of his entire wealth and jailed for over ten
years. Now freed, working as a pro-democracy campaigner in enforced
exile, Khodorkovsky brings us the insider's battle to save his
country's soul. Offering an urgent analysis of what has gone wrong
with Putin, The Russia Conundrum maps the country's rise and fall
against Khodorkovsky's own journey, from Soviet youth to
international oil executive, powerful insider to political
dissident, and now a high-profile voice seeking to reconcile East
and West. With unparalleled insight, written with Sunday Times
bestselling author Martin Sixsmith, The Russia Conundrum exposes
the desires and damning truths of Putin's Russia, and provides an
answer to the West on how it must challenge the Kremlin - in order
to pave the way for a better future.
In this book, Barney Walsh presents an in-depth study of China’s
involvement in East Africa through specific focus on President
Museveni of Uganda who has been uniquely influential in utilising
China’s presence to shape regional security dynamics in his
favour. Focussing primarily on the period 2010–2015, Walsh places
the spotlight on the ‘Coalition of the Willing’ formed between
Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda, who undertook high-profile, exciting but
controversial regional integration projects without Tanzania and
Burundi. Key to those efforts were Chinese-funded
mega-infrastructure projects, such as the Standard Gauge Railway
and Uganda’s oil pipeline. Walsh’s analysis of the East African
Community (EAC) reveals China’s role in ongoing security issues
related to terrorism, resulting from the country’s role in small
arms and light weapons (SALW) proliferation and the global ivory
trade. Additionally, China is heavily implicated in the region’s
‘oil sector’, as it is a market for oil, involved in developing
the sector, and a key partner in mega-infrastructure construction.
Throughout this, though the EAC as an institution has been trying
to stabilise regional security dynamics and strengthen its
institutional role, it has been unduly influenced by the
personalities and presence of key African leaders. Here,
Museveni’s role in such processes has been crucial, as he has
made great efforts to utilise Chinese engagement in order to shape
regional processes.
'Fascinating revelations' Max Hastings, Sunday Times 'An immensely
valuable guide to a great and terrible industry' The Economist 'The
book I have long been waiting for... Essential reading' Michael
Klare Petroleum has always been used by humans: as an adhesive by
Neanderthals, as a waterproofing agent in Noah's Ark and as a
weapon during the Crusades. Its eventual extraction from the earth
in vast quantities transformed light, heat and power. A Pipeline
Runs Through It is a fresh, in-depth look at the social, economic,
and geopolitical forces involved in our transition to the modern
oil age. It tells an extraordinary origin story, from the
pre-industrial history of petroleum through to large-scale
production in the mid-nineteenth century and the development of a
dominant, fully-fledged oil industry by the early twentieth
century. This was always a story of imperialist violence, economic
exploitation and environmental destruction. The near total
eradication of the Native Americans of New York, Pennsylvania and
Ohio has barely been mentioned as a precondition for the emergence
of the first oil region in the United States. The growth of Royal
Dutch-Shell involved the genocidal subjugation of people of the
Dutch East Indies and the exploitation of oil in the Middle East
arose seamlessly out of Britain's prior political and military
interventions in the region. Finally, in an entirely new analysis,
the book shows how the British navy's increasingly desperate
dependence on vulnerable foreign sources of oil may have been a
catalytic ingredient in the outbreak of the First World War. The
rise of oil has shaped the modern world, and this is the book to
understand it.
Getting to grips with the overlapping geopolitical, economic, and
political crises faced by Western democratic societies in the
2020s. The 21st century has brought a powerful tide of
geopolitical, economic, and democratic shocks. Their fallout has
led central banks to create over $25 trillion of new money, brought
about a new age of geopolitical competition, destabilised the
Middle East, ruptured the European Union, and exposed old political
fault lines in the United States. Disorder: Hard Times in the 21st
Century is a long history of this present political moment. It
recounts three histories - one about geopolitics, one about the
world economy, and one about western democracies - and explains how
in the years of political disorder prior to the pandemic the
disruption in each became one big story. It shows how much of this
turbulence originated in problems generated by fossil-fuel
energies, and it explains why as the green transition takes place
the long-standing predicaments energy invariably shapes will remain
in place.
Winner of the Diversity, Inclusion and Equality Award at the
Business Book Awards 2021 ‘Underpinned by
scholarship...entertaining…Legrain’s book fizzes with practical
ideas.’ The Economist ‘The beauty of diversity is that
innovation often comes about by serendipity. As Scott Page
observed, one day in 1904, at the World Fair in St Louis, the ice
cream vendor ran out of cups. Ernest Hami, a Syrian waffle vendor
in the booth next door, rolled up some waffles to make cones –
and the rest is history.’ Filled with data, anecdotes and
optimism, Them and Us is an endorsement of cultural differences at
a time of acute national introspection. By every measure, from
productivity to new perspectives, immigrants bring something
beneficial to society. If patriotism means wanting the best
for your country, we should be welcoming immigrants with open arms.
Selected as one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year by the New
York Times In recent times, the United States and Iran have seemed
closer to war than peace, but that is not where their story began.
When America was in its infancy, Thomas Jefferson and John Quincy
Adams turned to the history of the Persian Empire as they looked
for guidance on how to run their new country. And in the following
century, Iranian newspapers heralded America as an ideal that their
own government might someday emulate. How, then, did the two
nations become the adversaries that they are today? In this rich,
fascinating history, John Ghazvinian traces the complex story of
America and Iran over three centuries. Drawing on years of research
conducted in both countries – including access to Iranian
government archives rarely available to Western scholars – he
leads us through the four seasons of US-Iranian relations: from the
spring of mutual fascination, where Iran, sick of duplicitous
Britain and Russia interfering in its affairs, sought a
relationship with the United States, to the long, dark winter of
hatred that we are yet to see end. A revealing account, America and
Iran lays bare when, where and how it all went wrong – and why it
didn’t have to be this way.
As the Cold War raged on in the 1970s and 1980s, much of southern
Africa, from Angola to Mozambique, became caught up in the
superpower competition as local and regional proxies for both
Moscow and Washington fought it out on the battlefield. Thus, the
struggle to determine the future of a newly independent Mozambique
was shaped by multiple factors beyond the control of its people in
the course of its 16-year conflict from 1977-1992\. These factors
also contributed to the longevity and ferocity of the Mozambican
war that would leave an estimated one million dead, millions more
displaced and made homeless, and a country in ruins. From the rise
of the Resistencia Nacional Mocambicana, or Renamo, in 1977 as a
Rhodesian weapon against Zimbabwean nationalist guerrillas
operating in Mozambique, through South African patronage in the
1980s and to Renamo's evolution as a self-sufficient insurgency,
the forces of Mozambican nationalism became inexorably intertwined
with the geopolitics of the region and the international
manifestations of the Cold War. Thus, both government and rebel
forces found themselves repeatedly beholden to external interests -
be it American, Soviet, Cuban, South African or Rhodesian - as each
sought to advance its own agenda and future vision of the country.
However, it would be Mozambicans themselves who spilled their blood
in a clash of men and arms that spanned the length and breadth of
the country. And ultimately this is their story of sacrifice and
triumph.
Colonial and imperial powers have often portrayed arid lands as
“empty” spaces ready to be occupied, exploited, extracted, and
polluted. Despite the undeniable presence of human and nonhuman
lives and forces in desert territories, the “regime of
emptiness” has inhabited, and is still inhabiting, many
imaginaries. Deserts Are Not Empty challenges this colonial
tendency, questions its roots and ramifications, and remaps the
representations, theories, histories, and stories of arid
lands—which comprise approximately one-third of the Earth’s
land surface. The volume brings together poems in original
languages, conversations with collectives, and essays by scholars
and professionals from the fields of architecture, architectural
history and theory, curatorial studies, comparative literature,
film studies, landscape architecture, and photography. These
different approaches and diverse voices draw on a framework of
decoloniality to unsettle and unlearn the desert, opening up
possibilities to see, think, imagine it otherwise. With
contributions from Saphiya Abu Al-Maati, Menna Agha, Asaiel Al
Saeed, Aseel AlYaqoub, Yousef Awaad Hussein, Ariella Aïsha
Azoulay, Danika Cooper, Brahim El Guabli, Timothy Hyde, Jill
Jarvis, Bongani Kona, Dalal Musaed Alsayer, Observatoire des
armements, Francisco E. Robles, Paulo Tavares, Alla Vronskaya, and
XqSu.
Partition—the physical division of territory along
ethno-religious lines into separate nation-states—is often
presented as a successful political "solution" to ethnic conflict.
In the twentieth century, at least three new political
entities—the Irish Free State, the Dominions (later Republics) of
India and Pakistan, and the State of Israel—emerged as results of
partition. This volume offers the first collective history of the
concept of partition, tracing its emergence in the aftermath of the
First World War and locating its genealogy in the politics of
twentieth-century empire and decolonization. Making use of the
transnational framework of the British Empire, which presided over
the three major partitions of the twentieth century, contributors
draw out concrete connections among the cases of Ireland, Pakistan,
and Israel—the mutual influences, shared personnel, economic
justifications, and material interests that propelled the idea of
partition forward and resulted in the violent creation of new
post-colonial political spaces. In so doing, the volume seeks to
move beyond the nationalist frameworks that served in the first
instance to promote partition as a natural phenomenon.
The definitive story of COVID-19 and how global politics shape our health - from a world-leading expert and the pandemic's go-to science communicator
Professor Devi Sridhar has risen to prominence for her vital roles in communicating science to the public and speaking truth to power. In Preventable she highlights lessons learned from outbreaks past and present in a narrative that traces the COVID-19 pandemic - including her personal experience as a scientist - and sets out a vision for how we can better protect ourselves from the inevitable health crises to come.
In gripping and heartfelt prose, Sridhar exposes the varied realities of those affected and puts you in the room with key decision makers at crucial moments. She vibrantly conveys the twists and turns of a plot that saw: deadlier varients emerge (contrary to the predictions of social media pundits who argued it would mutate to a milder form); countries with weak health systems like Senegal and Vietnam fare better than countries like the US and UK (which were consistently ranked as the most prepared); and the quickest development of game-changing vaccines in history (and their unfair distribution)
Combining science, politics, ethics and economics, this definitive book dissects the global structures that determine our fate, and reveals the deep-seated economic and social inequalities at their heart - it will challenge, outrage and inspire.
This book is a compilation of papers presented at a day-long
conference organized in Chennai, on March 28, 2019, by the Chennai
Centre for China Studies (C3S) in partnership with the National
Maritime Foundation (NMF) and the Department of Defence and
Strategic Studies, University of Madras, and supported by the
Indian Navy and Indian Coast Guard on the theme, “Securing
India's Maritime Neighbourhood: Challenges and Opportunities”.
Contributors included a whole galaxy of luminaries from the serving
and veteran echelons of the Indian Armed Forces, the diplomatic
community, maritime industry, doyens of Indian academia, and
distinguished personalities from the Fourth Estate. A number of
facets of seminal importance to national security were addressed in
the book. These included conceptual, geopolitical, economic,
environmental, and technological issues.
Daesh is worse than the Taliban, which is now trying to bring a new
ideology as Daesh-ism which is anti – Islam. This book brings out
the alarming situation of the presence of Daesh in Pakistan and its
expanding activities. It serves the international community as a
reminder of the role they need to play in crushing this monster.
By delving into the complex, cross-generational exchanges that
characterize any political project as rampant as empire, this
thought-provoking study focuses on children and their ambivalent,
intimate relationships with maps and practices of mapping at the
dawn of the "American Century." Considering children as students,
map and puzzle makers, letter writers, and playmates, Mahshid Mayar
interrogates the ways turn-of-the-century American children
encountered, made sense of, and produced spatial narratives and
cognitive maps of the United States and the world. Mayar further
probes how children's diverse patterns of consuming, relating to,
and appropriating the "truths" that maps represent turned
cartography into a site of personal and political contention. To
investigate where in the world the United States imagined itself at
the end of the nineteenth century, this book calls for new modes of
mapping the United States as it studies the nation on regional,
hemispheric, and global scales. By examining the multilayered
liaison between imperial pedagogy and geopolitical literacy across
a wide range of archival evidence, Mayar delivers a careful
microhistorical study of U.S. empire.
We humans are social animals, naturally driven to form close-knit
groups. All too often, though, these groups become partisan. They
start to compete with one another. They become mutually hostile.
Why does this happen? And what can be done to counter the tendency
In Poles Apart, an expert on polarisation, a behavioural scientist
and a professional communicator explain why we are so prone to be
drawn into rival, often deeply antagonistic factions. They explore
the shaping force of our genetic make-up on our fundamental views
and the nature of the influences that family, friends and peers
exert. They pinpoint the economic and political triggers that tip
people from healthy disagreement to dangerous hostility, and the
part played by social media in spreading entrenched opinions. And
they help us to understand why outlooks that can seem so bizarre
and extreme to us seem so eminently sensible to those who hold
them. Above all, by meticulously showing how and why polarisation
affects every part of our lives - influencing everything from our
friendship circles to our approach to health issues - they show
what practical and effective steps we can all take to narrow
divisions, build respect for others, and create a greater degree of
common understanding.
The paradox of U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia The Obama
administration's pivot-to-Asia policy establishes an important
place for Southeast Asia in U.S. foreign policy. But Washington's
attention to the region has fluctuated dramatically, from the
intense intervention of the cold war era to near neglect in more
recent years. As a consequence, countries in Southeast Asia worry
that the United States once again will become distracted by other
problems and disengage from the region. This book written by an
astute observer of the region and U.S. policy casts light on the
sources of these anxieties. A main consideration is that it still
is not clear how Southeast Asia fits into U.S. strategy for Asia
and the broader world. Is the region central to U.S. policymaking,
or an afterthought? Ambivalent Engagement highlights a dilemma that
is becoming increasingly conspicuous and problematic. Southeast
Asia continues to rely on the United States to play an active role
in the region even though it is an external power. But the
countries of Southeast Asia have very different views about
precisely what role the United States should play. The consequences
of this ambivalence will grow in importance with the expanding role
of yet another outside power, China.
"The Book is a window on Indian cultural diplomacy, which is set
against the backdrop of its ethos of 'Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam' (The
World is a Family). It is pivoted to the 'Idea of India' that gets
manifested through acceptance of diversity and celebration of
pluralism. The Book in 15 chapters under 8 sections provides a
comprehensive picture on the concept of cultural diplomacy; its
relationship with public diplomacy and soft power; its place in the
diplomatic architecture and its growing centrality. Unlike soft
power, cultural diplomacy is not in the paradigm of power. The Book
also provides an in depth study on the origins and evolution of
Indian cultural diplomacy over the years. It reviews the role of
the Ministries of Culture and External Affairs and the Indian
Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR). It examines various
instrumentalities, such as Cultural Agreements, Festivals of India,
Cultural Centres and Chairs of Indian Studies, used by India, to
achieve its objectives. The role played by Education, Media and
Diaspora, as bridge builders is evaluated. The Book peeps into
global cultural hubs, like the Smithsonian Institution in
Washington DC and the working of cultural diplomacy at grassroots
level at Chandigarh and Chicago. Two chapters in the Book look at
the operation of cultural diplomacy in the Indian diplomatic
missions and foreign diplomatic missions in India. This adds a
practical dimension to the conceptual framework, as seen by
practitioners of diplomacy. The final chapter provides an overview
on the existing reality. A section on 'The Way Ahead' makes a
number of practical recommendations in five clusters, to take
cultural diplomacy to a higher plateau. Finally, it raises a set of
pertinent issues and points for consideration by theoreticians and
practitioners of cultural diplomacy. The Book would serve as a
useful reference point for further studies, as it fills the
existing void in the literature on cultural diplomacy."
The second volume of the India Tibet Relations (1947-1962) begins
soon after signature of 17-Point Agreement in May 1951. During the
years under study (1951-54), the position of India on the Roof of
the World changed drastically. This volume shall go in depth into
the slow deterioration of the age-old Indo-Tibet relations,
gradually being replaced by a cruder relation with the new
occupiers of Tibet. The Indian officials posted in Lhasa, Gyantse,
Yatung or Gartok were the first to realize the true face of the
Chinese `liberators’. During this period, very few Tibetans had
the courage to fight the ineluctable; most Tibetans, whether from
the aristocracy or the clergy, collaborated with the occupying
forces. “Will Tibet find her soul again?” wrote the Indian
Trade Agent in Gyantse in one of his reports. The question is still
hanging.
|
|