The second volume of the India Tibet Relations (1947-1962) begins soon after signature of 17-Point Agreement in May 1951. During the years under study (1951-54), the position of India on the Roof of the World changed drastically. This volume shall go in depth into the slow deterioration of the age-old Indo-Tibet relations, gradually being replaced by a cruder relation with the new occupiers of Tibet. The Indian officials posted in Lhasa, Gyantse, Yatung or Gartok were the first to realize the true face of the Chinese `liberators’. During this period, very few Tibetans had the courage to fight the ineluctable; most Tibetans, whether from the aristocracy or the clergy, collaborated with the occupying forces. “Will Tibet find her soul again?� wrote the Indian Trade Agent in Gyantse in one of his reports. The question is still hanging.

Today, China’s economy is behaving in a rather similar way to most other countries. This is true even after the government’s influence on industry which in some sectors is similar to what we see in some European countries such as France. China uses the same measurement yardsticks for GDP, foreign trade, inflation, industrial output, etc. as almost every other country. As such, comparisons are possible and called for. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is the world’s second largest economy by nominal GDP and by purchasing power parity after the United States. It is the world’s fastest-growing major economy, with growth rates averaging 10%over the past 30 years. China is also the largest exporter and second largest importer of goods in the world. On a per capita income basis, China ranked 90th by nominal GDP and 91st by GDP (PPP) in 2011, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The provinces in the coastal regions of China tend to be more industrialized, while regions in the hinterland are less developed. As China’s economic importance has grown, so has attention to the structure and health of the economy. Growth in the People's Republic of China's restructuring economy continued to decelerate in 2016, but the government ensured stability through targeted fiscal and monetary support. Inflation started to rise, and the current account surplus narrowed but remained sizeable. These trends will continue in 2017 and 2018. Structural reform needs to be accelerated to boost productivity and sustain growth as outlined in the current 5-year plan. As the book addresses this crucial issue quite deftly, it is hoped that it would prove to be a source of great information for the reader.

This book explains the emergence of sub-regional cooperation mechanism in the maritime domain in South Asia. It deals with the trilateral cooperation of India, Sri Lanka and Maldives as they share common maritime connectivity. This book also analyses political, economic, cultural and security relationship between the three countries and explains the role of China in the Indian Ocean region and its impact on South Asia.

According to many experts, China is already the largest economy on the planet – yet its relations with the rest of the world have deteriorated in recent years, and are now at an all-time low. Is this a passing phase caused by the shockwaves of the Covid pandemic and the personalities of leaders in China and in the USA, or are the current divergencies going to become wider and more entrenched, as China grows economically and develops technological leadership? Can the West learn from its past mistakes and engage successfully with China on many common interests, or are we on the verge of a new Cold War? In The Chinese Conundrum, Vince Cable – author of the the Sunday Times number-one bestseller The Storm: The World Economic Crisis and What it Means – provides an answer to these and many other topical questions of global politics and economy, examining the long history of relationships between China and the West, as well as the change in attitudes on both sides of the divide, with a particular focus on the possible repercussions of the recent election of Joe Biden as president of the United States. The result is a gripping, insightful and accessible investigation into the intricacies of today’s economic and geopolitical situation.

This book looks both backward and forward with regard to the European Union’s political strategies towards its neighbouring countries. By bringing together the perspectives of critical geopolitics, policy studies and border studies, it presents a comprehensive review of the European Neighbourhood Policy and how it impacts the ongoing construction of the EU’s external frontiers.Is the EU committed to promoting integration in a ‘wider’ European space, or is a “fortress Europe� emerging where the strengthening of internal cohesion is coupled with the militarisation of its external borders? The book aims to problematize this question by showing how the EU’s external policies are based on a mixture of openness and closure, inclusion and exclusion, cooperation and securitisation. The European Neighbourhood Policy is a controversial strategy where regionalization and bordering, homogenisations and differentiations, centrifugal and centripetal forces proceed side-by-side, in an explicit attempt to construct a selective, mobile and fragmented border. A specific focus is devoted to the diversity of geo-strategies the EU is pursuing in its neighbouring countries and regions, macro-regional strategies and cross-border cooperation initiatives as new scales of cooperation, and the role of other global players.

Germany, the most racist of countries less than a century ago, has for the past two years welcomed over one million refugees, more than any other European country. To find out the secret behind this turn of character, Tuvia Tenenbom, a Jew born in Israel, presented himself as a Jordanian and was able to gain entry into many refugee camps.

Living in squalid conditions in airless rooms, and with barely edible food, the refugees begged Tuvia to help them get out of the camps. When not with the refugees, Tuvia traveled through the land and mingled with the local people who shared with him that they, the Germans, were the kindest people in Europe, far superior to the "inhumane” Jews.

Tuvia Tenenbom's provocative re-enactment of the refugee reality in the middle of Europe, coupled with the rising anti-Semitism of the people who proclaim themselves to be kind, exposes the hypocrisy of the "Refugees Welcome" mantra chiming throughout the Western world.

This book presents the theoretical-historical-comparative political framework needed to fully grasp the truly dynamic nature of 21st century global affairs. The author provides a realistic assessment of the shift from U.S predominance to a new mix of counterbalancing rival middle-tier and assertive regional powers, while highlighting those geopolitical zones of contention most critical for future international stability. The book will appeal to scholars and policy makers interested in understanding the contours of the emerging world order, and in identifying its principal shapers and leading political actors.

Dying by the Sword explores the US's evolving foreign policies from the Founding era to the present in order to ring the alarm on the US's increasing reliance on "kinetic" global diplomacy. Monica Duffy Toft and Sidita Kushi find that since the end of the Cold War and especially after 9/11, the US has initiated higher rates of military interventions, drastically escalating its usage of force abroad. Lacking clear national strategic goals, the US now pursues a whack-a-mole security policy that is more reactionary than deliberate. The book explores every major era of US foreign policy, combining historical narrative with anecdotes from US foreign policy officials, case studies, and evidence drawn from the Military Intervention Project (MIP), which measures the extent of US reliance on force. Each chapter highlights the ways in which the US used and balanced primary tools of statecraft—war, trade, and diplomacy—to achieve its objectives. It showcases, however, that in recent decades, the US has heavily favored force over the other pillars of statecraft. The book concludes with a warning that if the US does not reduce its reliance on kinetic diplomacy, it may do irrevocable damage to its diplomatic corps and doom itself to costly wars of choice. If this trend continues, it could spell disaster for the US's image, its credibility, and—ultimately—its ability to help maintain international stability.

In this remarkably candid book, the author has taken a hard look at Pakistan, in his words our difficult neighbour and analysed the reasons as to why the two countries have never been friends and probably will not be in the future, at least not in the immediate one. The author attributes India's failure to neutralise Pakistan to its kind of near constant Gandhian (passive) approach to India's security interests. The author believes that the future of Muslims in India is bright and that it would be quite a lusterless country without them. It is a matter of time before India has its first Muslim Prime Minister but this will happen when the latter represents interests of all Indians and not merely those of the Muslims. His study of Muslims is spread of a wide range of inter related perspectives. What has been written comes through the author's personal knowledge, not through any ideological prism and also secondary observations of other people and least of all through rose tinted glasses. He has spared no one who he believes is guilty of committing crimes against the Nation. It is a passionate book that ends on an optimistic note.

"Multiple paths to nation building in South Asia" is the most popular and controversial subject. Identity-based politics, whether one rejects or accepts, is equally a pressing problem for the countries of the region. The traditional route to national integration and political order is being questioned by the emergence of newer trends in national politics of each country of the region. Questions of minorities, ethnic, regional and suppressed groups (dalits and other highly marginalized communities) need to be tackled by taking appropriate policies so that such groups do not develop the feeling of deprivation. If inclusive democracy and empowerment of marginalized communities can become one of the positive aspects of nation building project, federalism has become yet another design for some countries. Nepal's aspiration for federalism is not the product of well-thought out design, but it has become imperative for nation building in course of time. India and Pakistan are likely to increase some more federal units to address the demands of peoples residing in respective areas making nation building as an ongoing process.

This book explores the multifaceted aspects of India's energy security concerns. It sheds light on India's energy insecurity and explores its various dimensions, its nature and extent. It examines the role that trade, foreign and security policy should play in enhancing India's energy security. It is argued that the key challenge for India is to increase economic growth while at the same time keeping energy demands low. This is especially challenging with the transition from biomass to fossil fuels, the growth of the motorized private transport and rising incomes, aspirations and changing lifestyles. The book suggests that at this time there are strong arguments to lessen India's fossil fuel dependence and it argues for a need to engage with all the key sources of this dependence to implement a process of energy change.

Nepal has reached a critical phase. The new constitution is in the making, and with its promulgation, the country would enter into a new phase of democracy along with a number of structural changes. During the last two decades, many significant issues have emerged on the scene of Nepali society and polity. The process of political transition has unfolded many dimensions of considerable importance. The questions of stabilization of democracy, federalism, ethnicity, regionalism, social inclusion, gender, etc., are becoming the core issues. The demography, migration and health issues are gaining currency demanding immediate attention. The media has started acquiring a relevant role in this context. The civil society too finds itself assuming new shape and role accordingly. The present volume is thus successful in taking account of a lot of issues that happened in Nepal, especially after the advent of democracy in the 1950s. The book has tried to link the past with the present; it tries to analyze the present with the lens of historical realities. The permanent nature of transition in Nepal has been attributed to power-greedy rulers of the past who always tried to play India or China card to remain in power. Similarly, marginalization of ethnic communities, Dalits, women, etc. by the King, political parties like the Nepal Congress and the CPN (UML) has been described as the prime reason behind the rise and growth of Maoist movement in Nepal.

Water, air and sun light are the three most important resources for the sustenance of life on the planet earth. While human race has hardly any control on air and sun light, water from time immemorial has always been used by various kingdoms/ states/ groups of people as an important aspect of their respective security policy to exercise their influence over their adversaries through a control/ denial of common water resources. Such a conflict of interest has often led the concerned stake holders, to go for dispute resolution through an armed skirmish/ battle. It needs to be appreciated that the shortage of water affects food security and the energy security of a country. With depleting resources and increasing demands; the situation is gradually becoming extremely critical and a number of flash points for future conflicts are emerging.

India's energy security concerns. It sheds light on India's energy insecurity and explores its various dimensions, its nature and extent. It examines the role that trade, foreign and security policy should play in enhancing India's energy security. It is argued that the key challenge for India is to increase economic growth while at the same time keeping energy demands low. This is especially challenging with the transition from biomass to fossil fuels, the growth of the motorized private transport and rising incomes, aspirations and changing lifestyles. The book suggests that at this time there are strong arguments to lessen India's fossil fuel dependence and it argues for a need to engage with all the key sources of this dependence to implement a process of energy change.

Can Donald Trump really build that wall? What does Brexit mean for Ireland’s border? And what would happen if Elon Musk declared himself president of the Moon?

In Border Wars, Professor Klaus Dodds takes us on a journey into the geopolitical conflict of tomorrow in an eye-opening tour of the world's best-known, most dangerous and most unexpected border conflicts from the Gaza Strip to the space race.

Along the way, we'll discover just what border truly mean in the modern world: how are they built; what do they mean for citizens and governments; how do they help understand our political past and, most importantly, our diplomatic future?

The disintegration of Soviet Union in 1991, led to five new countries gaining independence in Central Asia. The Muslims, a predominant majority in the region, had faced religious suppression under the rule of the communist. Thus, began an era where Islam was practiced with larger freedom. However, the governance of most of these states was with the autocratic leaders who had grown under the influence of communism. Therefore, it was but natural for them to soon impose religious restrictions. This close tussle in almost all these newly raised states, led to emergence of some radical groups. Over the years, the influence of such groups has spread to the extent of posing a threat to the stability of country like China. A foothold for radical groups in China is a possibility as its western province of Xinjiang has historical links with Central Asia and was part of Turkistan. Today Xinjiang due to its ethnic violence between the Uyghur Muslims and the Han Chinese is acknowledged to be quite volatile. The link of Uyghur's with Central Asia has further compounded China problem. Apart from the extremists, China is also concerned regarding the growing American presence within the region of Central Asia. To negate the American influence and restrain any turbulence on its western province supported by the extremist of Central Asia, there is a need for China to review its external and internal policies which will steer it towards a more politically and economically stable nation. Failing to addresses such simmering issues the nation will be trapped within the folds of 'THE INVISIBLE WALL OF CHINA'.

This book is based on the proceedings of the National Security Seminar 2011 conducted at the USI from 17 to 18 Nov 2011. The views of eminent speakers from across the globe have been covered on the following themes:- * Strategic and Security Environment in the Asia Pacific Region * Existing Political and Economic Frameworks in the Asia Pacific: Have they fulfilled regional aspirations? * Bringing an Enduring Security Architecture for the Asia Pacific This book intends to examine the current state and possible future trajectory of efforts to create an Asia Pacific security architecture. The problems are challenging but not insurmountable. Efforts to build an appropriate security architecture would certainly be in the interest of the region.

Central Asia has been considered as part of India s strategic neighbourhood; however India s engagement with Central Asia has been weak due to many contextual reasons. Earlier when the nascent Central Asian nations acquired their independent status after the demise of the Soviet Union India was preoccupied with its own economic problems. Discovery of hydrocarbons and minerals enhanced the strategic importance of Central Asian Republics. The secular polity of these nations also holds tremendous importance for India as the forces of radicalism and extremism especially those emanating from the Af-Pak belt would have adverse impact on the regional security. Major powers are also involved in Central Asia for securing their own interests. This volume looks at the strategic environment in Central Asia, the evolving security situation in Afghanistan that is of concern to Central Asian states as well as India, the non-traditional threats which are becoming more important than the conventional threats, the economic aspects of engagement with Central Asia, prospects of defence and security cooperation and the way forward. The contributors to the volume are well known experts, diplomats and strategic professionals who have looked at every aspect of India-central Asia engagement and have suggested a way forward.

This book tries to fill the gap where China s Asia-Pacific Strategy is looked at and trend lines are traced on China s strategy and its implications for the region. It seeks to see how China looks at the medley of relations in the Asia-Pacific. One of the central ideas guiding this research is that it is unhelpful to see China s rise in twin binary dispositions, viz., China as belligerent or China as benevolent.

Development policy of the European Union (EU) is just not confined to the development assistance programme dedicated purely for philanthropic purposes but has wider dimensions attached to it; It is one of the most imperative instrument of the European foreign policy and determines its relationship with the developing countries. This implies equally to the EUSouth Asia engagements, which evolved to third generation relationship from simple first generation commercial cooperation agreements. For analysing contemporary linkages of the EU with different South Asian countries, it is crucial to comprehend the role of development policy in South Asia. This book not only focuses on the development policy but also an effort is made to evaluate its relevance, impact and implications. As it is said 'To travel hopefully is a better thing than to arrive and the true success is to labour'. This book is also an outcome of 4/5 years of intense research on the subject. It will help the students of European studies since there is not enough literature available on the subject. It is a good reader for policy makers dealing with the development policy of the European Union. This book is also useful for South Asians associated with Non-government Organisations (NGOs) and voluntary groups, which are working in collaboration with the European Union.

Today, the whole world is watching China with great interest and that includes India. China has been termed - a threat, a challenge, an opportunity, a concern, a competitor, the next superpower, a global player and many more things. It depends, who is looking at it and from where? In 2009, United Service Institution (USI) of India decided to commence a five years study programme on China. Towards that end, we held the National Security Seminar 2009 titled 'Rising China - Opportunity or Strategic Challenge' on 25-26 November 2009. Its proceedings have been published in the form of a book.

The book is based on the USI National Security Seminar with contributions from some of the well known experts on China from India & abroad.

In this book, Barney Walsh presents an in-depth study of China’s involvement in East Africa through specific focus on President Museveni of Uganda who has been uniquely influential in utilising China’s presence to shape regional security dynamics in his favour. Focussing primarily on the period 2010–2015, Walsh places the spotlight on the ‘Coalition of the Willing’ formed between Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda, who undertook high-profile, exciting but controversial regional integration projects without Tanzania and Burundi. Key to those efforts were Chinese-funded mega-infrastructure projects, such as the Standard Gauge Railway and Uganda’s oil pipeline. Walsh’s analysis of the East African Community (EAC) reveals China’s role in ongoing security issues related to terrorism, resulting from the country’s role in small arms and light weapons (SALW) proliferation and the global ivory trade. Additionally, China is heavily implicated in the region’s ‘oil sector’, as it is a market for oil, involved in developing the sector, and a key partner in mega-infrastructure construction. Throughout this, though the EAC as an institution has been trying to stabilise regional security dynamics and strengthen its institutional role, it has been unduly influenced by the personalities and presence of key African leaders. Here, Museveni’s role in such processes has been crucial, as he has made great efforts to utilise Chinese engagement in order to shape regional processes.

This book presents an introduction to the subject of international sanctions. It provides summaries of fourteen major cases, including South Africa, Iraq and Serbia, and analysis of the complex political and economic problems which sanctions pose for governments of sender states as well as for targets. Goals, costs, vulnerability and humanitarian considerations are examined in the light of 20th-century experience and the enhanced role of the United Nations since the end of the Cold War receives detailed consideration.