This text explores the nature and possibility of revolution and civil strife in the context of international politics. "Terrorism, Civil War, and Revolution" analyzes the role of revolution and civil strife in the present day world. Expanding on the 2nd edition of Calvert's "Revolution and International Politics", this new work reflects the drastic changes that have taken place in the world order since 2001. With an increased focus on terrorism and civil war, the book looks into such key issues as the use of force by the state in the international system, challenges to states, wars of national liberation, counterinsurgency, and more. Written in a clear and accessible manner by a respected expert in the field, the book features the most recent examples of events, such as the insurgency in Sri Lanka, the rise of Al-Qaeda, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This approach will help situate revolutions in the larger context of political violence and will appeal to anyone interested in comparative politics, international relations, and revolutions.

Kenneth Kaunda, the United States and Southern Africa carefully examines US policy towards the southern African region between 1974, when Portugal granted independence to its colonies of Angola and Mozambique, and 1984, the last full year of the Reagan administration's Constructive Engagement approach. It focuses on the role of Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda, the key facilitator of international diplomacy towards the dangerous neighborhood surrounding his nation. The main themes include the influence of race, national security, economics, and African agency on international relations during the height of the Cold War. Andy DeRoche focuses on key issues such as the civil war in Angola, the fight against apartheid, the struggle for Namibia's independence, the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe, and bilateral US/ Zambian relations. The approach is traditional diplomatic history based on archival research in Zambia and the USA as well as interviews with key players such as Kaunda, Mark Chona, Siteke Mwale, Vernon Mwaanga, Chester Crocker, and Frank Wisner. The result offers an important new insight into the nuances of US policy toward southern Africa during the hottest days of the Cold War.

Military coalitions are ubiquitous. The United States builds them regularly, yet they are associated with the largest, most destructive, and consequential wars in history. When do states build them, and what partners do they choose? Are coalitions a recipe for war, or can they facilitate peace? Finally, when do coalitions affect the expansion of conflict beyond its original participants? The Politics of Military Coalitions introduces newly collected data designed to answer these very questions, showing that coalitions - expensive to build but attractive from a military standpoint - are very often more (if sometimes less) than the sum of their parts, at times encouraging war while discouraging it at others, at times touching off wider wars while at others keeping their targets isolated. The combination of new data, new formal theories, and new quantitative analysis will be of interest to scholars, students, and policymakers alike.

This book highlights the main factors determining the quality of public administration in conflict affected countries; and assesses to what extent the conflict determines and impacts on the performance of public administration in affected countries. The main value added by this book is confirming the general expectation that there is no direct and universal link between the conflict and public administration performance (and vice-versa). One may need to argue that each country situation differs and specific factors of internal and external environments determine the trends of public administration performance in conflict affected countries. To achieve the overarching goal of the book, sixteen country studies were developed from all relevant continents - America, Africa, Asia and Europe: Bangladesh, Colombia, Croatia, Egypt, Georgia, Iraq, Kosovo, Nigeria, Palestine, Paraguay, Philippines, Serbia, South Africa, Uganda, Ukraine, and Venezuela.

Once considered a question of an international order based on consolidated statehood and homogeneous social communities within national borders, global order has become a question of alternative political articulations, resistance movements, and cultural diversity, among others. This book first critically analyzes the conditions for the struggles of theorizing global normative order in political and IR theory. Second, to make sense of the presence of difference and possibility for global normative order in view of the simultaneous absence of first foundations, the study draws on post-foundational thinking based on the seminal work of German philosopher Martin Heidegger and Argentine political theorist Ernesto Laclau. Finally, the author develops a theoretical framework for a hauntological approach to global normative order that provides an alternative and theoretically coherent explanation for the emergence of global order. This is of interest to scholars as well as practitioners (including activists) concerned with global social relations, global political discourse, and the construction of global identity and normative order(s).

Richard Williamson's First Steps toward Detente provides a history of negotiations conducted from 1958-1963 between the United States, its Western allies in Europe, and the Soviet Union, in order to resolve the Berlin crisis. These negotiations established ongoing patterns of backchannel, ambassadorial, foreign minister and heads of state discussions. From Khrushchev's visit to the United States in 1959 and the difficult Paris 1960 and Vienna 1961 summits to the construction of the Berlin Wall, disarmament remained a parallel concern dependent on Berlin's resolution. Throughout most of 1962, the United States and Soviets made rigorous attempts to break a stalemate at Checkpoint Charlie, though neither side was truly ready to forfeit. Ultimately, the renewal of Berlin harassments and the Cuban missile crisis put an end to these efforts, but the closer relations that had developed through Berlin talks helped to enable the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963. The Berlin Crisis signaled a transition away from multilateral East-West relations to a bilateral U.S.-Soviet relationship, remaining oriented to military positions in Germany. In this book, Williamson explores the significance of these events and shows how the negotiations held between 1958 and 1963 provided the templates for detente.

This book assesses potential developments of terrorism and ways to prevent it-the growing threats as new technologies become available - and how the same new technologies may help trap those with potential mal-intent. The drumbeat of terror resonates from everywhere; how can we stop it? What are the tripping points along the road and how can we avoid them? Increasingly more people have access to increasingly more information and increasingly more destructive technologies. In the meantime, increasingly advanced technologies help us create an increasingly safer and more harmonious world. Advantages and disadvantages are accelerating each other. While hybrid threats are intensifying, so are the opportunities to address them. But what are the compromises and how can we mitigate them? This book also looks at the unexpected and often random success and failure of policies to counter the evolving terror threat. The various aspects of the terrorism phenomena are presented in a unique way using scenario vignettes, which give the reader a realistic perception of the threat. The combination of positive and negative implications of emerging technologies is describing what might well be one of the most important dimensions of our common future.

The world economy is near a critical crossroads, as a rising China, the greatest-ever beneficiary of US-led capitalism, dreams to replace America's supremacy as a new hegemonic power with a non-liberal world order. This third volume of the trilogy on reformulating the 'flying-geese' theory explains how capitalism has changed industrial structures across the world. It asks whether the 'flying-geese' formation will survive the changes that have produced the East Asian miracle, and - as hoped - spread to Africa.Terutomo Ozawa's reformulated 'flying-geese' theory explains structural changes as an innovation-driven, ratcheting-up process of economic growth and shows that market-driven multinational corporations are key players for a successful 'flying-geese' formation and structural transformation. The book argues that the 'ladder' of economic development must be conceived as a double-helix with inter- and intra-industry rungs, the latter embedding cross-border supply chains and adaptive innovations. A thorough exploration of the structural changes under Pax Britannica and Pax Americana - moving from 'kicking away the ladder' from emerging economies to then providing it - demonstrates that this trend engenders multinational corporations that can facilitate structural transformation, particularly in catching-up economies. Ozawa shows that China is now in the critical transitional period that requires more sophisticated institutional, socio-political setups, as well as more advanced knowledge and ethics to move from the lower to the higher rungs. This enlightening, accessible and timely conclusion to Ozawa's trilogy will be of great interest to many, particularly those specialising in international business, economics, political science, and international relations. Academics and practitioners alike will find this an invaluable resource.

From the bestselling author of A People's History of the United States comes this selection of passionate, honest, and piercing essays looking at American political ideology.

Howard Zinn brings to Passionate Declarations the same astringent style and provocative point of view that led more than a million people to buy his book A People's History of the United States. He directs his critique here to what he calls "American orthodoxies" -- that set of beliefs guardians of our culture consider sacrosanct: justifications for war, cynicism about human nature and violence, pride in our economic system, certainty of our freedom of speech, romanticization of representative government, confidence in our system of justice. Those orthodoxies, he believes, have a chilling effect on our capacity to think independently and to become active citizens in the long struggle for peace and justice.

This book uses several fantasy movies or movie series and television series to explain political and international relations (IR) concepts and theories. It begins with an overview of the importance of fantasy in literature, film and television, and its increasing impact on the field of International Relations. It then presents the political, IR, and social issues in each franchise, and in five chapters uses these tales' key story arcs or plot points to illustrate major political and IR themes. The volume pays particular attention to such fantasy franchises as Lord of the Rings, Game of Thrones, the Harry Potter films, recent fairytale and children's stories, and female-led fantasy projects.

This book presents a navigating framework of legal culture and legality to facilitate a comprehensive understanding of the English and Australian determination of the grounds of judicial review. This book facilitates tangible process of how and why jurisdictional error, jurisdictional fact, proportionality and substantive legitimate expectations are debatable in English law, while they are either completely rejected or firmly entrenched in Australian law. This book argues that these differences are not just random. Legality is not just a fig-leaf, but is profoundly rooted in legal systems' legal culture; hence, it dictates the way in which courts empower, justify, constrain or limit the scope of judicial review. This book presents evidence that courts differ in legal systems and apply diverse ways to determine the scope of judicial review based on their deep understanding of legality, which is embedded in the legal culture of their legal system. This book uses comparative methodology and develops this framework between English and Australian law. Although obvious and important, this book presents a kind of examination that has never been undertaken in this depth and detail before.

The book presents a world-system study based in neomedieval thinking. By utilizing this stream, it frees itself from the Westphalian lens while keeping itself firmly rooted in an empirical analysis. The book divides the world into three ideal-type geopolitical settings that interact among each other, which, in turn, affects geopolitical actors located inside them. It allows the reader to obtain an alternative understanding of the dynamic geopolitical environment of the contemporary world. The three main sections of the book contain the development of the theoretical model, empirical analysis of the global political map, and analysis of the impacts of the application of the theoretical model for the understanding of the global system. The book raises the question of conceptualization of the contemporary global order and answers it by dividing the map of the world into the three spheres and analyzing the impact of such an understanding of the world system. Spatial analysis is utilized to present the consequences of the analytical division of the global system into three ideal-types. The case studies are selected not to test the theory at hand, but to better illustrate the impacts as to make the case as clear to the readers as possible.

This book deals with two areas: Global Commons and Security: inextricably melted together and more relevant than ever in a world which is ever globalized and... with an incognita looming on the horizon: the effects of the Coronavirus pandemic upon the International Relations and globalization. Global Commons have always been relevant. It was Mahan who argued that the first and most obvious light in which the sea presents itself from the political and social point of view, is that of a great highway; or better, perhaps, of a wide common... Nowadays, this view has been further developed and, in addition to the unique legal implications that the Global Commons introduce, they are viewed, more and more intently, as a common pool of resources. Or perhaps, not that common... Resources, the key word! Which has to be always supplemented by two key words: access and security. And still, another one: data, the cyberspace contribution to the equation.

This book assesses Iran's role in contemporary geopolitics. In particular, it examines three main intertwining circles: Iran's development and political challenges, its relationships with neighbouring countries, as well as its relations with the major global powers - China, the European Union, Russia, and the United States. With contributions from over 20 authors, the book spans such critical aspects of contemporary geopolitics as modern history, natural resources, the economy, the social-political context, and strategic thinking. Particular focus is placed on Iran's relations with its neighbours - Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Pakistan, and the Persian Gulf States. Furthermore, the book offers both a bilateral and multilateral dimension on how nuclear sanctions imposed on Iran have impacted its strategic planning, from the economic and military perspectives.

The Making of Eurasia investigates the multi-layered spectrum of China and Russia's Eurasian policies towards each other, ranging from competition to cooperation, as well as the role of regional actors in between. The book examines the impact of and responses to the dynamic Sino-Russian interaction in the wake of China's Belt and Road initiative, focusing on the selected case studies of Kazakhstan, Mongolia and Uzbekistan, but also on inter-regional implications across the Eurasian space. With China's imprint on inter-regional politics and ambition to make a distinctive Chinese contribution to 'globalization' and Russia's vision of a 'Greater Eurasia' in which Moscow stakes out a place for itself as an indispensable power, other regional actors adopt policies that respond to and co-shape the resulting centrifugal forces. Meanwhile, power shifts are underway on a global plane, as the normative divide between Russia and the West has widened, and as the Sino-American rivalry is intensifying. The book therefore also sheds light on the effects of Eurasian power shifts on global governance in a context where global 'leadership' is contested, and in which the US and Europe are re-defining their relationship not only towards a self-confident China but also towards each other. As such, this study will provide valuable insight for students and scholars of Eurasian Asia Studies, Foreign Policy Analysis, and International Relations at large.

Environmental Policy in Europe focuses on the creation of environmental policy, how new legislation is formed and the influence brought to bear by industrial interest groups. By addressing the nature of this consultation process between interested parties and public authorities, the authors show why public policy in the European Union is so different in practice from the prescriptions of academic scholarship. European environmental legislation results from a process of consultation and negotiation which is extensively explored in this volume by a distinguished group of authors. Focusing on such issues as pesticide registration, combustion emissions, the European waste management industry, recycling regulations and eco-auditing, they offer unique insights into the development of public policy. While the analysis focuses on the actual behaviour of firms and public authorities, the authors also discuss the involvement of firms within the regulation devising process - to determine whether their behaviour distorts the public interest - and the strategic use by firms of the regulatory process by firms leading to restrictions of competition. Scholars, students and policymakers will welcome Environmental Policy in Europe for seeking to enlarge the traditional perspective of environmental economics on public policy while integrating the recent advances of both the economics of regulation and industrial economics.

This book defines oil price as a social institution that exists beyond supply-demand mechanisms. Discussing oil markets in the context of the broader sociology of prices, it covers a number of theoretical and practical dimensions, such as new market uncertainties and trends, and social perceptions of energy security and of power. Further, based on case studies it explores the implications for OPEC, Russia, and Central and Eastern Europe, as well as for the energy transition and for international investment arbitration. Featuring contributions from leading academics, researchers and business professionals, the book offers an interdisciplinary perspective on the oil price. "This book brings together an impressive team of scholars with fresh perspectives on the oil price. Even as the world attempts energy transition, oil consumption continues and the oil price is likely to become even more unpredictable and unclear than in the past. This book helps make sense of this challenging topic." -Indra Overland is a Research Professor and Head of Centre for Energy Research, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) "A revealing and multidimensional analysis of oil price fluctuations in a market that seeks less uncertainty. This book discusses market and price evolution in the context of market theories, history and real-time market analysis. A welcome and timely contribution to our understanding of global energy markets." Dr. Sara Vakhshouri is Founder and President of SVB Energy International and Professor of Energy Security at the Institute of World Politics.

This edited volume breaks new ground and opens up new perspectives by capturing the role played by claims to authenticity in populist discourses in Brazil, India and Ukraine. By conceiving of both triumphant populism and increasing demands for authenticity as expressions of crisis, the volume seeks to satisfy the need to take a closer look at yearnings for orientation in a globalised world that is often associated with rapid social change and the disappearance of old certainties. Starting from the assumption that media play a crucial role for populist discourses of authenticity, the volume moves beyond conventional and social media by expanding its focus to media in formal education, notably school textbooks and curricula. These two particular media formats lastingly shape younger generations and thus the future. The proposed volume adopts global perspectives from three postcolonial countries that are often beyond the scope of studies dealing with populist discourses and media entanglements - insights that contribute new aspects to international scholarly debates.

National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs), defined by the UN as bodies established to promote and protect human rights, have increased in number since the General Assembly adopted principles governing their effectiveness in 1993. The UN and others have encouraged states to set up such institutions as an indication of their commitment to human rights, and now over 20 such institutions exist in Africa and many more will follow. These institutions have taken various forms including ombudsmen, commissions, or a combination of the two. They differ in terms of how they are established; some by constitution, some by legislation and some by decree. These NHRIs have varying functions, usually both promotional and protective, such as giving advice to government, parliament, and others, making recommendations on compliance with human rights standards, awareness raising, and analysis of law and policy. Despite the considerable variations in the method of their creation, powers and composition, most of these institutions have chosen or indeed been mandated, to become involved in international and regional fora. This book examines these institutions in the African region, the way in which they use the international and regional fora, the effectiveness of their contributions and how they are able to participate.

European studies frequently regard the economic and social dimensions of EU integration as diametrically opposed, maintaining that this state of affairs is beyond change. This edited collection challenges this perceived wisdom, focusing on the post-Lisbon constitutional landscape. Taking the multi-layered polity that is Europe today as its central organising theme, it examines how the social and the economic might be reconciled under the Union's different forms of governance. The collection has a clear structure, opening with a theoretical appraisal of its theme, before considering three specific policy fields: migration policy and civic integration, company law and corporate social responsibility and the role of third sector providers in public healthcare. It concludes with three case studies in these fields, illustrating how the argument can be practically applied. Insightful and topical, with a unique interdisciplinary perspective, this is an important contribution to European Union law after the Lisbon Treaty.

Research on evaluation shows that low-use and non-use of evaluation is common, yet evaluation is hailed as beneficial and worthwhile. The worth of evaluation is tied to its utilisation, presenting a paradox if evaluation is both revered and underutilised. This book investigates this paradox in the under-researched context of small development non-profit organisations, which have specific resource constraints and 'bottom up' community development values that complicate their ability to do and use evaluation in line with top down directives. The book examines the utility, meaningfulness, and purpose of evaluation from small non-profit perspectives, and explores whether evaluation has value for these organisations. For development practice, it presents evaluative alternatives that reconceptualise evaluation as part of the active process of development rather than as an interval-based add-on. For evaluation theory, it highlights a historical preoccupation with improving evaluation without assessing its inherent worth, and considers alternative ways to enhance the value of evaluation for small non-profits.

"Even after years of receiving considerable foreign aid, Haiti remains an impoverished, tremendously fragile state. Over a span of ten years, the United States spent over $4 billion in aid to Haiti, yet the average Haitian still has to survive on one dollar a day. Why has assistance been so ineffectual, and what can we learn from Haiti's plight about foreign aid in general? Haiti in the Balance tackles those questions by analyzing nearly twenty years of Haitian history, politics, and foreign relations. Terry Buss and his colleagues at the National Academy on Public Administration found a general failure to reinforce the capacity of institutions at all levels of Haitian government. Building up that system of institutions appears to be a necessary precursor to a nation using foreign aid in the most effective manner. Such an effort demands improved security, a more professional (and less corrupt) bureaucracy, and eventually decentralization and perhaps even some privatization. Different levels of government must be willing to learn how best to work with one another: according to Buss, ""Haitian governments seemed consumed by politics, rather than good governance."" People still matter, and so does administration. Until we learn that lesson, even the most generous foreign aid will not fulfill its intent. "