The Darfur conflict has presented the international community with a number of challenges. How can the fighting be stopped in Darfur? What can be done to save lives and help the two million people displaced by the conflict? And how to help bring about peace, while ensuring that the peace agreement for the Second Sudanese Civil War (1983 - 2005) is implemented? Drawing on original research, and tracing the history of international responses to the conflicts in Sudan, Richard Barltrop investigates what has determined the outcomes of international mediation and relief in Sudan. In the process, he shows that Darfur must be seen within the wider context of conflict in Sudan, and that lessons should be drawn both for Sudan and for the effective practice of conflict resolution.

To deal with the climate crisis we need a new paradigm of technological and social development aimed at the restoration of ecological systems-the bio-digital energy paradigm-and China is the world power best positioned to lead this change. The climate and energy crisis requires a strong state to change the direction, speed, and scale of innovation in world capitalism. There are only a few possible contenders for catalyzing this governance of survival: China, the European Union, India, and the United States. While China is an improbable leader-and in fact the world's biggest emitter of greenhouse gasses-Peter Drahos explains in Survival Governance why this authoritarian state is actually more likely to implement systemic change swiftly and effectively than any other power. Drawing on more than 250 interviews, carried out in 17 countries-including the world's four largest carbon emitters-Drahos shows what China is doing to make its vast urban network sustainable and why all states must work toward a "bio-digital energy paradigm" based on a globalized, city-based network of innovation. As Drahos explains, America is incapable of reducing the power of its fossil fuel industry. For its part, the European Union's approach is too incremental and slowed by complex internal negotiations to address a crisis that demands a rapid response. India's capacity to be a global leader on energy innovation is questionable. To be sure, China faces hurdles too. Its coal-based industrial system is enormous, and the US, worried about losing technological superiority, is trying to slow China's development. Even so, China is currently urbanizing innovation on a historically unprecedented scale, building eco-cities, hydrogen cities, forest cities, and sponge cities (designed to cope with flooding). This has the potential to move cities into a new relationship with their surrounding ecosystems. China-given the size of its economy and the central government's ability to dictate thoroughgoing policy change-is, despite all of its flaws, presently our best hope for implementing the sort of policy overhaul that can begin to slow climate change.

This book analyzes the state of global governance in the current geopolitical environment. It evaluates the main challenges and discusses potential opportunities for compromise in international cooperation. The book's analysis is based on the universal criteria of global political stability and the UN framework of sustainable development. By examining various global problems, including global economic inequality, legal and political aspects of access to resources, international trade, and climate change, as well as the attendant global economic and political confrontations between key global actors, the book identifies a growing crisis and the pressing need to transform the current system of global governance. In turn, it discusses various instruments, measures and international regulation mechanisms that can foster international cooperation in order to overcome global problems. Addressing a broad range of topics, e.g. the international environmental regime, global financial problems, issues in connection with the energy transition, and the role of BRICS countries in global governance, the book will appeal to scholars in international relations, economics and law, as well as policy-makers in government offices and international organizations.

A revealing exploration of nation-building around the world and its related problems and challenges-from conflict to the role of democracy. Nation-Building: A Reference Handbook offers an in-depth examination of the nation-building process with special focus on the late 20th century to the present. U.S. national security expert Cynthia Watson explores economic, political, and social aspects of nation-building and provides unique insight into hot issues and fundamental concerns. Presenting nation-building from many perspectives, Watson discusses states such as Iraq, Afghanistan, the Balkan countries, and East Timor, among others. She illustrates the challenges of rebuilding a country's infrastructure as well as unanticipated problems. The work provides a thorough treatment of the role that democracy plays in the nation-building process and illuminates the position of the United States juxtaposed with UN peacekeeping efforts. This one-of-a-kind reference work is complete with primary source documents, biographical sketches, and resource suggestions. Chronology of the dramatic history of nation-building, covering key developments such as the aftermath of military operations in Afghanistan and the rebuilding of Iraq Biographical profiles of significant individuals who have had a positive or negative impact on nation-building, including Hamid Karzai and Osama bin Laden

Now, more than ever, we need to avoid nostalgia in thinking about the Good War. This collection of essays reveals some of the challenges that Americans' commitment to the rule of law faced during the Second World War. As a total war, World War II required an unprecedented mobilization of society and growth of the federal government. The American state survived as a government of laws, not men, but in a very different form than its prewar counterpart. Using examples from the war era, this study demonstrates that major wars can imperil and transform one of our most deeply held values, the notion that public officials are constructed by law.

As a result of total war, the political landscape changed, and, with it, Americans' notions of what law could do. Supreme Court justices endangered their reputation as being above politics through their behind-the-scenes relations with FDR, and in several important constitutional decisions they relinquished the judicial supremacy that many Americans had considered a crucial safeguard of freedom. The national government's power to tax was dramatically expanded in ways that left tax resistors looking like cranks rather than freedom fighters. When New Dealers tried to realize the potential of law as a vehicle of social organization, they fell prey to conservative rivals in the federal bureaucracy and Congress, but this defeat did nothing to slow the overall expansion of the administrative state, which continued under the formal oversight of the federal judiciary.

The perceived impact of WTO law on the domestic regulatory autonomy of WTO Members is increasingly becoming the subject of controversy and debate. This book brings together in an integrated analytical framework the main WTO parameters defining the interface between the WTO and domestic legal orders, and examines how WTO adjudicators, i.e. panels and the Appellate Body, have construed those rules. A critical analysis identifies the flaws or weaknesses of these quasi-judicial solutions and their potential consequences for Members' regulatory autonomy. In an attempt to identify a more proper balance between WTO law and regulatory autonomy, it develops an innovative interpretation of the National Treatment obligations in GATT and GATS, drawing upon compelling arguments from legal, logic and economic theory.

Australia's relationship with Indonesia is one of its most important and contentious bilateral relationships, characterized by sharply differing social and cultural mores and by periodic crises and mutual distrust, but also by significant person-to-person contacts in many fields. Recent developments, including the tsunami tragedy, the policies of a new Indonesian president and the Corby affair, have demonstrated both the best and the worst in the relationship. The Corby affair revealed high levels of ignorance and prejudice about Indonesia in some quarters in Australia. On the other hand, the tsunami that wrecked Indonesia's Aceh province led to an outpouring of sympathy and support from Australia. Following President Yudhoyono's visit to Australia in early 2005, official relations, though fragile, were better than they had been for many years. Australia's management of its most important regional relationship also has implications for its relations with other countries in the region, through issues such as Australia's presence and role in regional organizations, and policy responses to the rise of China. This book examines the wide range of factors and approaches that are involved in meeting the bilateral and regional challenges, including government links, public images and mutual perceptions, regional organizations, the role of Islam, the aid relationship, security and counterterrorism, economic and business relations, and the student market. The articles by the authors in this book reflect a complex, many-sided relationship that is not susceptible to simplistic formulas or stereotypes. Contributors include former Australian ambassador to Indonesia Richard Woolcott; former Indonesianambassador to Australia S. Wiryono; Noke Kiroyan, president of the Indonesia-Australia Business Council; K. Kesavapany, director of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies; Paul Kelly of The Australian newspaper; Scott Dawson of the Australia-Indonesia Partnership for Reconstruction and Development; Hugh White and Jamie Mackie of the Australian National University; and David Reeve of the University of New South Wales.

The Moral Dilemmas of Fighting Terrorism and Guerrilla Groups discusses the most important ethical dilemmas associated with the fight against terrorist organizations and guerilla groups by providing readers with a rigorous, yet accessible analysis of how these forms of violence can be justified and how they ought to be fought by entities targeted by groups resorting to these strategies. It will be valuable to anyone interested in understanding the main ethical questions associated with these forms of political violence and the way they can be addressed. After providing conceptual clarifications that will allow the reader to distinguish between terrorism and guerrilla warfare, it explains and discusses what the criteria are that can justify resorting to lethal violence on the part of the latter group as well as the criteria that can determine the identity of those who can legitimately be targeted by these groups. The book analyzes when terrorists ought to be targeted and how this can be done, focusing on the inherent problems associated with the solutions that are normally used against state actors in order to prevent attacks on their part, namely what can be coined as "non-violent alternatives to war", such as economic or diplomatic sanctions, arm embargoes and non-violent resistance and, on the other hand, preemptive attacks.

The essays which appear in this volume have been written to pay tribute to the Hon Mr Justice Nial Fennelly, judge of the Supreme Court of Ireland and former Advocate General at the European Court of Justice, on the occasion of his retirement. The overall theme of the book is the relationship between European Union law and national law, and the role of courts in defining that relationship. The book consists of four main parts - the structure and functioning of the European Court of Justice, material issues of European Union law, aspects of Irish law and transversal issues of national and European law. The contributors are all past and present members of the European bench, members or former members of the Irish judiciary or Bar and/or experts in European Union law, many of whom have worked with Mr Justice Fennelly during his long and distinguished career at the Bar and on the bench.

Sabic, Bukowski, and their contributors examine the efforts, thus far fruitless. of Slovenia to achieve full membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The rejection of the Slovenian application received considerable attention, both in Europe and in the United States. Within Slovenia, the rejection was seen as a heavy blow to its government. Policymakers and scholars alike have been sorting out the reasons for this political defeat, with the Slovenian government sponsoring this volume to better understand its options and the positions of other small states in the international community.

Early in the post-socialist era, Slovenia viewed full North Atlantic Treaty Organization membership as one of its major political goals. Yet, this goal has not yet been accomplished, with only the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland admitted during the first round of NATO enlargement. The rejection of the Slovenian application received considerable attention, both in Europe and in the United States. Furthermore, the fact that Slovenia did not qualify for the first round of NATO expansion has been perceived in Slovenia as a heavy blow to its government. Policymakers and scholars alike are still sorting out the reasons for this political defeat.

Developmentalist Cities addresses the missing urban story in research on East Asian developmentalism and the missing developmentalist story in studies of East Asian urbanization. It does so by promoting inter-disciplinary research into the subject of urban developmentalism: a term that editors Jamie Doucette and Bae-Gyoon Park use to highlight the particular nature of the urban as a site of and for developmentalist intervention. The contributors to this volume deepen this concept by examining the legacy of how Cold War and post-Cold War geopolitical economy, spaces of exception (from special zones to industrial districts), and diverse forms of expertise have helped produce urban space in East Asia. Contributors: Carolyn Cartier, Christina Kim Chilcote, Young Jin Choi, Jamie Doucette, Eli Friedman, Jim Glassman, Heidi Gottfried, Laam Hae, Jinn-yuh Hsu, Iam Chong Ip, Jin-Bum Jang, Soo-Hyun Kim, Jana M. Kleibert, Kah Wee Lee, Seung-Ook Lee, Christina Moon, Bae-Gyoon Park, Hyun Bang Shin.

Since the 1993 Oslo Accords, the Occupied Palestinian Territory has been the subject of extensive international peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts coordinated by Western donor states and international finance institutions. Despite their failure to yield peace or Palestinian statehood, the role of these organisations in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is generally overlooked owing to their depiction as tertiary actors engaged in technical missions. In Palestine Ltd., Toufic Haddad explores how neoliberal frameworks have shaped and informed the common understandings of international, Israeli and Palestinian interactions throughout the Oslo peace process. Drawing upon more than 20 years of policy literature, field-based interviews and recently declassified or leaked documents, he details how these frameworks have led to struggles over influencing Palestinian political and economic behaviour, and attempts to mould the class character of Palestinian society and its leadership. A dystopian vision of Palestine emerges as the by-product of this complex asymmetrical interaction, where nationalism, neo-colonialism and `disaster capitalism' both intersect and diverge. This book is essential for students and scholars interested in Middle East Studies, Arab-Israeli politics and international development.

In "Containing Russia's Nuclear Firebirds," Glenn E. Schweitzer explores the life and legacy of the International Science and Technology Center in Moscow. He makes the case that the center's unique programs can serve as models for promoting responsible science in many countries of the world.
Never before have scientists encountered technology with the potential for such huge impacts on the global community, both positive and negative. For nearly two decades following the Soviet Union's breakup into independent states, the ISTC has provided opportunities for underemployed Russian weapon scientists to redirect their talents toward civilian research. The center has championed the role of science in determining the future of civilization and has influenced nonproliferation policies of Russia and other states in the region. Most important, the center has demonstrated that modest investments can encourage scientists of many backgrounds to shun greed and violence and to take leading roles in steering the planet toward prosperity and peace.
Schweitzer contends that the United States and other western and Asian countries failed to recognize the importance, over time, of modifying their donor-recipient approach to dealing with Russia. In April 2010 the Russian government announced that it would withdraw from the ISTC agreement. After expenditures exceeding one billion dollars, the ISTC's Moscow Science Center will soon close its doors, leaving a legacy that has benefited Russian society as well as partners from thirty-eight countries. Schweitzer argues that a broader and more sustained movement is now needed to help prevent irresponsible behavior by dissatisfied or misguided scientists and their patrons.

In a period when the nature and scope of the European internal market is hotly contested, this collection offers a topical analysis of the most pressing issues relating to market integration and public services in the EU. As the debate continues over the balance between state control and market freedom, questions are also raised about the relationship between EU regulation and national policy choices and the 'joint responsibility' of the Union and the Member States.
Outlining the most important current issues relating to market integration and public services in the EU, Market Integration and Public Services in the European Union also addresses the underlying, systemic questions of the relation between public services and markets, and services and the consumer. Chapters also examine the application of state aids and procurement law to public services. The final two chapters focus on two public service sectors where the mix of Treaty rules, case law, and legislation has operated in rather different ways: public service media and health services

Since the end of the Cold War, United Nations peace operations have become an established and prominent feature of world politics. From Liberia to East Timor, the UN now carries out extensive governance-related functions and is a significant political force in Southern states and societies. Here Richard Al-Qaq leads us to a radical new understanding of the UN and its role in international politics. He uncovers the political and socio-economic import of such "peace" activities for subject societies, and raises important questions about the functioning and dynamics of the global political order. A critical view of the internal process of programmatic reform within the UN is elaborated by detailed studies of the politics of UN peace operations in three seminal cases of the 1990s, in Somalia, Rwanda and Angola. This book is essential for understanding the new role of the UN, especially in Africa, and the politics of so-called humanitarian intervention and peace-building.

China has traditionally viewed her frontier regions--Zxinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia and Yunnan--as buffer zones. Yet their importance as commercial and cosmopolitan hubs, intimately involved in the transmission of goods, peoples and ideas between China and it west and southwest has meant they are crucial for China's ongoing development. The resurgence of China under Deng Xiaoping's policy of 'reform and opening' has therefore led to a focus on integrating these regions into the PRC (People's Republic of China). This has important implications not only for the frontier regions themselves but also for the neighbouring states, with which they have strong cultural, religious, linguistic and economic ties. China's Frontier Regions explores the challenges presented by this integrationist policy, both for domestic relations and for diplomatic and foreign policy relations with the countries abutting their frontier regions.

Refugees lie at the heart of world politics. The causes and consequences of, and responses to, human displacement are intertwined with many of the core concerns of International Relations. Yet, scholars of International Relations have generally bypassed the study of refugees, and Forced Migration Studies has generally bypassed insights from International Relations. This volume therefore represents an attempt to bridge the divide between these disciplines, and to place refugees within the mainstream of International Relations. Drawing together the work and ideas of a combination of the world's leading and emerging International Relations scholars, the volume considers what ideas from International Relations can offer our understanding of the international politics of forced migration. The insights draw from across the theoretical spectrum of International Relations from realism to critical theory to feminism, covering issues including international cooperation, security, and the international political economy. They engage with some of the most challenging political and practical questions in contemporary forced migration, including peacebuilding, post-conflict reconstruction, and statebuilding. The result is a set of highly original chapters, yielding not only new concepts of wider relevance to International Relations but also insights for academics, policy-makers, and practitioners working on forced migration in particular and humanitarianism in general.

Propaganda, Gender, and Cultural Power: Projections and Perceptions of France in Britain c1880-1944 analyses the powerful motivations that fuelled members of civil society, and in particular women, to dedicate their resources in the pursuit of improving the image of France in Britain through cultural strategies. By tracing the origins and development of this new diplomatic method, Faucher reveals how French citizens, British Francophiles, and eventually the French state, promoted French culture in Britain. At the same time, it discusses interwar gender-based discrimination in the field of cultural diplomacy; wartime catalysts for change - in particular the arrival of child refugees and the introduction of new propaganda methods in the French and British diplomatic spheres; and the political contests over ownership of cultural production. By studying the projections and perceptions of France in Britain, Faucher also paints a new picture of cultural cosmopolitanism in Britain.