What should businesses consider in preparing for terrorist attacks, natural disasters, pandemic illnesses and other emergencies? What steps can a business take to ensure continuity during and after a crisis? What can we learn from past success? This edited collection provides responses to these and other questions from prominent business executives and academics, drawn from their personal experiences with such crises as the terrorist attacks of 9/11, Hurricane Katrina, and the Asian tsunami. Their analyses prove a major step forward in the emerging academic and professional field of homeland security. In this first volume, The Challenge of the New Age, the contributors- noted authorities in security and risk management, technology, public health, political science and business - look at specific ways disasters can impact businesses, both in the short and long term. They recount their experiences with terrorist attacks and natural disasters, and explore the potential impact of other hazards, such as a biological event or pandemic. Intended for business practitioners, real world operators, students and faculty, government leaders, and their libraries, the book demonstrates with historical examples the connectivity between threats, hazards, policies, jurisdictions, information, technology, leadership, and considerations of profit and loss. Those who want to benefit from best practices while avoiding mistakes of the past will find this an excellent place to start. Contributors: D. Alexander, F. Burton, B. Eggers, E. Gursky, W.I. Hancock, J. Jackson, P.B. Kurtz, P. Leitner, K. Lindsey, D.H. McIntyre, G. McNeal, M. Minor, G. Pellegrino, N. Saiff, G. Selig, K. Senser, C. Shays, G. Williams, D. Wyss

Rethinking and revising the established knowledge and practice of conflict resolution and management, this innovative book brings together complementary perspectives to consider novel approaches to resolving conflict after the collapse of the World Order. Examining the current system of world disorder, the authors identify ways of operating constructively and navigating conflict in order to better manage and resolve it. Analysing conventional and hybrid conflict at both international and internal state level, they look to transform current scholarship on conflict resolution and management in international relations. Chapters rethink mediation; power in peace-making; prevention of escalation; governance, protest and revolt; inclusion and representation; and the individual as subject and object in conflict resolution and management. Paving the way for future research in the field, the book outlines the need to learn how to operate within the present world disorder in order to prevent the descent into entropy. By awakening realistic creativity and examining present characteristics and future possibilities, the book develops a more positive evolution which can reinstitute an effective new system of World Order. Both prescriptive and analytical in approach, this insightful book will prove vital to students and scholars of international relations, political science and public policy, alongside policy makers looking to rethink their conflict resolution and management methods.

International Organizations play a pivotal role on the modern global stage and have done, this book argues, since the beginning of the 20th century. This volume offers the first historical exploration into the formative years of international public administrations, covering the birth of the League of Nations and the emergence of the second generation that still shape international politics today such as the UN, NATO and OECD. Centring on Europe, where the multilaterization of international relations played out more intensely in the mid-20th century than in other parts of the world, it demonstrates a broad range of historiographical and methodological approaches to institutions in international history. The book argues that after several 'turns' (cultural, linguistic, material, transnational), international history is now better equipped to restate its core questions of policy and power with a view to their institutional dimensions. Making use of new approaches in the field, this book develops an understanding of the specific powers and roles of IO-administrations by delving into their institutional make-up.

The term the Cold War has had many meanings and interpretations since it was originally coined and has been used to analyse everything from comics to pro-natalist policies, and science fiction to gender politics. This range has great value, but also poses problems, notably by diluting the focus on war of a certain type, and by exacerbating a lack of precision in definition and analysis. The Cold War: A Military History is the first survey of the period to focus on the diplomatic and military confrontation and conflict. Jeremy Black begins his overview in 1917 and covers the 'long Cold War', from the 7th November Revolution to the ongoing repercussions and reverberations of the conflict today. The book is forward-looking as well as retrospective, not least in encouraging us to reflect on how much the character of the present world owes to the Cold War. The result is a detailed survey that will be invaluable to students and scholars of military and international history.

South Africa is the most industrialized power in Africa. It was rated the continent's largest economy in 2016 and is the only African member of the G20. It is also the only strategic partner of the EU in Africa. Yet despite being so strategically and economically significant, there is little scholarship that focuses on South Africa as a regional hegemon. This book provides the first comprehensive assessment of South Africa's post-Apartheid foreign policy. Over its 23 chapters - -and with contributions from established Africa, Western, Asian and American scholars, as well as diplomats and analysts - the book examines the current pattern of the country's foreign relations in impressive detail. The geographic and thematic coverage is extensive, including chapters on: the domestic imperatives of South Africa's foreign policy; peace-making; defence and security; bilateral relations in Southern, Central, West, Eastern and North Africa; bilateral relations with the US, China, Britain, France and Japan; the country's key external multilateral relations with the UN; the BRICS economic grouping; the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group (ACP); as well as the EU and the World Trade Organization (WTO). An essential resource for researchers, the book will be relevant to the fields of area studies, foreign policy, history, international relations, international law, security studies, political economy and development studies.

The publication of this collection of essays on the current crisis concerning Iraq will not be welcomed by the United States government. Although the authors - a group of German and American scholars, who are moral theologicans, policy analysts, political scientists, and a Middle East historian - write from divergent backgrounds and perspectives, all finally concur, sometimes for different reasons, in rejecting the arguments of the Bush administration in favor of unilateral U.S. military action against Iraq. These essays are uniformly free of the intemperate language and careless argumentation that characterizes some of the opposition to American policy inside and outside the United States, and is therefore easy to dismiss. Whether the authors address either the threat Saddam Hussein represents to his reagon and the world or the prospects for alternative strategies, the reasoning is generally wellinformed, sensitive to complexity, and attentive to detail. The book will help to confirm and strengthen the growing 'thoughful opposition' in the United States and abroad to the Bush policies, and as such deserves to be taken very seriously.

Scholars from Japan and a range of other countries explore in this book the still-unfinished effort to achieve the reconciliation of old enmities left over from past wars in East Asia. They present concrete policy proposals for a 'grand design' of peace based on the Japanese concept of 'kyosei', a word roughly translated as 'conviviality'. A positive peace through kyosei means not only the absence of violence, but also the amelioration of past injustices, exploitation and oppression. The diversity of disciplines represented in the volume-international law and politics, history, philosophy and theology - enrich the contributors' search for an intellectually appropriate, practically transformative and viable grand theory of peace in the twenty-first century. Chapters address issues such as security in North-South conflict situations, foreign policy strategies for Japan, the perspective of comparative religions, and current skepticism for the possibility of peace and reconciliation. These insightful and compelling analyses will be of great interest to students and researchers of East Asia and the politics of peace in general.

Best known to Americans as the ""singing cowboy,"" beloved entertainer Gene Autry (1907-1998) appeared in countless films, radio broadcasts, television shows, and other venues. While Autry's name and a few of his hit songs are still widely known today, his commitment to political causes and public diplomacy deserves greater appreciation. In this innovative examination of Autry's influence on public opinion, Michael Duchemin explores the various platforms this cowboy crooner used to support important causes, notably Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and foreign policy initiatives leading up to World War II. As a prolific performer of western folk songs and country-western music, Autry gained popularity in the 1930s by developing a persona that appealed to rural, small-town, and newly urban fans. It was during this same time, Duchemin explains, that Autry threw his support behind the thirty-second president of the United States. Drawing on a wealth of primary sources, Duchemin demonstrates how Autry popularized Roosevelt's New Deal policies and made them more attractive to the American public. In turn, the president used the emerging motion picture industry as an instrument of public diplomacy to enhance his policy agendas, which Autry's films, backed by Republic Pictures, unabashedly endorsed. As the United States inched toward entry into World War II, the president's focus shifted toward foreign policy. Autry responded by promoting Americanism, war preparedness, and friendly relations with Latin America. As a result, Duchemin argues, ""Sergeant Gene Autry"" played a unique role in making FDR's internationalist policies more palatable for American citizens reluctant to engage in another foreign war. New Deal Cowboy enhances our understanding of Gene Autry as a western folk hero who, during critical times of economic recovery and international crisis, readily assumed the role of public diplomat, skillfully using his talents to persuade a marginalized populace to embrace a nationalist agenda. By drawing connections between western popular culture and American political history, the book also offers valuable insight concerning the development of leisure and western tourism, the information industry, public diplomacy, and foreign policy in twentieth-century America.

This book provides an in-depth look into key political dynamics that obtain in a democracy without parties, offering a window into political undercurrents increasingly in evidence throughout the Latin American region, where political parties are withering. For the past three decades, Peru has showcased a political universe populated by amateur politicians and the dominance of personalism as the main party-voter linkage form. The study peruses the post-2000 evolution of some of the key Peruvian electoral vehicles and classifies the partisan universe as a party non-system. There are several elements endogenous to personalist electoral vehicles that perpetuate partylessness, contributing to the absence of party building. The book also examines electoral dynamics in partyless settings, centrally shaped by effective electoral supply, personal brands, contingency, and iterated rounds of strategic voting calculi. Given the scarcity of information electoral vehicles provide, as well as the enormously complex political environment Peruvian citizens inhabit, personal brands provide readymade informational shortcuts that simplify the political world. The concept of "negative legitimacy environments" is furnished to capture political settings comprised of supermajorities of floating voters, pervasive negative political identities, and a generic citizen preference for newcomers and political outsiders. Such environments, increasingly present throughout Latin America, produce several deleterious effects, including high political uncertainty, incumbency disadvantage, and political time compression. Peru's "democracy without parties" fails to deliver essential democratic functions including governability, responsiveness, horizontal and vertical accountability, or democratic representation, among others.

The 1970s were a decade of historic American energy crises - major interruptions in oil supplies from the Middle East, the country's most dangerous nuclear accident, and chronic shortages of natural gas. In Energy Crises, Jay Hakes brings his expertise in energy and presidential history to bear on the questions of why these crises occurred, how different choices might have prevented or ameliorated them, and what they have meant for the half-century since - and likely the half-century ahead. Hakes deftly intertwines the domestic and international aspects of the long-misunderstood fuel shortages that still affect our lives today. This approach, drawing on previously unavailable and inaccessible records, affords an insider's view of decision-making by three U.S. presidents, the influence of their sometimes-combative aides, and their often tortuous relations with the rulers of Iran and Saudi Arabia. Hakes skillfully dissects inept federal attempts to regulate oil prices and allocation, but also identifies the decade's more positive legacies - from the nation's first massive commitment to the development of alternative energy sources other than nuclear power, to the initial movement toward a less polluting, more efficient energy economy. The 1970s brought about a tectonic shift in the world of energy. Tracing these consequences to their origins in policy and practice, Hakes makes their lessons available at a critical moment - as the nation faces the challenge of climate change resulting from the burning of fossil fuels.

This book analyses the growing relationships among India, the United States and Japan in the Indo-Pacific region, which can broadly be defined as the space encompassing both the Indian and the Pacific Oceans, though different nations have their competing visions of its extent. While on the one hand we have an ascendant China in all respects, at the same time, the US has continued interests in maintaining its leadership role in the region and beyond. Washington appears to employ a hub-and-spoke model where its most important ally in the region, Japan, fits in perfectly as a point from which to connect to the rest of the region. However, the critical role will be that of India, which is not an American ally but is key to many American plans in the region. Will India cooperate?By examining the rapidly-evolving relations among the three countries, this book explores India's position in this region. Crucially, this book will analyse how the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic will upset power relations in the region. It is suitable reading for advanced undergraduate and graduate students, researchers, and practitioners in the fields of international relations, politics, security studies, political science, and geopolitics.

This book addresses memory politics and their evolution as an academic discipline, including memory studies. It explores national and international debates about conflicting interpretations of the recent past, including WWII remembering, the annexation of Ukraine, the reformed history teaching in Putin's Russia, Historikerstreit and the holocaust in Germany, and the legacy and role of nuclear weapons in international relations in the USA in the context of the so called New Cold War.

This book explores the interdependences of economic globalization, political tensions, and national policymaking whilst analysing opportunities for governance reform at both national and international levels. It considers how governance mechanisms can be fashioned in order to both exploit the opportunities of globalization and cope with the numerous potential conflicts and risks. The authors adopt a multidisciplinary approach based on various theories from economics, political science, sociology and law to provide new insights into globalization processes, their causes and effects and to further develop the understanding of, and interaction between globalization and governance. They underline the need to design innovative governance structures at national, regional, and global levels ? an unalterable precondition to overcome political, cultural, and distributional conflicts in a globalizing world. In conclusion, the book prescribes development strategies to successfully manage and overcome the political, cultural and distributional conflicts arising in a globalizing world.Highlighting the successes and failures of globalization, this challenging book will be warmly welcomed by scholars and researchers in various fields of economics including development economics, institutional economics, political economy, and the economics of transition. Those with an interest in regulation and governance, including policymakers and professionals in non-governmental organizations and development agencies will also find the book to be an invaluable tool.

A rising interdependence among the members of international society and of global civil society has led to an increasing demand for governance without government. The new regulatory mode is characterized as a 'soft law' framework. The contributors to this book define soft law in terms of legally non-binding rules, such as recommendations, codes of conduct and declarations, though they acknowledge the difficulty sometimes faced in differentiating between hard and soft law, whose boundaries are, in practice, often blurred. Focussing largely on the European experience, the book shows how soft law in the EU has become an important regulatory tool in traditional policy areas, like state aid, and in new policy areas, especially within EU's employment policy. It also extends the analysis to the international stage, arguing that international institutions, such as the OECD, the UN, the IMF and the World Bank, have for decades used soft law as a means, indeed their only means, of regulating international agreements. Comparisons between the two arenas are then drawn and indicate very different roles for soft law. This book will appeal to scholars of European law and politics as well as those involved with or interested in the policy implications of this mode of governance.

Bridging the Prosperity Gap in the EU addresses the great social challenge currently facing the European Union. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, the authors invaluably pinpoint both overarching problems and possibilities associated with the social dimension of European integration. Prominent researchers of economics, law and political science tackle this complex issue, providing new solutions within their respective fields of expertise. The chapters cover crucial policy challenges and analyse fundamental mechanisms that limit, or otherwise affect, the evolution of a European social dimension. These insights clarify the far-reaching measures that will be needed to gradually restore the balance between market integration and social protection across the European Union. Illustrating the importance of cohesion, this book is vital for those interested in comparative European studies, from backgrounds in public and social policy, law and economics. Contributors include: U. Bernitz, N. Charron, A.-C. Jungar, A.-S. Lind, M. Ljunge, L. Magnusson, M. Martensson, S. Murhem, P. Nyman, L. Oxelheim, J. Paju, T. Persson, B. Rothstein, J. Ruist, J.J. Votinius

This handbook is a concise guide for all those who aim at obtaining a basic knowledge of European tax law. Designed for students, it should also be useful for experienced international tax specialists with little knowledge of European law, European law specialists who are reluctant to approach the technicalities of direct taxation and non-Europeans who deal with Europe for business or academic reasons and need to understand the foundations of European tax law. This book should also help academics without a legal background to approach the technical issues raised by European Union tax law. This edition contains selected relevant information available as of 30 June 2022. It retains all of the features and tools contained in the previous editions (including the final charts, which our readers very much appreciate). In this edition we have also included a list of relevant documents and a selection of reference textbooks on European tax law in five languages, which we found of potential interest to our readers.

This book explores Mexico's foreign policy using the 'principled pragmatism' approach. It describes and explains main external actions from the country's independence in the nineteenth century to Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador's administration. The principal argument is that Mexico has resorted to principled pragmatism due to geographic, historical, economic, security, and political reasons. In other words, the nation uses this instrument to deal with the United States, defend national interests, appease domestic groups, and promote economic growth. The key characteristics of Mexico's principled pragmatism in foreign policy are that the nation projects a double-edged diplomacy to cope with external and domestic challenges at the same time. This policy is mainly for domestic consumption, and it is also linked to the type of actors that are involved in the decision-making process and to the kind of topics included in the agenda. This principled pragmatism is related to the nature of the intention: principism is deliberate and pragmatism is forced; and this policy is used to increase Mexico's international bargaining power.