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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations
This book looks at some of the major themes concerning governance
in the EU, namely the focus on market-friendly regulations, output
legitimacy and how the requirement of efficiency is combined with
the requirement of democratic accountability. The dilemma between
efficiency and democratic accountability is analysed in three cases
of close collaboration between public and private actors: the
European satellite navigation programme (Galileo), the European
Investment Bank and health policies, and the European financial
market - especially the banking sector. The background to this
interest in the dilemma between efficiency and democratic
accountability is that this is a time when the borders between the
public and private spheres are being re-evaluated, transferred and
becoming more porous. The author makes a compelling case to show
that authority is being shared between public and private actors,
rather than power being delegated - inn contrast with the apparent
mode of democratic accountability. European Public-Private
Collaboration will be warmly welcomed by postgraduate students and
researchers of European studies and public policy.
With its comprehensive coverage of political and security matters,
human rights issues, economic and social questions, legal issues,
and institutional, administrative and budgetary matters, the
Yearbook of the United Nations is the most authoritative reference
work available on the activities and concerns of the Organization.
Fully indexed, the Yearbook includes the texts of all major General
Assembly, Security Council and Economic and Social Council
resolutions and decisions. This latest volume, the sixty-second,
highlights the attention given by the United Nations in 2008 to
conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Georgian
province of Abkhazia, and the Sudan, along with the challenges
posed by the global food security crisis, severe economic
recession, climate change, natural disasters, piracy and terrorism.
This volume analyzes international agreements from a political
economy perspective. In four essays, it raises the question of
whether domestic institutions help explain if countries join
international agreements, and in case they do, what type of
international organization they join. The book examines how
specific democratic design elements channel and mediate domestic
demands directed at politicians, and how under certain
circumstances entering international agreements helps politicians
navigate these demands to their benefit. The volume also
distinguishes between different types of international instruments
with a varying expected constraining effect upon member states, and
empirically tests if this matters for incentives to join. The
volume addresses scholars, students, and practitioners interested
in a better understanding of how the shape of domestic institutions
affects politicians' incentives to enter into binding international
agreements.
Nepal has a non-neutral history. As an imperial and expansionist
power in the Himalayas from the days of its unification in 1769 AD
to the Anglo-Nepal war of 1815, Nepal never remained neutral. Also,
during the period of Colonialism in South Asia, and particularly
after losing the war with the British in 1816, Nepal never
exercised the policy of neutrality. Rather, Nepal was raiding
Tibet; assisting British India in Sepoy Mutiny; and stood by
Britain in the two world wars. Besides, Nepal militarily backed
independent India in 1948 over Hyderabad question. But why Nepal
suddenly had to take a refuge in neutrality after the political
change of 1950? Was it because of Nepal's internal politics, or an
attempt to cope with new arrangements in regional security? Nepal's
fascination with neutrality was so swifter and inadvertent that
Kathmandu, hitherto, has never initiated any policy debates over
the all-weather choice. Power elites in Nepal still misperceive
neutrality as non-alignment. The aim of the book, however, is not
only limited to distinguishing neutrality with non-alignment in the
Nepali context but weighs Nepal's claim to neutrality through the
Indian and Chinese perceptions to underline the presence of
ambiguity and uncertainty in Nepal's claim to neutrality.
Illustrating Nepal's attempt to neutrality as a mere survival
strategy, this study is less hopeful about Nepal's foreign policy
institutions abandoning their Cold War worldview by embracing the
strategy of sustenance in today's interdependent and globalized
world. Because, as the book suggests, power elites in Kathmandu are
customarily lured by the ephemeral yet sporadic geopolitical
ambitions, either through discourses or deeds.
How do countries democratize? What route does the way out of
totalitarianism take? Students of Russian politics have pursued
answers to these questions by surveying Russians on a variety of
attitudes, beliefs, norms, and practices. This book attends to
political discourse to demonstrate how it creates and constraints
political opportunities. It examines an important period of Russian
political history: from Boris Yeltsin's second presidential
election in 1996, when democracy was pronounced victorious, through
its gradual slide toward authoritarian practices during Vladimir
Putin's initial two terms in office, and to the election of his
protege Dmitry Medvedev in 2008. This analysis challenges the
assertions of Russian democracy as doomed by the governing
rationalities of the elites. Likewise, it refutes the notion of
Russians as an apathetic nation in chronic need of a "strong hand."
It argues that if we are to understand how Russia lives, how it
endures, and how it can change, we need to pay attention to the
discourses that shape Russian political identities and the nation's
political future.
This book explores the factors that account for military neutrality
as a security strategy for small states. Through comparing the
cases of Serbia and Sweden, who have both come to define their
security policies in identicial terms of military
neutrality/non-alignment, the book introduces a novel conceptual
framework that is built against existing knowledge found in the
small states and military neutrality literature. Drawing on
different theoretical frameworks, the model explains why certain
small states choose to stay outside of military alliances in the
twenty-first century. The author then applies the new model to the
two selected case studies.
This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open
Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com.
Global health arguably represents the most pressing issues facing
humanity. Trends in international migration and transnational
commerce render state boundaries increasingly porous. Human
activity in one part of the world can lead to health impacts
elsewhere. Animals, viruses and bacteria as well as pandemics and
environmental disasters do not recognize or respect political
borders. It is now widely accepted that a global perspective on the
understanding of threats to health and how to respond to them is
required, but there are many practical problems in establishing
such an approach. This book offers a foundational study of these
urgent and challenging problems, combining critical analysis with
practically focused policy contributions. The contributors span the
fields of ethics, human rights, international relations, law,
philosophy and global politics. They address normative questions
relating to justice, equity and inequality and practical questions
regarding multi-organizational cooperation, global governance and
international relations. Moving from the theoretical to the
practical, Global Health and International Community is an
essential resource for scholars, students, activists and policy
makers across the globe.
Although the concept of international public goods has been
established, new international public needs arise by the day. For
example, while there are many taxation problems and debates that
have not yet been resolved internationally, many new tax-related
problems like international transfer pricing, taxation of virtual
profits, and taxation of electronic commerce are being added. These
issues require studies that will discuss a new agenda and propose
solutions for these dilemmas and problems. Global Challenges in
Public Finance and International Relations provides an innovative
and systematic examination of the present international financial
events and institutions, international financial relations, and
fiscal difficulties and dilemmas in order to discuss solutions for
potential problems in the postmodern world. Highlighting topics
such as international aid, public debt, and corporate governance,
this publication is designed for executives, academicians,
researchers, and students of public finance.
The book reviews globalisation by identifying causes behind the
discontent it has produced in recent years. It variously engages in
economics, political economy, development and policy discourses to
study experiences of countries and institutions in managing and
adjusting to globalisation. Extending the analysis to latest global
developments, including the remarkable advance of technology and
digitalisation, and political and economic upheavals caused by
COVID19, the book collects varied academic perspectives and
reflects on the present as well as future. Comprising chapters
written by distinguished academics and policy experts, the book is
a rare collection of cross-disciplinary objective evaluations of
globalisation.
Any system of government is comprised of several dimensions of
functionality, which must all work in congruence. When any part of
the system is dysfunctional, the government's stability becomes
fractured and societal problems can arise. Political Discourse in
Emergent, Fragile, and Failed Democracies examines the effects of
unstable democratic systems of government in modern society,
providing an imperative analysis on political communications from
such nations. Highlighting real-world examples on the constraints
seen in malfunctioning or emerging governments, this book is a
pivotal reference source for policy makers, researchers,
academicians, and upper-level students interested in politics and
governance.
This book explores Mexico's foreign policy using the 'principled
pragmatism' approach. It describes and explains main external
actions from the country's independence in the nineteenth century
to Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador's administration. The principal
argument is that Mexico has resorted to principled pragmatism due
to geographic, historical, economic, security, and political
reasons. In other words, the nation uses this instrument to deal
with the United States, defend national interests, appease domestic
groups, and promote economic growth. The key characteristics of
Mexico's principled pragmatism in foreign policy are that the
nation projects a double-edged diplomacy to cope with external and
domestic challenges at the same time. This policy is mainly for
domestic consumption, and it is also linked to the type of actors
that are involved in the decision-making process and to the kind of
topics included in the agenda. This principled pragmatism is
related to the nature of the intention: principism is deliberate
and pragmatism is forced; and this policy is used to increase
Mexico's international bargaining power.
This book investigates the legitimacy deficits of two potentially
conflicting legal systems, namely Public and Islamic international
law. It discusses the challenges that Public international law is
being presented within the context of its relationship with Islamic
international law. It explores how best to overcome these
challenges through a comparative examination of state practices on
the use of force. It highlights the legal-political legacies that
evolved surrounding the claims of the legitimacy of use of force by
armed non-state actors, states, and regional organizations. This
book offers a critical analysis of these legacies in line with the
Islamic Shari'a law, United Nations Charter, state practices, and
customs. It concludes that the legitimacy question has reached a
vantage point where it cannot be answered either by Islamic or
Public international law as a mutually exclusive legal system.
Instead, Public international law must take a coherent approach
within the existing legal framework.
Corn Crusade: Khrushchev's Farming Revolution in the Post-Stalin
Soviet Union is the first history of Nikita Khrushchev's venture to
cover the Soviet Union in corn, a crop common globally but hitherto
rare in his country. Lasting from 1953 until 1964, this crusade was
an emblematic component of his efforts to resolve agrarian crises
inherited from Joseph Stalin. Using policies and propaganda to
pressure farms to expand corn plantings tenfold, Khrushchev
expected the resulting bounty to feed not people, but the livestock
necessary to produce the meat and dairy products required to make
good on his frequent pledges that the Soviet Union was soon to
"catch up to and surpass America." This promised to enrich
citizens' hitherto monotonous diets and score a victory in the Cold
War, which was partly recast as a "peaceful competition" between
communism and capitalism. Khrushchev's former comrades derided corn
as one of his "harebrained schemes" when ousting him in October
1964. Echoing them, scholars have ridiculed it as an "irrational
obsession," blaming the failure on climatic conditions. Corn
Crusade brings a more complex and revealing history to light.
Borrowing technologies from the United States, Khrushchev expected
farms in the Soviet Union to increase productivity because he
believed that innovations developed under capitalism promised
greater returns under socialism. These technologies generated
results in many economic, social, and climatic contexts after World
War II but fell short in the Soviet Union. Attempting to make
agriculture more productive and ameliorate exploitative labor
practices established in the 1930s, Khrushchev achieved only
partial reform of rural economic life. Enjoying authority over
formal policy, Khrushchev stood atop an undisciplined hierarchy of
bureaucracies, local authorities, and farmworkers. Weighing
competing incentives, they flouted his authority by doing enough to
avoid penalties, but too little to produce even modest harvests of
corn, let alone the bumper crops the leader envisioned.
Composer and cultural official Nicolas Nabokov (1903-78) led an
unusual life even for a composer who was also a high-level
diplomat. Nabokov was for nearly three decades an outstanding and
far-sighted player in international cultural exchanges during the
Cold War, much admired by some of the most distinguished minds of
his century for the range of his interests and the breadth of his
vision. Nicolas Nabokov: A Life in Freedom and Music follows
Nabokov's life through its fascinating details: a privileged
Russian childhood before the Revolution; exile, first to Germany,
then to France; the beginnings of a promising musical career,
launched under the aegis of Diaghilev and his Ballets Russes with
Ode in 1928; his twelve-year "American exile" during which he
occupied several academic positions; his return to Europe after the
war to participate in the denazification of Germany; his
involvement in anti-Stalinist causes in the first years of the Cold
War; his participation in the Congress for Cultural Freedom; his
role as cultural adviser to the Mayor of Berlin and director of the
Berlin Festival in the early 1960s; the resumption of his American
academic and musical career in the late 1960s and 1970s. Nabokov is
unique not only in that he was involved on a high level in
international cultural politics, but also in that his life
intersected at all times with a vast array of people within, and
also well beyond, the confines of classical music. Drawing on a
vast array of primary sources, Vincent Giroud's first-ever
biography of Nabokov will be of interest readers interested in
twentieth-century music, Russian music, Russian emigration, and the
Cold War, particularly in its cultural aspects. Musicians and
musicologists interested in Nabokov as a composer, or in twentieth
century Russian composers in general, will find in the book
information not available anywhere else.
This book is a critical review of current fiscal and monetary
policy in Europe and presents results of both empirical research
and a discussion of the theoretical framework behind the policy of
the European Central Bank and the Stability and Growth
Pact.Macroeconomic policy is often hotly debated within the EU.
However, the majority of policy discussions have started from a
shared view of how the economy works. This shared neo-classical
view is also known as the 'Brussels-Frankfurt consensus'. According
to that consensus, European labour markets are too rigid in
comparison to the US labour market. Hence, the prevalent view is
that the European unemployment problem can be solved by increasing
incentives; improving the returns on schooling and redefining the
role and the necessity of labour market institutions. In this
volume the authors argue that it is not at all clear which
institutions cause labour market rigidities and to what extent.
They note that the problem of unemployment requires a much broader
set of solutions, including active labour market policies, policies
concerning schooling and the development of skills. Growth and
Cohesion in the European Union also highlights that these
microeconomic policies will not in themselves provide the solution
to what is essentially a macroeconomic problem. First and foremost
the role of aggregate demand in the determination of unemployment
has to be placed at the forefront of the debate. The extensive
discussion of a broad variety of topics in the field of
macroeconomic policy will ensure this book finds a welcome
readership amongst researchers and academics of European studies
and macroeconomics. Policy advisors will also find much to engage
them as the book provides a critical view on the Brussels-Frankfurt
consensus, currently so dominant amongst European policymakers.
China's rise to become a leading global power challenges both
Western policy makers and business leaders. Written from a Chinese
perspective, this book addresses the following question: does the
Chinese strategic mind have its own idiosyncrasies that differ
considerably from the West? The expert author, Hong Liu,
systematically explores the processes of the Chinese strategic mind
by expounding and unraveling the particular characteristics: what
they are, how they have evolved and what strategic implications
they have. With detailed case studies to elucidate how the Chinese
strategic mind has worked, this book successfully synthesises
knowledge from distinct academic fields such as military studies,
philosophy, psychology, history, sociology, linguistics and
strategic management. Providing a framework for Western
practitioners to consider Chinese ways of thinking, this book will
be of interest to decision-makers in business and government. It
will also be of use to academics in the fields of strategic
management, international relations and politics looking for a new
perspective in their research.
Since 2001, Afghanistan has provided New Delhi an opportunity to
underline its role as a regional power. In the rapidly evolving
geo-strategic scenario, India was forced to reconstitute and
reassess its policies towards Afghanistan. India-Afghanistan
Cooperation took a leap forward after the defeat of the Taliban and
the installation of an Interim Authority. India's main focus has
been to support the Afghan government and the political process in
the country mandated under the Bonn Agreement of 2001. In the past
decade, India pursued a policy of high-level engagement with
Afghanistan through wide-ranging humanitarian, financial and
infrastructural project assistance, as well as participation in
international efforts aimed at political and economic rebuilding of
Afghanistan. India has growing stakes in peace and stability in
Afghanistan and the 2011 India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership
Agreement underlines India's commitment to ensure that a positive
momentum in the Indo-Afghanistan ties in maintained. One of the
foremost aims of India's involvement in Afghanistan has been to
assist in building indigenous Afghan capacity and institutions
which encompasses all the sectors of development. This book, apart
from examining the changing trajectory of India's policy towards
Afghanistan, focuses on two particular areas of Indian intervention
in Afghanistan namely Capacity Building and Education. It also
evaluates its importance in strengthening the Delhi-Kabul ties.
Identification of factors that are aiding or blockading the smooth
functioning of these policies, have been the purpose of this
academic pursuit. Attempts have been made to reach out to the
Afghan beneficiaries in both India and Afghanistan, in order to
understand their perspectives, requirements and disgruntlements.
This research underscores that the purpose behind India's
involvement in Afghanistan should not be defeated and thereby
attempts to put forward certain steps and directions that can be
adopted by Indian Government in order to achieve long-lasting
dividends by smooth implementation of India's aid disbursement
policy. As US led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces prepare
to leave Afghanistan in 2014, India stands at a crossroads as it
remains keen to preserve its interest in Afghanistan. This book
apart from underlying ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan
provides concrete recommendations that can enhance the
effectiveness of ongoing Indo-Afghanistan cooperation.
As the power and scope of the European Union moves further, beyond
traditional forms of international cooperation between sovereign
states, it is important to analyse how these developments are
impacting upon national institutions and processes of democratic
representation and legitimacy in the member countries. The authors
in this book identify four core processes of democratic governance
present in any democratic political system that link societal and
state processes of decision-making: opinion formation, interest
intermediation, national executive decision-making and national
parliamentary scrutiny. From a normative perspective they discuss
what impacts this process of Europeanization has on democracy in
the evolving system. They conclude that more changes are seen
within the state-centric than in the societal-centred processes of
democracy, thus the public seems to have been 'left behind' in the
process of constructing Europe. The empirical research and
normative discussion presented in this book are designed to further
our knowledge concerning the Europeanization of social and state
processes of democracy and to contribute to the continuing dialogue
on democracy in the European Union. This book will be of great
interest to academics and researchers of political science, public
policy and international relations, as well as those interested in
European studies and comparative politics.
This book explores the origins, conduct, and failure of Greek
Cypriot nationalists to achieve the unification of Cyprus with
Greece. Andrew Novo addresses the anti-colonial struggle in the
context of: the competition for the nationalist narrative in Cyprus
between the Left and Right, the duelling Greek-Cypriot and
Turkish-Cypriot nationalisms in Cyprus, the role of Turkey and
Greece in the conflict on the island, and the concerns of the
British Empire during its retrenchment following the Second World
War. More than a narrative history of the period, an analysis of
British policy, or a description of counter-insurgency operations,
this book lays out an examination of the underpinnings of the
enosis cause and its manifestation in action. It argues that the
strategic myopia of the enosis movement shackled the cause, defined
its conduct, and was the primary reason for its failure. Divided
and occupied, Cyprus, and the world, deal with its unresolved
legacy to this day.
The past decade has witnessed a proliferation of regulatory
agencies at both the national and the EU level. This coherent and
clearly structured book is the first of its kind to analyse in
equal measure, and interdependently, both national regulatory
authorities and European agencies. It brings together a select
group of highly esteemed contributors - authorities in their fields
- to provide a systematic and over-arching view of regulation in
the EU. Unlike many of the previous attempts to shed light on this
increasingly opaque and complex co-existence of regulatory systems,
this book takes a genuinely multi-disciplinary approach with
integrated perspectives from law, politics and economics. Exploring
firstly the rationales for the existence of agencies, the book then
goes on to examine how agencies are designed in the EU before
considering the legal and political challenges they raise, and
finally comparing them with international agencies and agencies in
an enlarged Europe and the wider world. Academic researchers in the
fields of law, economics and politics will find Regulation through
Agencies in the EU of great interest as will EU law practitioners,
policymakers and regulators in Europe.
In an ever more globalized world, sustainable global development
requires effective intercultural co-operations. This dialogue
between non-western and western cultures is essential to
identifying global solutions for global socio-political challenges.
Modern Japanese Political Thought and International Relations
critiques the formation of non-western International Relations by
assessing Japanese political concepts to contemporary IR discourses
since the Meji Restoration, to better understand knowledge
exchanges in intercultural contexts. Each chapter focuses on a
particular aspect of this dialogue, from international law and
nationalism to concepts of peace and Daoism, this collection
grapples with postcolonial questions of Japan's indigenous IR
theory.
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