Historical Dictionary of International Organizations in Asia and the Pacific, Second Edition covers global, international, and regional organizations in Asia and the Pacific, and encompasses both governmental and non-governmental organizations. This second edition covers the history through a chronology, an introductory essay, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 200 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, thematic topics, and major international issues affecting the region. This book is a valuable tool for anyone seeking details about international organizations in Asia and the Pacific, and the international context within which those organizations function.

As the power and scope of the European Union moves further, beyond traditional forms of international cooperation between sovereign states, it is important to analyse how these developments are impacting upon national institutions and processes of democratic representation and legitimacy in the member countries. The authors in this book identify four core processes of democratic governance present in any democratic political system that link societal and state processes of decision-making: opinion formation, interest intermediation, national executive decision-making and national parliamentary scrutiny. From a normative perspective they discuss what impacts this process of Europeanization has on democracy in the evolving system. They conclude that more changes are seen within the state-centric than in the societal-centred processes of democracy, thus the public seems to have been 'left behind' in the process of constructing Europe. The empirical research and normative discussion presented in this book are designed to further our knowledge concerning the Europeanization of social and state processes of democracy and to contribute to the continuing dialogue on democracy in the European Union. This book will be of great interest to academics and researchers of political science, public policy and international relations, as well as those interested in European studies and comparative politics.

Tax Law and the Environment: A Multidisciplinary and Worldwide Perspective takes a multidisciplinary approach to explore the ways how tax policy can is used solve environmental problems throughout the world, using a multi-jurisdictional and multidisciplinary approach. Environmental taxation involves using taxes to impose a cost on environmentally harmful activities or tax subsidies to provide preferred tax treatment to more sustainable alternatives to those harmful activities. This book provides a detailed analysis of environmental taxation, with examples from around the world. As the extraction, processing and use of energy use resources is has been a major cause of environmental harm, this book explores the taxation and subsidization of both fossil fuels and renewable energy. Its analysis of the past, present, and future potential of environmental taxation will help policymakers move economies toward sustainability, as well as and informing students, academics, and citizens about tax solutions for pressing environmental issues.

This book explores the origins, conduct, and failure of Greek Cypriot nationalists to achieve the unification of Cyprus with Greece. Andrew Novo addresses the anti-colonial struggle in the context of: the competition for the nationalist narrative in Cyprus between the Left and Right, the duelling Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot nationalisms in Cyprus, the role of Turkey and Greece in the conflict on the island, and the concerns of the British Empire during its retrenchment following the Second World War. More than a narrative history of the period, an analysis of British policy, or a description of counter-insurgency operations, this book lays out an examination of the underpinnings of the enosis cause and its manifestation in action. It argues that the strategic myopia of the enosis movement shackled the cause, defined its conduct, and was the primary reason for its failure. Divided and occupied, Cyprus, and the world, deal with its unresolved legacy to this day.

'Global War on Terrorism' or Global War over Terra Africana?: How Imperial Powers Seek to Occupy Africa Militarily is a long, onerous academic voyage of the demystification and demythologization of the Global War on Terror former US president George W Bush and former UK premier Tony Blair conceived, envisaged and declared for their hidden personal and national interests. It is a hidden and untold story of the other side about the GWOT which is but the GWOTA. Major arguments presented gyrate around the deconstruction; and overhaul of the GWOT so that it can be equally formulated and fought by all nations for the interests of all but not the interests of some as it currently is. Also, the book repudiates the pontification the pontifices maximus of the GWOTA have always made ex nihilo while concealing their drive[s] for perpetually exploiting poor countries. Terrorism is a world phenomenon everybody must fight provided it is collectively agreed, decided and declared for the collective good and interests of the world but not the interests of a few hegemonic countries that usurped the power of declaring who is a terrorist and who is not. Although terrorism is real, the manner it is fought is a little bit knotty. This tome acts as an eye opener and a wake-up call for Africa to start interrogating and excavating the hidden truths about the GWOT chiefly the way it was enacted, declared, presented and now fought with essentialist and controversialist modus operandi and rationale. Other major questions asked and answered are: Why exporting military and military hardware guised as fighting terrorism without underscoring the terror military incursion will, inter alia, cause to Africa especially? If truly the aim of the GWOT is to wage war on terror, why doesn't the West want to empower African armies? Why did the US appoint itself to lead the war conceived and declared without meeting the requirements of the just war or international standards? Why hasn't the world learned from Iraq and Libya whose governments were toppled under the facade of the GWOT? Is it the GWOT or the GWOTA?

China and East Asian Strategic Dynamics: the Shaping of a New Regional Order, edited by Mingjiang Li and Dongmin Lee, examines how China's remarkable economic growth and its proactive diplomatic efforts in recent years have not only shored up its importance in global issues, but also induced a transformation of the strategic dynamics in East Asia. The authors argue that major power relations in the region appear to be driven by some new momentum along with the changing international environment. The contributors of this edited volume are well-known scholars in their areas of specialty, and the book is divided into five parts. The first part discusses China's soft and hard power in East Asia. The second examines China and the strategic interactions between major powers; this particular section is devoted to discussion on the strategic responses of the major regional powers-the United States, Japan, Korea, India and ASEAN-to China's rise. Part three focuses on China's strategic approach to East Asian regionalism. Of particular note are China's active leadership role in institution-building efforts, strategic calculations, and preference for an informal approach. The fourth section analyzes the Cross-Taiwan Strait relations and their impact on both China and East Asia. The final section of China and East Asian Strategic Dynamics addresses the issue of China and maritime order in East Asia. China and East Asian Strategic Dynamics: the Shaping of a New Regional Order, edited by Mingjiang Li and Dongmin Lee, is a pioneering work. Given that the rise of China is a prominent issue in politics and economics worldwide, this edited collection is essential for a wide audience of policy-makers, academics, and students alike.

Throughout history, innovations in military technology have transformed warfare, which, in turn, affected state formation. This interplay between warfare, military technology, and state formation is the focus of this text. Theoretically grounded in the bellicist approach to the study of war and state, which posits that war is a normal part of human experience, the book argues that the threat of war by powerful, predatory neighbors has been, until relatively recently, the prime mover of state formation. Using a historical approach, it explains how advances in military technology have transformed war, and how new modes of war in turn have transformed forms of politico-military rule, especially with regard to the relationship between the state, armed force, and the people.

Secessionist (also called, nationalist, or pro-independence) political parties exist in many countries in the developed world; they raise-and then spend-a lot of money, win votes in elections, and their elected officials serve in seats in local, regional, and national parliaments. Yet, despite all of this effort, there has not been a successful case of secession since 1921 when the Irish Free State effectively seceded from the United Kingdom (UK). Perhaps the biggest issue is that these secessionist political parties have rarely been popular enough to form a government even amongst their core ethnic group. This is further compounded by the fact that secessionist parties have historically been unable to win support from immigrants or people outside their core ethnic and/or linguistic group. Given this context, four central questions are posed in this study including: whether-and also why-any of the secessionist parties have transitioned from ethnic-based to civic-based policy platforms? Why have these secessionist parties not yet achieved independence? And, what role does the European Union (EU) play in facilitating or deterring secession in independence-seeking regions within member states? This study examines three different cases-Flanders in Belgium, Scotland in the UK, and Catalonia in Spain-to investigate how secessionist political parties are approaching the issue of independence. All of the cases are different with respect to history, governmental structure, and economic situation. Yet all of the cases are similar in some ways-they are close to the same size (in terms of population), operate within mature democratic political systems, have distinct secessionist political parties, and all reside within member states of the EU. Categorically, in all cases, there are also shared influences of the ability of the region to secede: institutions, interests, and ideas.

The past decade has witnessed a proliferation of regulatory agencies at both the national and the EU level. This coherent and clearly structured book is the first of its kind to analyse in equal measure, and interdependently, both national regulatory authorities and European agencies. It brings together a select group of highly esteemed contributors - authorities in their fields - to provide a systematic and over-arching view of regulation in the EU. Unlike many of the previous attempts to shed light on this increasingly opaque and complex co-existence of regulatory systems, this book takes a genuinely multi-disciplinary approach with integrated perspectives from law, politics and economics. Exploring firstly the rationales for the existence of agencies, the book then goes on to examine how agencies are designed in the EU before considering the legal and political challenges they raise, and finally comparing them with international agencies and agencies in an enlarged Europe and the wider world. Academic researchers in the fields of law, economics and politics will find Regulation through Agencies in the EU of great interest as will EU law practitioners, policymakers and regulators in Europe.

The main objective of this book is to understand the extent and the motives behind the shift in Turkey's foreign policy towards the Kurdistan Regional Government (hereafter the KRG) from an alternative globalist perspective, and to do so it examines a ten-year period of Turkey's foreign policy on the KRG, from 2003 to 2013. Despite the shadows casting by its history, Turkey has developed relations with the Kurdish government to the level of a strategic partnership within the last decade, following the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The book identifies and analyses the factors that determine Turkey's foreign policy towards the KRG by providing a historical account of Turkey's approach towards a Kurdish polity, illuminating the extent of the shift in Turkey's foreign policy by looking at some dislocatory moves, and identifying and analyzing regional and global motives behind the Turkey-KRG rapprochement that led Turkey to abandon its traditional policy temporally towards the Kurdish Region of Iraq within the period this work is focused on. The book brings the global dimension to the discussion and suggests that developments at the global level play a significant role in shaping the regional and internal contexts in which the partnership between Turkey and the KRG was established. And in conclusion it argues that Turkish foreign policy towards the KRG shifted between 2007 and 2013 due to the intersection of regional and global fault lines and competition between global power blocks, the United States, Russia and China over energy resources and strategic trade and transit energy routes.

In an ever more globalized world, sustainable global development requires effective intercultural co-operations. This dialogue between non-western and western cultures is essential to identifying global solutions for global socio-political challenges. Modern Japanese Political Thought and International Relations critiques the formation of non-western International Relations by assessing Japanese political concepts to contemporary IR discourses since the Meji Restoration, to better understand knowledge exchanges in intercultural contexts. Each chapter focuses on a particular aspect of this dialogue, from international law and nationalism to concepts of peace and Daoism, this collection grapples with postcolonial questions of Japan's indigenous IR theory.

"Can the G-20 become a steering committee for the world's economy? Launched at a moment of panic triggered by the financial crisis in late 2008, the leaders' level G-20 is trying to evolve from crisis committee for the world economy to a real steering group facilitating international economic cooperation. What can and should such a ""steering committee"" focus on? How important could the concrete gains from cooperation be? How much faster could world growth be? Is there sufficient legitimacy in the G-20 process? How does the G-20 relate to the IMF and the World Bank? How can Australia in 2015, and then Turkey in 2016, chair the process so as to encourage strategic leadership? The East Asian Bureau of Economic Research in the Crawford School of Public Policy at the Australian National University and the Global Economy and Development program at the Brookings Institution joined forces in putting together this volume and asked opinion leaders and policymakers from G-20 countries to provide their independent perspectives. Contributors include Colin Bradford (Brookings), Peter Drysdale (Australian National University), Kemal Dervis (Brookings), Andrew Elek (Australian National University), Ross Garnaut (University of Melbourne), Huang Yiping (China Center for Economic Research), Bruce Jones (Brookings), Muneesh Kapur (IMF), Homi Kharas (Brookings), Wonhyuk Lim (Korea Development Institute), Rakesh Mohan (IMF), David Nellor (consultant, Indonesia), Yoshio Okubo (Japan Securities Dealers Association), Mari Pangestu (Republic of Indonesia), Changyong Rhee (former Asian Development Bank), Alok Sheel (Government of India), Mahendra Siregar (Republic of Indonesia), Paola Subacchi (Chatham House, London), Carlos Vegh (Brookings), Guillermo Vuletin (Brookings), and Maria Monica Wihardja (World Bank). "

The Long Telegram 2.0: A Neo-Kennanite Approach to Russia lays out an original argument for understanding Russia that goes deep into its history, starting with the tri-partite dictum "orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality," formulated in 1833 by count Sergey Uvarov. The author explores Uvarov's triad in the context of modern Russia, adding five more traits: exceptionalism, expansionism, historical primordialism, worship of the military, and glorification of suffering. The author argues that, as presently constituted, Russia cannot become a democracy, and, sooner than later, it will disintegrate, replicating the fate of the Soviet Union. The key reasons for these, according to the author, are: weak mechanisms for the transition of power, poorly developed institutions of the state, feeble economy and education, frail ideology, and, most importantly, the lack of a unified national identity. Following this assessment, the author defines a strategy for dealing with Russia, based on a combination of offensive realism and realpolitik, recommending that the West copes with Russia in a more pragmatic manner. The book includes the author's translation of a unique historical document from the 1860s: a pamphlet calling for the independence of Siberia on the example of the American revolution.

This book focuses on how Indonesian civil society organisations interact with ASEAN to shape human rights institutionalisation in the region. Using Bourdieu-inspired constructivist IR as an analytical lens, the book argues that there are pre-reflexive norms that dominate the field of interaction in the region that shape the way civil society organisations operate. This has resulted in the diverging advocacy practices, thus complicating human rights institutionalisation process in ASEAN.

Dwight Eisenhower had a measurable impact on the foreign policy decisions of his Democratic successors during the 1960s due to his reputation as a military and foreign policy expert as well as his continued popularity when and after he left office. Eisenhower sought to influence his successors' policies for a number of reasons, including his underrated partisanship, his desire to protect the reputation of his administration, and his real concerns about the ability of his successors to successfully counter the communist challenge to American interests. Despite his steadily declining health, Eisenhower played both a public and behind-the-scenes role in shaping American foreign policy during the 1960s that had long-term consequences for the country. This book traces the interactions between Eisenhower and his two successors from the pre-inaugural meetings with John F. Kennedy, their direct contacts on Cuba, the use of intermediaries such as John McCone and General Andrew Goodpaster, and the constant contact initiated by Lyndon B. Johnson. Through these direct and indirect contacts, Eisenhower constrained the choices available to Kennedy and Johnson and shaped the politics and policies of the United States until the final months of his life.

The United States faces major challenges in dealing with Iran, the threat of terrorism, and the tide of political instability in the Arabian Peninsula. The presence of some of the world s largest reserves of oil and natural gas, vital shipping lanes, and Shia populations throughout the region have made the peninsula the focal point of US and Iranian strategic competition. Moreover, large youth populations, high unemployment rates, and political systems with highly centralized power bases have posed other economic, political, and security challenges that the Gulf states must address and that the United States must take into consideration when forming strategy and policy."

U.S.-Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and analysis of U.S.-Africa relations during the Clinton, George W. Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya; the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in U.S.-Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many African leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the Africa Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on their soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can work with the United States to encourage economic development by establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government and business activities. The role of African-descended people in U.S.-Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it appears on the surface that the United States has become more involved in African affairs due to new post-Cold War realities-it is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far from national security interests and the promotion of democracy regardless of who is in the White House.

As the first English-language book on Taiwan's relations with Latin America, this book examines the major issues and theoretical debates on Taiwan's activities in Latin America, and its relations with the US and China. Latin America has become a crucial frontline for Taiwan. Today, more than at any time since the end of WWII, Taiwan's future as an independent state hinges on the balance of power between the United States and China. This book provides the most detailed and sophisticated analysis of contemporary Taiwan's relations with Latin America and offers insight into the US-China rivalry in the "backyard" of the United States. By bringing together a group of scholars from Taiwan, US, and Latin America, this book examines Taiwan-Latin America relations on various issues amid the intensifying the US-China strategic competition, such as public diplomacy, trade, investment, energy, and cultural exchanges. More than ever before, an understanding of Taiwan's relations with Latin America and the great power rivalry in the Western Hemisphere is essential for students and policy makers alike. The book will be of great interest to university students at all levels, as well as specialists on international relations, foreign policy, as well as Asian and Latin American studies.

The story of Anglo-American relations in Saudi Arabia during the Second World War has generally been viewed as one of discord and hegemonic rivalry, a perspective reinforced by a tendency to consider Britain's decline and the ascent of US power as inevitable. In this engaging and timely study, Matthew Hinds calls into question such assumptions and reveals a relationship that, though hard-nosed, functioned through interdependence and strategic parity. Drawing upon an array of archives from both sides of the Atlantic, Hinds traces the flow of key events and policies as well as the leading figures who shaped events to show why, how and to what extent the allies and Saudi Arabia became 'mixed up together', in the words of Winston Churchill. Perhaps most fundamentally, Britain and the United States were enthralled by the promise of Saudi Arabia serving as an auxiliary to Allied strategy. Obtaining King Ibn Saud's tacit support or more specifically, his 'benevolent neutrality', meant having vital access, not only to the country's prospective oil reserves, but to its prized geographic location, its centrality within Islam and, as international politics increasingly followed an anti-colonial path, to its credentials as a sovereign and independent Arab state. Given what was at stake, London and Washington saw their engagement in Saudi Arabia as seminal; a genuine blueprint for how to forge a lasting 'Special Relationship' throughout the Middle East. Hinds' bold new interpretation is a vital work that enlarges our understanding of the Anglo-American wartime alliance.

This report examines the fundamental link between Mexico's economic performance and migration to the United States, with a particular focus on the post-NAFTA time period. Also examined is the dramatic decline of Mexican migration to the United States since the 2008 financial crisis and its implications for immigration reform in the United States. Finally, the report discusses the growing flows of unauthorized migrants from Central America and what regional governments can do to address the issue.

Since the end of WWII, not only the number of international regimes and organizations, but also the number of regional organisations and groups increased considerably. Today, states are often members of regional and international organisations at the same time and cover similar policies in both. This contributes to a regionalization of international relations since not only states, but also regional actors are active in international negotiations. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of how active and how influential regional actors are in today's international negotiations. Based on a quantitative analysis of more than 500 international negotiations and three in-depth case studies, the book not only explains why some regional actors are more vocal than others in international organisations, but also why they differ concerning their prospects for success.

This cohesive set of case studies collects scholarly research, policy evaluation, and field experience to explain how terrorist groups have developed into criminal enterprises. Terrorist groups have evolved from orthodox global insurgents funded by rogue sponsors into nimble and profitable transnational criminal enterprises whose motivations are not always evident. This volume seeks to explain how and why terrorist groups are often now criminal enterprises through 12 case studies of terrorist criminal enterprises written by authors who have derived their expertise on terrorism and/or organized crime from diverse sources. Terrorist groups have been chosen from different regions to provide the global coverage. Chapters describe and analyze the actors, actions, problems, and collaborations of specific terrorist criminal enterprises. Other elements discussed include links to such facilitating conditions as political culture, corruption, history, economy, and issues of governance. This work advances scholarship in the field of counterterrorism by expanding the understanding of these terrorist groups as entities not driven purely by ideology but rather by the criminal enterprises with which they often coincide. Provides a global comparison of major terrorist groups and their engagement in organized crime Provides in-depth analysis of regional terrorist and criminal groups Incorporates authors' expertise on regional terrorist groups and organized crime Acknowledges a variety of opinions and perspectives

Italy, although it considers itself to be a middle-sized power on par with France, the United Kingdom, and Germany, has been incapable of playing an international role comparable to theirs, instead keeping a low-profile foreign policy. This has not been due to any material constraints-Italy's profile has remained consistently low, through economic times both good and bad-but rather to the country's strategic culture, a mixture of realpolitik and pacifist tendencies. This book sets out to analyze the influence of Italy's strategic culture on its foreign policy. It conducts an exploratory case study to show if hypotheses generated by the strategic culture approach can shed some light on the puzzling Italian behavior in the international arena (puzzling because Italy shows a less assertive foreign policy vis-a-vis other middle powers in the same rank). The first chapter considers the main interpretations of Italian foreign policy and their limitations. The second and third chapters review the literature on strategic culture, stressing its utility for the Italian case. The fourth chapter describes the country's strategic culture through the Liberal, Fascist, and Republican periods, and the fifth chapter analyzes the influence of ideational factors on Italy's behavior abroad. Conclusions sum up the various emerging evidences. Scholars of political science, international relations, strategic studies, and comparative politics will find this work to be of interest.