This book considers the current and future significance of the G20 by using International Relations theory to examine its political impact as an informal form of global governance. International Relations theory is shown to represent a broad range of political positions that can effectively analyze the various factors that influence world politics. The contributions to this book examine the influence and significance of informal global governance in contemporary global politics and advance G20 scholarship past the typical observations from economic and international policy perspectives. Chapters cover various accounts of how the G20 influences world politics, the driving forces behind the G20 and the ways in which the G20 could or should be reformed in the future. International Relations theory is able to inform a better understanding of how the G20 operates and also explore potential improvements for the international forum to adapt to the rapid developments in global politics. Students and scholars of international relations, global governance, diplomacy and globalization will find this book offers a fresh and enlightening perspective on the G20. Contributors include: A. Alexandroff, C. Byrne, T. Chodor, C. Downie, S. Harris-Rimmer, J. Luckhurst, T. Naylor, S. Slaughter, K. Tienhaara, F. Vabulas, L.A. Viola

This definitive Handbook addresses the current lack of research into European policy-making and development using an interpretive perspective. Questioning areas that mainstream approaches tend to neglect, contributors target the ways in which ideas, arguments and discourses shape policies in the institutional context of the EU. The Handbook of European Policies provides an in-depth and comprehensive introduction for all significant policy areas in the EU, highlighting the theories of post-positivism and interpretivism. With rich explanations of different methodological and conceptual approaches to post-positivist research, key chapters consider the essential exchange between EU integration studies and EU policy studies, examining how both can benefit from this new and exciting approach. Offering theoretically grounded answers, this Handbook creates a dialogue between critical policy studies and European integration theory. Academics and practitioners concerned with the functioning of EU policies will benefit from the eminent contributors? insights into issues high on the institutional agenda of the EU and its member states. In addition, the Handbook is suitable for both undergraduate and graduate courses concerned with European integration and EU policies. Contributors include: R. Atkinson, P. Biegelbauer, Y. Bollen, D. Dakowska, F. Daviter, P.H. Feindt, H. Heinelt, J. Kantola, J.D. Kelstrup, M. Knodt, X. Kurowska, E. Lombardo, S. Munch, F. Nullmeier, J. Orbie, K.T. Paul, W. Petzold, C.M. Radaelli, D. Sack, E.K. Sarter, S. Saurugger, M.A. Schreurs, K. Serrano Velarde, V.A. Schmidt, M.A. Schreurs, H. Strassheim, M. Weber, K. Zimmermann

This book aims to give readers an insight into two dynamics that influence the phenomenon of autonomous public bodies (APBs) in the European legal sphere today. Stephanie De Somer first studies both phenomena-EU impulse and national restraint-as standalone trends and then addresses the tensions between them. The first trend covers EU legislation that obliges Member States to entrust the implementation of substantive supranational rules to entities that enjoy a considerable degree of autonomy vis-a-vis central government institutions. The second trend refers to a counter-movement at the national level, where initiatives have been taken to rationalize and restrain the use of APBs. Central to the book is the somewhat controversial question of whether the EU, which is itself often criticized for lacking democratic legitimacy, is disregarding fundamental principles regarding the democratic legitimacy of national administrations when imposing these institutional obligations on its Member States. As far as domestic law is concerned, the book offers an integrated approach that truly compares national legal systems. De Somer also incorporates the results of in-depth interviews with representatives of APBs in different Member States. Focusing on these two contemporary trends, this book demonstrates the extent to which two fundamental systems of rules and principles increasingly influence and transform the phenomenon of APBs This book is relevant not only for legal academia, but also for scholars working in the fields of political science and public administration. National legislatures, governments, regulatory bodies, data protection authorities and other APBs may also find this book useful.

Women are significantly underrepresented in politics in the Pacific Islands, given that only one in twenty Pacific parliamentarians are female, compared to one in five globally. A common, but controversial, method of increasing the number of women in politics is the use of gender quotas, or measures designed to ensure a minimum level of women's representation. In those cases where quotas have been effective, they have managed to change the face of power in previously male-dominated political spheres. How do political actors in the Pacific islands region make sense of the success (or failure) of parliamentary gender quota campaigns? To answer the question, Kerryn Baker explores the workings of four campaigns in the region. In Samoa, the campaign culminated in a "safety net" quota to guarantee a minimum level of representation, set at five female members of Parliament. In Papua New Guinea, between 2007 and 2012 there were successive campaigns for nominated and reserved seats in parliament, without success, although the constitution was amended in 2011 to allow for the possibility of reserved seats for women. In post-conflict Bougainville, women campaigned for reserved seats during the constitution-making process and eventually won three reserved seats in the House of Representatives, as well as one reserved ministerial position. Finally, in the French Pacific territories of New Caledonia, French Polynesia, and Wallis and Futuna, Baker finds that there were campaigns both for and against the implementation of the so-called "parity laws." Baker argues that the meanings of success in quota campaigns, and related notions of gender and representation, are interpreted by actors through drawing on different traditions, and renegotiating and redefining them according to their goals, pressures, and dilemmas. Broadening the definition of success thus is a key to an understanding of realities of quota campaigns. Pacific Women in Politics is a pathbreaking work that offers an original contribution to gender relations within the Pacific and to contemporary Pacific politics.

Security threats in Asia fast become issues for the rest of the world. This introductory and wide-ranging text on the subject takes a thematic approach to assess how localized security issues - from territorial rivalry to the rise of China - materialize as 'ripple effects' across the whole region.

This is the first study of Israeli foreign policy towards the Middle East and selected world powers including China, India, the European Union and the United States since the end of the Cold War. It provides an integrated account of these foreign policy spheres and serves as an essential historical context for the domestic political scene during these pivotal decades. The book demonstrates how foreign policy is shaped by domestic factors, which are represented as three concentric circles of decision-makers, the security network and Israeli national identity. Told from this perspective, Amnon Aran highlights the contributions of the central individuals, societal actors, domestic institutions, and political parties that have informed and shaped Israeli foreign policy decisions, implementation, and outcomes. Aran demonstrates that Israel has pursued three foreign policy stances since the end of the Cold War - entrenchment, engagement and unilateralism - and explains why.

This book proposes a new concept of "International Leadership with Chinese Characteristics" (ILCC) to interpret China's role in global governance. The author illustrates how the concept of ILCC is built on the basis of the discussion of Chinese political culture and Chinese worldview of international relations and develops a four-step interpretive process as a guidance for conducting the empirical analysis of the ILCC. The book also shows how Chinese elites conceptually construct and practically implement the ILCC in four case studies - G20, BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

Governance and Nationbuilding describes how aid donors have attempted to improve the performance of government in developing countries and countries in crisis. Kate Jenkins and William Plowden review the widespread lack of success, tracing the history of international government intervention, the roles of donors and recipient countries, the ways in which expert advice and support have been provided, and the donors' own evaluation of their work. The authors outline and analyse the many obstacles to success, highlighting how the lack of effective learning from experience has led to repeated failures to improve the quality of government. The authors draw on the donors' own assessments of the issues and on their own experience in the British Government and many other countries. They recommend a new approach to improving government: much less grandiose and more modest expectations on the part of the donors, and a new and enhanced role for recipient countries. This is a hard-hitting analysis of the problems and potential proposals for change by two experts in the field. Both have not only advised governments in many different countries but also have first-hand experience of working at a senior level in British Government. The aid community worldwide, academics and students of international politics, international relations and public policy, along with officials and politicians outside the aid community will all find this fascinating book of great value. It will also appeal to journalists and commentators

We live in a world of mobile security threats and endemic structural injustice, but the United Nations' go-to solution of strategic management fails to stop threats and perpetuates injustice. Articulating Security is a radical critique of the UN's counter-terrorism strategy. A brilliant new reading of Foucault's concept of disciplinary power and a daring foray into psychoanalysis combine to challenge and redefine how international lawyers talk about security and management. It makes a bold case for the place of law in collective security for, if law is to help tackle injustice in security governance, then it must relinquish its authority and embrace anger. The book sounds an alarm to anyone who assumes law is not implicated in global security, and cautions those who assume that it ought to be.

Guatemala emerged from the clash between Spanish invaders and Maya cultures that began five centuries ago. The conquest of these "rich and strange lands," as Hernan Cortes called them, and their "many different peoples" was brutal and prolonged. ""Strange Lands and Different Peoples"" examines the myriad ramifications of Spanish intrusion, especially Maya resistance to it and the changes that took place in native life because of it.
The studies assembled here, focusing on the first century of colonial rule (1524-1624), discuss issues of conquest and resistance, settlement and colonization, labor and tribute, and Maya survival in the wake of Spanish invasion. The authors reappraise the complex relationship between Spaniards and Indians, which was marked from the outset by mutual feelings of resentment and mistrust. While acknowledging the pivotal role of native agency, the authors also document the excesses of Spanish exploitation and the devastating impact of epidemic disease. Drawing on research findings in Spanish and Guatemalan archives, they offer fresh insight into the Kaqchikel Maya uprising of 1524, showing that despite strategic resistance, colonization imposed a burden on the indigenous population more onerous than previously thought.
Guatemala remains a deeply divided and unjust society, a country whose current condition can be understood only in light of the colonial experiences that forged it. Affording readers a critical perspective on how Guatemala came to be, ""Strange Lands and Different Peoples" "shows the events of the past to have enduring contemporary relevance.

The eruption in the early 1990s of highly visible humanitarian crises and exceedingly bloody civil wars in the Horn of Africa, imploding Yugoslavia, and Rwanda, set in motion a trend towards third party intervention in communal conflict in areas as far apart as the Balkans and East Timor. However haltingly and selectively, that trend towards extra-systemic means of managing ethnic and national conflict is still discernible, motivated as it was in the 1990s by the inability of in-house accommodation methods to resolve ethno-political conflicts peacefully and the tendency of such conflicts to spill into the international system in the form of massive refugee flows, regional instability, and failed states hosting criminal and terrorist elements. In its various forms, third party intervention has become a fixed part of the current international system Our book examines the various forms in which that intervention occurs, from the least intrusive and costly forms of third party activity to the most intrusive and expensive endeavors. More specifically, organized in the form of overview essays followed by case studies that explore the utility and limitations, successes and failures of various forms of third party activity in managing conflict, the book begins by examining diplomatic intervention and then proceeds to cover, in turn, legal, economic, and military instruments of conflict management before concluding with a section on political tutelage arrangements and nation/capacity building operations. The chapters themselves are authored by a mix of contributors drawn from relevant disciplines, both senior and younger scholars, academics and practitioners, and North Americans and Europeans. All treat a common theme but no attempt was made to solicit work from contributors with a common orientation towards the value of third party intervention. Nor were the authors straight-jacketed with heavy content guidelines from the editors. Their essays validate the value of this approach. Far from being chaotic in nature, they generally supplement one another, while offering opposing viewpoints on the overall topic; for example, our Italian contributor who specializes in non-government organizations offers a chapter illustrating their utility under certain conditions, whereas the chapter from an Afghan practitioner notes the downside of too much reliance on NGOs in nation-building operations. The essays also cover topics not often treated, and are written from the viewpoint of those on the ground. The chapter on creating a police force in post-Dayton Bosnia-Herzegovina, for example, reads much like a diary from the American colonel who was sent to Bosnia in early 1996 charged with that task.

The Malay Archipelago - namely Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines - has recently risen in prominence as the 'second front' in the war on terrorism. This study argues that the Malay Archipelago constitutes a distinct sub-regional security complex within Southeast Asia due to the existence of patterns of amity and enmity, as well as transnational terrorism linkages.

The Iraq War of March 19, 2003 was an implausible war at the outset. We now understand that it could have been averted and never should have been waged. How and why did it begin? Who was responsible? This book offers a new perspective on the Iraq War and explains the dynamic relationships between the George W. Bush administration, the United States Congress, and the national news media. It is based on the "multiple streams model of political change" by John Kingdon, which says that if a unique combination of political, policy, and problem streams collide, under the right circumstances, they can create a window of opportunity for a shift in policy. It was the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, which set the stage for the emergence of three dynamic streams in the country. Fear, power, and a contentious political climate converged to produce not only a dramatic new foreign policy, but also a war with Iraq, a country which had not provoked or threatened the United States. Fear, power, and a tense political climate also influenced institutional behavior and exposed the failures of 1) The executive branch in the administration of George W. Bush, 2) The United States Congress and, 3) the national news media. All are designed and are differently responsible to protect the interests of the American people. Errors in judgment have happened throughout history with other administrations, with other Congresses, and with the news media. However, with regard to the Iraq War, it was a matter of degree and extent, especially for the President of the United States. Both the Congress and the news media were also experiencing colossal institutional changes, which influenced and hindered their performances. However, all were culpable in helping to create the Iraq war, which today stands as one of the longest military conflicts in United States history.

Is the EU a success or a failure? Should It Stay or Should It Go? Britain and the EU The Big Waste or Essential to Feed Europe? The Common Agricultural Policy Observers of the European Union could be forgiven in thinking that since its inception the EU project has been under threat from near constant crises. In recent years, controversial issues such as EU enlargement, the fallout from the Eurozone crisis, migration policies, Brexit and the Corona pandemic have tested the EU to its limits and divided public opinion in the process. The major third edition of this comprehensive textbook on the EU seeks to introduce the integration project by looking at the thorny debates politicians, European citizens and the media contend with on a daily basis. Well known for its unique and pedagogically-innovative key debates format, the editors have invited top names in the field to contribute a stirring contribution either 'for' or 'against' each of the toughest political questions the EU faces. In doing so, not only does it offer a broad introduction to all the key concerns of the Union, but it does so in a way that is contemporary, engaging and designed to spark controversy. New to this Edition: - All chapters fully revised and updatedNew chapter on the transatlantic partnership - All chapters now with key takeaway points - Across all controversies, more inclusion of mainstream gender and feminist approaches

The United States is not a police state, but Congress is subject to special interests lobbying in pursuit of abusive commercial practices that leave a lot to be desired for transparency and accountability. It is illegal to data-mine personal files held by government agencies, schools and universities, or medical facilities. It is illegal to collect and publish defamatory gossip and hearsay about private citizens. But it is legal to oblige Americans to "waive" their rights to privacy and their right to sue for invasion of privacy for defamation by anonymous third-parties in order to receive essential services or apply for employment. Americans are obliged to "waive" their rights in essentially all applications for employment, credit, housing, public utilities, telephone or mobile phone service, internet access, and even cable TV connection. The law requires "notice and consent" whenever such waivers are included in employment applications, but consumer reporting agencies have learned to use deceptive methods to avoid drawing the attention of applicants to the meaning and consequence of such language. Recent law dispenses with "notice and consent" for private-eye quasi-criminal investigations of "suspected misconduct" by an employee altogether. In effect, this bypasses "probable cause," "innocent until proven guilty," the "right to know the nature of an accusation," the "right to confront witnesses," the "rule against double jeopardy," and the "right to sue for defamation, and/or interference with employment." Orlan Lee questions the validity of any such "waivers," and seeks to alert Americans to the need to protect their fundamental rights.

THE SUNDAY TIMES BESTSELLER A Times and Sunday Times Book of the Year 2020 A Daily Telegraph Book of the Year 2020 'The Putin book that we've been waiting for' Oliver Bullough, author of Moneyland 'Books about modern Russia abound ... Belton has surpassed them all. Her much-awaited book is the best and most important on modern Russia' The Times A chilling and revelatory expose of the KGB's renaissance, Putin's rise to power, and how Russian black cash is subverting the world. In Putin's People, former Moscow correspondent and investigative journalist Catherine Belton reveals the untold story of how Vladimir Putin and his entourage of KGB men seized power in Russia and built a new league of oligarchs. Through exclusive interviews with key inside players, Belton tells how Putin's people conducted their relentless seizure of private companies, took over the economy, siphoned billions, blurred the lines between organised crime and political powers, shut down opponents, and then used their riches and power to extend influence in the West. In a story that ranges from Moscow to London, Switzerland and Trump's America, Putin's People is a gripping and terrifying account of how hopes for the new Russia went astray, with stark consequences for its inhabitants and, increasingly, the world. 'A fearless, fascinating account ... Reads at times like a John le Carre novel ... A groundbreaking and meticulously researched anatomy of the Putin regime, Belton's book shines a light on the pernicious threats Russian money and influence now pose to the west' Guardian

Now in its fifth edition, Origins of the Cold War 1941-1949 covers the formative years of the momentous struggle that developed between two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. This accessible text explains how the Cold War originated and developed between 1941 and 1949 and involved the entire globe, with proxy wars being fought much to the detriment of the developing world. The fifth edition is revised, updated and expanded to include new material on topics such as the efforts of the Soviet Union, the UK and France to prevent the outbreak of World War II; the reasons behind the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact; atomic diplomacy and the role played by Soviet spies in the West; the culture wars and propaganda; Churchill's efforts to entice the US into the war against Germany; the role of Hollywood in promoting intervention; the US's insouciance concerning the danger of a Japanese attack; the astonishing success of the Soviet Union in recruiting high level American officials to provide invaluable information on politics, science, engineering and avionics; and more. Incorporating the most recent scholarship, Martin McCauley provides students with an invaluable introduction to a fascinating period that shaped today's world. The book is an important staple for courses on modern global history and international affairs.

The 2013 debate over whether the United States should intervene in the Syrian conflict raised important questions regarding the benefits countries receive when they intervene in civil wars, and how those benefits are distributed to the citizens of the intervening country. To address these lingering questions this book offers readers a comprehensive examination of the intervention process, examining the decision to intervene, what motivates states, and how their intervention shapes the conflict process. Most, importantly, the book examines how states benefit from their interventions and the distribution of intervenor benefits. Specially two questions are addressed: What are the benefits of intervention for intervening countries? And, how are benefits distributed within the intervenors society? Using evidence compiled from three case studies (El Salvador, The Philippines, and Sri Lanka), this book examines what motivated states to intervene, how they intervened, what they got from their intervention, and how the benefits of the intervention were distributed among the public. Arguing that foreign policy and security decision making is isolated from the general public, this book argues that citizens gain little from indirect interventions into civil wars.

This collection of essays demonstrates how chronic state failure and the inability of the international community to provide a solution to the conflict in Somalia has had transnational repercussions. Following the failed humanitarian mission in 1992-93, most countries refrained from any direct involvement in Somalia, but this changed in the 2000s with the growth of piracy and links to international terrorist organizations. The deterritorialization of the conflict quickly became apparent as it became transnational in nature. In part because of it lacked a government and was unable to work with the international community, Somalia came to be seen as a "testing-ground" by many international actors. Globalizing Somalia demonstrates how China, Japan, and the EU, among others, have all used the conflict in Somalia to project power, test the bounds of the national constitution, and test their own military capabilities. Contributed by international scholars and experts, the work examines the impact of globalization on the internal and external dynamics of the conflict, arguing that it is no longer geographically contained. By bringing together the many actors and issues involved, the book fills a gap in the literature as one of the most complete works on the conflict in Somalia to date. It will be an essential text to any student interested in Somalia and the horn of Africa, as well as in terrorism, and conflict processes.

Reconceptualizing Security in the Americas in the Twenty-First Century illustrates the various security concerns in the Americas in the twenty-first century. It presents the work of a number of prolific scholars and analysts in the region. The book offers new theoretical and analytical perspectives. Within the Americas, we find a number of important issues security issues. Most important are the threats that supersede borders: drug trafficking, migration, health, and environmental. These threats change our understanding of security and the state and regional process of neutralizing or correcting these threats. This volume evaluates these threats within contemporary security discourse.