This cohesive set of case studies collects scholarly research, policy evaluation, and field experience to explain how terrorist groups have developed into criminal enterprises. Terrorist groups have evolved from orthodox global insurgents funded by rogue sponsors into nimble and profitable transnational criminal enterprises whose motivations are not always evident. This volume seeks to explain how and why terrorist groups are often now criminal enterprises through 12 case studies of terrorist criminal enterprises written by authors who have derived their expertise on terrorism and/or organized crime from diverse sources. Terrorist groups have been chosen from different regions to provide the global coverage. Chapters describe and analyze the actors, actions, problems, and collaborations of specific terrorist criminal enterprises. Other elements discussed include links to such facilitating conditions as political culture, corruption, history, economy, and issues of governance. This work advances scholarship in the field of counterterrorism by expanding the understanding of these terrorist groups as entities not driven purely by ideology but rather by the criminal enterprises with which they often coincide. Provides a global comparison of major terrorist groups and their engagement in organized crime Provides in-depth analysis of regional terrorist and criminal groups Incorporates authors' expertise on regional terrorist groups and organized crime Acknowledges a variety of opinions and perspectives

This study addresses the many initiatives to decrease industrial pollution emitting from the Pechenganikel plant in the northwestern corner of Russia during the final years of the Soviet Union, and examines the wider implications for the state of pollution control in the Arctic today. By examining the efforts of Soviet industry and government agencies, Finnish and Swedish officials, and Norwegian environmental authorities to curb industrial pollution in the region, this book offers an environmental history of the Arctic as well as a transnational, geopolitical history.

This book explores the substance and strategies of democracy promotion conducted by the Visegrad Group states (V4) - the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. As these states are currently deemed to face democratic backsliding over thirty years after their own democratic transformations, the book discusses how democracy promotion is related to the four countries' understanding of liberalism and democracy and to their political cultures. It also addresses the question of what motivates the V4 states to engage in the politically sensitive activities of democracy assistance and how they intend to share their own experience and know-how of the democratic transformation process. The book concludes by discussing the possible future developments in the respective states' democracy promotion agendas. Examining the strategies, substance, and the domestic discourse related to the Visegrad states' democracy promotion policies, the book presents a much-needed reflection on a niche subject in the foreign policy agendas of these post-communist states for academics and practitioners alike.

Since the end of WWII, not only the number of international regimes and organizations, but also the number of regional organisations and groups increased considerably. Today, states are often members of regional and international organisations at the same time and cover similar policies in both. This contributes to a regionalization of international relations since not only states, but also regional actors are active in international negotiations. This book provides a comprehensive analysis of how active and how influential regional actors are in today's international negotiations. Based on a quantitative analysis of more than 500 international negotiations and three in-depth case studies, the book not only explains why some regional actors are more vocal than others in international organisations, but also why they differ concerning their prospects for success.

This book presents the current conflict in the Middle East and North Africa over the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), the biggest in Africa. The project explains why economic, and to some extent political, survival is at the core of the conflict, specifically between Egypt and Ethiopia. Although the problem started with insistence of "no dam" by Egypt and subsequently narrowed down to a filling up period of the reservoir and technical operations of the dam, finding a solution agreeable to both nations has been elusive for the past eight years. Ensuring water for all members in the Basin is consistent with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 6, particularly given the looming effects of climate change, increasing population, urbanization, and rising consumptive water uses.

As the power and scope of the European Union moves further, beyond traditional forms of international cooperation between sovereign states, it is important to analyse how these developments are impacting upon national institutions and processes of democratic representation and legitimacy in the member countries. The authors in this book identify four core processes of democratic governance present in any democratic political system that link societal and state processes of decision-making: opinion formation, interest intermediation, national executive decision-making and national parliamentary scrutiny. From a normative perspective they discuss what impacts this process of Europeanization has on democracy in the evolving system. They conclude that more changes are seen within the state-centric than in the societal-centred processes of democracy, thus the public seems to have been 'left behind' in the process of constructing Europe. The empirical research and normative discussion presented in this book are designed to further our knowledge concerning the Europeanization of social and state processes of democracy and to contribute to the continuing dialogue on democracy in the European Union. This book will be of great interest to academics and researchers of political science, public policy and international relations, as well as those interested in European studies and comparative politics.

Since 2001, Afghanistan has provided New Delhi an opportunity to underline its role as a regional power. In the rapidly evolving geo-strategic scenario, India was forced to reconstitute and reassess its policies towards Afghanistan. India-Afghanistan Cooperation took a leap forward after the defeat of the Taliban and the installation of an Interim Authority. India's main focus has been to support the Afghan government and the political process in the country mandated under the Bonn Agreement of 2001. In the past decade, India pursued a policy of high-level engagement with Afghanistan through wide-ranging humanitarian, financial and infrastructural project assistance, as well as participation in international efforts aimed at political and economic rebuilding of Afghanistan. India has growing stakes in peace and stability in Afghanistan and the 2011 India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement underlines India's commitment to ensure that a positive momentum in the Indo-Afghanistan ties in maintained. One of the foremost aims of India's involvement in Afghanistan has been to assist in building indigenous Afghan capacity and institutions which encompasses all the sectors of development. This book, apart from examining the changing trajectory of India's policy towards Afghanistan, focuses on two particular areas of Indian intervention in Afghanistan namely Capacity Building and Education. It also evaluates its importance in strengthening the Delhi-Kabul ties. Identification of factors that are aiding or blockading the smooth functioning of these policies, have been the purpose of this academic pursuit. Attempts have been made to reach out to the Afghan beneficiaries in both India and Afghanistan, in order to understand their perspectives, requirements and disgruntlements. This research underscores that the purpose behind India's involvement in Afghanistan should not be defeated and thereby attempts to put forward certain steps and directions that can be adopted by Indian Government in order to achieve long-lasting dividends by smooth implementation of India's aid disbursement policy. As US led North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces prepare to leave Afghanistan in 2014, India stands at a crossroads as it remains keen to preserve its interest in Afghanistan. This book apart from underlying ever-evolving Indian policy in Afghanistan provides concrete recommendations that can enhance the effectiveness of ongoing Indo-Afghanistan cooperation.

This open access book explores the new complexities and ambiguities that epitomize EU-Turkey relations. With a strong focus on the developments in the last decade, the book provides full access to a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted relationship through three entry points: (1) Theories and Concepts, (2) Institutions, and (3) Policies. Part I brings together complementary and competing analytical approaches to study the evolution of EU-Turkey relations, ranging from traditional integration theories to novel concepts. Part II investigates the institutional machinery of EU-Turkey relations by analyzing the roles and perspectives of the European Council, the European Commission, and the European Parliament. Part III offers analyses of the policies most relevant for the relationship: enlargement policy, trade and macroeconomic policies, foreign and security policy, migration and asylum policies, and energy policy. In Part IV, the volume closes with a systematic survey of the conditions under which cooperative trends in EU-Turkey relations could be (re)invigorated. The systematic setup and the balanced combination of distinguished experts from EU- and Turkey-based institutions make this book a fundamental reading for students, researchers, lecturers, and practitioners of EU-Turkey relations, European integration and Turkish foreign policy.

Since the 1960s, many influential Latin Americans, such as the leaders of student movements and unions, and political authorities, participated in exchange programs with the United States to learn about the American way of life. In Brazil, during the international context of the Cold War, when Brazil was governed by a military dictatorship ruled by generals who alternated in power, hundreds of union members were sent to the United States to take union education courses. Did they come back "Americanized" and able to introduce American trade unionism in Brazil? That is the question this book seeks to answer. It is a subject that is as yet little explored in the history of Latin American labor and international relations: the influence of foreign union organizations on national union politics and movements. Despite the US's investment in advertising, courses, films and trips offered to Brazilian union members, most of them were not convinced by the American ideas on how to organize an "authentic" union movement - or, at least, not committed to applying what they learned in the States.

This book explores presidential justifications of every major American military conflict from the War of 1812 to the Second Gulf War. It generates two important findings. First, presidents employ a specific standard (the Necessity Standard) publicly to justify decisions to go to war, and privately to make decisions regarding war and peace. The Necessity Standard holds that major military force should be used if no viable alternatives are available to protect vital interests or discharge duties. Second, when addressing the Necessity Standard, presidents have disclosed military and security policies that vary considerably in their patience with alternatives and their definitions of vital interests and duties. The book concludes by characterizing wars, categorizing presidential policies, and outlining how the central position of the Necessity Standard in the American politics of war and peace might affect policymaking processes, conflict management, and the public's perceptions of wars and foreign policy.

The past decade has witnessed a proliferation of regulatory agencies at both the national and the EU level. This coherent and clearly structured book is the first of its kind to analyse in equal measure, and interdependently, both national regulatory authorities and European agencies. It brings together a select group of highly esteemed contributors - authorities in their fields - to provide a systematic and over-arching view of regulation in the EU. Unlike many of the previous attempts to shed light on this increasingly opaque and complex co-existence of regulatory systems, this book takes a genuinely multi-disciplinary approach with integrated perspectives from law, politics and economics. Exploring firstly the rationales for the existence of agencies, the book then goes on to examine how agencies are designed in the EU before considering the legal and political challenges they raise, and finally comparing them with international agencies and agencies in an enlarged Europe and the wider world. Academic researchers in the fields of law, economics and politics will find Regulation through Agencies in the EU of great interest as will EU law practitioners, policymakers and regulators in Europe.

This book provides scholars in the English-speaking world with a window to understand China's perspectives on diplomatic theories and policies. This book is a study of China's diplomatic theories and Chinese foreign practice analysis. Along with the recent diplomatic strategy adjustments, diplomatic practices, and changes, it discusses China's international relations with its neighbors, the USA, Japan, India, the Middle East, and SAARC, as well as the "One Road and One Belt" initiative.

Written by two leading scholars with 60 years of collective experience in the area, this insightful and updated second edition provides a clear and concise introduction to the fundamental components of international trade law, presenting the basic structure and principles of this complex area of law, alongside elucidation of specific GATT and WTO legal rules and institutions. Key features include: a nuanced yet highly readable summary of the area placement of trade law into historical, political and economic contexts, including new analysis of populist critiques references to the most recent cases, decisions, treaty negotiation developments and economic and legal scholarship analysis of new areas including digital trade, migration and security exceptions to alert students to developments in international trade law links and connections between different areas of trade law to provide students with an integrated overview of the topic. Interdisciplinary in nature, this second edition will be an indispensable guide for students in law, economics, political science and international relations. Comprehensive and accessible, it will be essential reading for non-specialist scholars and policy advisors seeking to further their understanding of international trade law. 'This Advanced Introduction provides an excellent succinct yet accurate summary of the international trade rules applicable, inter alia, to trade in goods, services, intellectual property, and investment. It also explores international standards, social issues such as development, environment, labour, human rights, and it addresses the institutional framework and the future of the world trading system. As an experienced practitioner in this field, I highly recommend this book to government officials, business people, and students who will all get a clear interdisciplinary tour d'horizon in the field of international trade.' - Gabrielle Marceau, University of Geneva, Switzerland and Senior Counsellor at the WTO

In a makeshift laboratory built on a golf course in Maryland, chemist Stanley Lovell led a secret team of scientists that developed the secret gadgets and weapons of the Second World War. Their 'Dirty Tricks Department' was the real-life equivalent of James Bond's legendary Q Branch. If a spy or saboteur needed a forged passport for cover, a silent pistol for executions, an incendiary device for starting fires, or a cyanide pill to kill themselves with before being captured alive, the scientists created it. Moreover, they developed poisons to assassinate foreign leaders, chemical and biological weapons to deploy against enemy soldiers, and truth drugs to interrogate prisoners of war. The Dirty Tricks Department is the first book to focus on the daring, exciting, and often tragic exploits of the men and women who made and used these devices. Lovell and his team exerted a disproportionally large influence on history. Not only were they integral to the Allied victory, but they left a dark legacy that has, until now, gone mainly unacknowledged.

This volume explores the complex interrelation between risk, identity and conflict and focuses specifically on ethnicity, culture, religion and gender as modes of identity that are often associated with conflict in the contemporary world. It draws on theoretical perspectives as well as pays special attention to analysis of diverse case studies from Africa, Middle East, Europe, East and Southeast Asia and Latin America. Using various analytical tools and methodologies, it provides unique narratives of local and regional social risk factors and security complexities. The relationship between risk and security is multidimensional and perpetually changing, and lends itself to multiple interpretations. This publication provides a new ground for theoretical and policy debates to unlock innovative understanding of risk through analyses of identity as a significant factor in conflict in the world today. At the same time, it explores ways to address such conflicts in a more people-centered, empowering and sustainable way.

Academic and accepted orthodoxy maintains that Southeast Asia, and Asia generally, is evolving into a distinctive East Asian regional order. This book questions this claim and reveals instead uncertainty and incoherence at the heart of ASEAN, the region's foremost institution. The authors provide a systematic critique of ASEAN's evolution and institutional development, as well as a unified understanding of the international relations and political economy of ASEAN and the Asia-Pacific. It is the first study to provide a sceptical analysis of international relations orthodoxies regarding regionalization and institutionalism, and is based on wide-ranging and rigorous research. Students of international relations, the Asia-Pacific, Southeast Asia, regional studies, international history and security and defence studies will find this book of great interest, as will scholars, policy makers and economic forecasters with an interest in long-term Asia-Pacific trends.

Women are significantly underrepresented in politics in the Pacific Islands, given that only one in twenty Pacific parliamentarians are female, compared to one in five globally. A common, but controversial, method of increasing the number of women in politics is the use of gender quotas, or measures designed to ensure a minimum level of women's representation. In those cases where quotas have been effective, they have managed to change the face of power in previously male-dominated political spheres. How do political actors in the Pacific islands region make sense of the success (or failure) of parliamentary gender quota campaigns? To answer the question, Kerryn Baker explores the workings of four campaigns in the region. In Samoa, the campaign culminated in a "safety net" quota to guarantee a minimum level of representation, set at five female members of Parliament. In Papua New Guinea, between 2007 and 2012 there were successive campaigns for nominated and reserved seats in parliament, without success, although the constitution was amended in 2011 to allow for the possibility of reserved seats for women. In post-conflict Bougainville, women campaigned for reserved seats during the constitution-making process and eventually won three reserved seats in the House of Representatives, as well as one reserved ministerial position. Finally, in the French Pacific territories of New Caledonia, French Polynesia, and Wallis and Futuna, Baker finds that there were campaigns both for and against the implementation of the so-called "parity laws." Baker argues that the meanings of success in quota campaigns, and related notions of gender and representation, are interpreted by actors through drawing on different traditions, and renegotiating and redefining them according to their goals, pressures, and dilemmas. Broadening the definition of success thus is a key to an understanding of realities of quota campaigns. Pacific Women in Politics is a pathbreaking work that offers an original contribution to gender relations within the Pacific and to contemporary Pacific politics.

Security threats in Asia fast become issues for the rest of the world. This introductory and wide-ranging text on the subject takes a thematic approach to assess how localized security issues - from territorial rivalry to the rise of China - materialize as 'ripple effects' across the whole region.

An in-depth explanation of how the Cuban Revolution dictated Latin American politics and U.S.-Latin American relations from the 1950s to the present, including widespread democratization and the rise of the "Pink Tide." Fidel Castro's ascent to power and the revolution he carried out in Cuba not only catalyzed a wave of revolutionary activity; it also set off a wave of reaction that led to widespread military dictatorships and severe repression culminating in state terrorism. Both revolution and reaction were essentially over by 1990, and yet significant long-term effects of the Cuban Revolution can still be seen in the modern era. Latin America in the Era of the Cuban Revolution covers the events of the Cuban Revolution itself, the resulting radicalization of Latin American politics, the United States' responses to the threat of communist expansion in the hemisphere, and rural and urban guerrilla warfare that were spawned by the Cuban Revolution. It also addresses the very different but incomplete revolutions in Peru, Chile, and Nicaragua, the rise of state terrorism in response to the threat of revolution, and major developments after 1990. This book provides unique historical insights by bringing together under the umbrella of the impact of the Cuban Revolution developments that otherwise might seem unrelated to each other, thereby documenting the relationship between revolution and reaction. This third edition has three new chapters covering state terrorism in South America; state terrorism in Central America; and post-1990 developments such as neoliberalism, an unprecedented degree of democratization, the "Pink Tide" of leftist governments like those of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela and Evo Morales in Bolivia; and women's major gains in politics. Additionally, all of the chapters and the bibliography are updated.

This book presents a comparative analysis of Russia and Iran under sanctions. Whilst the growing literature on sanctions has focused primarily on their effectiveness, much less attention has been paid to the ways in which sanctions have transformed target societies and states. Despite, or indeed because of, the relentless enactment of sanctions, Russia and Iran have become increasingly Hobbesian in their governance - more self-reliant, less democratic, and more aggressive towards the West. The author explores these developments through a novel Welfare State Regime framework (WSR) that combines welfare state functionality with institutional, economic, and cultural structural dimensions.

This volume is an important contribution to the empirical research on what globalization means in different world regions. "Resistance" here has a double meaning: - Active, intentional resistance to tendencies which are rejected on political or moral grounds by presenting alternative discourses and concepts founded in specific cultural and national traditions. - Resilience with regard to globalization pressures in the sense that traditional patterns of development and politics are resistant to change and transform the impulses originating from globalization processes in a way that their results are very different when compared across regions and are not conducive to globalization. The book points out the possibility that the local, sub-national, national, and regional patterns of politics and development will coexist with globalized structures for quite a while without yielding very much ground and in ways which may turn out to be a serious barrier to further globalization. Case studies presented focus on Venezuela (A. Boeckh), Brazil (J. Faust), the Middle East (M. Beck, S. Hegasy), Iran (H. Furtig), and Russia (A. S. Makarychev, A. Shastitko, N. Zubarevich).

Professor Chan Heng Chee is the Institute of Policy Studies' 7th S R Nathan Fellow for the Study of Singapore. This book is an edited collection of her three IPS-Nathan Lectures, delivered between June and July 2020, and includes highlights of her question-and-answer segments with our virtual audience.Professor Chan analyses the uncertain and fast-changing world, and Singapore's place in it. She examines the major fault lines today, wrought by the sudden COVID-19 pandemic, the ongoing malfunctioning of democracies and capitalist economies, and the unravelling of the world order. The United States-China rivalry has continued to intensify, with ripple effects on the world order, global trade and technology. Singapore will need to navigate this evolving relationship skilfully, while adapting its governance and economic models to respond to other challenges. But is it all doom and gloom for Singapore? Could our circumstances help us as we approach the new normal that lies ahead of us? The IPS-Nathan Lecture series was launched in 2014 as part of the S R Nathan Fellowship for the Study of Singapore. It seeks to advance public understanding and discussion of issues of critical national interest for Singapore.