The future of American leadership in the Asia-Pacific under the Trump administration appears uncertain. In this timely book, Michael Heazle and Andrew O?Neil have brought together contributors from across the globe to explore the commitment of Australia and Japan to US leadership in this region, and how this commitment may impact on often tense relations between China and the US. China's Rise and Australia?-Japan?-US Relations discusses the strategic post-war presence of American leadership in Asia, and examines the influence on the region?s geopolitics. This book allows readers to understand how and why China is challenging this external engagement, and conversely why Australia and Japan want to maintain a commitment to US input; their perceptions of American leadership are critical indicators of the prospects for change in the region. This is a vital book for security and international relations scholars, researchers and experts, as it provides detailed analyses of current relations between countries in the Asia Pacific and the US, as well as giving a thorough look into what the future is likely to hold in terms of US commitment in the region. Contributors include: Z. Cooper, I. Hall, R. Hanada, M. Heazle, V. Jackson, R. Kersten, S. Lee, S. Mori, A. O'Neil, M. Rapp-Hooper, R. Sahashi

"BRICS: The Emergence of a New World Order" is a comprehensive work that sheds light on the constantly evolving dynamics of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and their growing role in shaping the future of the world. This book offers a complete and detailed analysis of BRICS, examining every aspect of their presence on the global stage.

The author, an expert in international relations and geopolitics, guides the reader through an informative journey that starts with the history and evolution of BRICS. From there, the book delves into a deep exploration of the economies of individual members, highlighting their strengths, challenges, and global impact. Political aspects are also at the forefront, with a meticulous analysis of the internal and external policies of BRICS countries and their diplomatic dynamics.

"BRICS: The Emergence of a New World Order" does not overlook international relations, examining BRICS' relationships with other global powers and their efforts to influence the global context. The concept of a "new world order" is explored, with an emphasis on BRICS' contributions to its definition and development.

Technology and innovation play a fundamental role in the analysis, with a keen focus on how BRICS are driving technological and scientific advancements. Sustainability and the fight against climate change are central themes, with an exploration of the policies adopted by BRICS to address environmental challenges.

The book also addresses social issues such as inequalities and human rights, offering a comprehensive overview of the challenges that BRICS must confront both internally and externally. Security and defense issues are detailed, with a focus on BRICS' security policies in the global context.

BRICS' role in international trade and the promotion of fair globalization is examined in depth. The discussion then shifts to the balance between globalization and nationalism, exploring how BRICS tackle these complex challenges.

Finally, the book looks into the future of BRICS, offering perspectives and future challenges in the context of the new world order. Each chapter is enriched with specific case studies, providing concrete examples of the dynamics at play.

"BRICS: The Emergence of a New World Order" is an essential work for anyone wishing to fully understand the role of BRICS in global politics, economics, and geopolitics. With comprehensive coverage and a balanced perspective, this book is an informative and enlightening guide for readers interested in global geopolitics and the emerging dynamics shaping our world.

The paradox of U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia The Obama administration's pivot-to-Asia policy establishes an important place for Southeast Asia in U.S. foreign policy. But Washington's attention to the region has fluctuated dramatically, from the intense intervention of the cold war era to near neglect in more recent years. As a consequence, countries in Southeast Asia worry that the United States once again will become distracted by other problems and disengage from the region. This book written by an astute observer of the region and U.S. policy casts light on the sources of these anxieties. A main consideration is that it still is not clear how Southeast Asia fits into U.S. strategy for Asia and the broader world. Is the region central to U.S. policymaking, or an afterthought? Ambivalent Engagement highlights a dilemma that is becoming increasingly conspicuous and problematic. Southeast Asia continues to rely on the United States to play an active role in the region even though it is an external power. But the countries of Southeast Asia have very different views about precisely what role the United States should play. The consequences of this ambivalence will grow in importance with the expanding role of yet another outside power, China.

Ten leading scholars and practitioners of politics, political science, anthropology, Israel studies, and Middle East affairs address the theme of continuity and change in political culture as a tribute to Professor Myron (Mike) J. Aronoff whose work on political culture has built conceptual and methodological bridges between political science and anthropology. Topics include the legitimacy of the two-state solution, identity and memory, denationalization, the role of trust in peace negotiations, democracy, majority-minority relations, inclusion and exclusion, Biblical and national narratives, art in public space, and avant-garde theater. Countries covered include Israel, Palestine, the United States, the Basque Autonomous Region of Spain, and Poland. The first four chapters by Yael S. Aronoff, Saliba Sarsar, Yossi Beilin, and Nadav Shelef examine aspects of the conflict and peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, including alternative solutions. The contributions by Naomi Chazan, Ilan Peleg, and Joel Migdal tackle challenges to democracy in Israel, in other divided societies, and in the creation of the American public. Yael Zerubavel, Roland Vazquez, and Jan Kubik focus their analyses on aspects of national memory, memorialization, and dramatization. Mike Aronoff relates his work on various aspects of political culture to each chapter in an integrative essay in the Epilogue.

This book explores the origins, rationale, problems and prospects of the European fiscal policy framework. It provides the reader with a roadmap to EMU's budgetary framework by exploring its theoretical and empirical foundations, uncovering its historical roots and emphasising its supranational nature. The authors, who have been at the forefront of the academic and policy debate on economic policy in Europe, argue that fiscal policy has always been at the core of the EMU debate. The Maastricht criteria and the Stability and Growth Pact are the most contentious building blocks of EMU's institutional architecture: they have aroused heated controversies between academics and policymakers ever since their adoption. As EMU's budgetary rules undergo their first severe shock, Europe is still searching for its fiscal soul. The book's basic premise is that one cannot fully understand EMU's fiscal framework and the recent debate on its reform without placing them in a historical and institutional perspective and abstracting from the uniqueness of EMU, where sovereign countries retain a large degree of fiscal independence, and monetary policy is entrusted to an independent central bank with the overriding mission of maintaining price stability. Analysing all aspects of EMU's fiscal rules and institutions, this book will strongly appeal to students, academics and researchers of macroeconomic policy and European integration. Policymakers and fiscal policy experts at both national and international levels will also find the book to be of great interest.

This book analyzes how variations in the traditional pillars of Italian foreign policy (the US, the EU and multilateralism) can be related to changes in the US-led international hegemonic order and to the role that Italy plays within that order. To explore these variations, the book proposes an analysis of the Italian voting and sponsoring behavior at the UN in the period 2000-2017, in both the General Assembly and the Security Council, and emphasizes the importance of the latter forum to detect how Italian behavior reflects changes at the international system level. By focusing on the Italian coalition behavior, the book explores how Italy as a status seeking middle power has traditionally played the role of coalition facilitator, adapting its foreign policy to be part of a coalition of European states and building on this coalition to increase its contribution to the maintenance of the international system in support of the US-led order. Ultimately this behavior also contributed to its status. However, at a moment when traditional coalitions are reshuffling, and elements of uncertainty are present, elements of volatility are present in Italian foreign policy, especially in the choice of intra-European coalition partners. Italy still builds on a coalition of European states and still does so in support of the US and its authority in the international hegemonic order. But changes in the bargaining environment are making the facilitation of a coalition of European states more difficult and less rewarding. The book also highlights ongoing challenges at both the domestic and international level that might lead to more marked discontinuities in the traditional Italian foreign policy behavior

As the ice around the Arctic landmass recedes, the territory is becoming a flashpoint in world affairs. New trade routes, cutting thousands of miles off journeys, are available, and the Arctic is thought to be home to enormous gas and oil reserves. The territorial lines are new and hazy. This book looks at how Russia deals with the outside world vis a vis the Arctic. Given Russia's recent bold foreign policy interventions, these are crucial issues and the realpolitik practiced by the Russian state is essential for understanding the Arctic's future.Here, Geir Honneland brings together decades of cutting-edge research - investigating the political contexts and international tensions surrounding Russia's actions. Honneland looks specifically at 'region-building' and environmental politics of fishing and climate change, on nuclear safety and nature preservation, and also analyses the diplomatic relations surrounding clashes with Norway and Canada, as well as at the governance of the Barents Sea. The Politics of the Arctic is a crucial addition to our understanding of contemporary International Relations concerning the Polar North.

Bridging East and West explores the literary evolution of Ol'ha Kobylians'ka, one of Ukraine's foremost modernist writers. Investigating themes of feminism, populism, Nietzscheanism, nationalism, and fascism in her works, this study presents an alternative intellectual genealogy in turn-of-the-century European arts and letters whose implications reach far beyond the field of Ukrainian studies. For feminist scholars, Bridging East and West makes accessible a thorough account of a central, yet overlooked, woman writer who served as a model and a contributor within a major cultural tradition. For those working in Victorian studies or comparative fascism and for those interested in Nietzsche and his influence on European intellectuals, Kobylians'ka emerges in this study as an unlikely, but no less active, trailblazer in the social and aesthetic theories that would define European debates about culture, science, and politics in the first half of the twentieth century. For those interested in questions of transnationalism and intersectionality, this study's discussion of Kobylians'ka's hybrid cultural identity and philosophical program exemplifies cultural interchange and irreducible complexities of cultural identity.

What has been the role of rising powers in the Arab-Israeli conflict? What does this tell us about rising powers and conflict management as well as rising powers' behavior in the world more generally? This book studies the way that five rising powers-Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, the BRICS countries-have approached the conflict since it first became internationalized in 1947. Conflict management consists of different methods, from peacekeeping to mediation and the use of economic incentives and sanctions and (non)enforcement of international legal decisions. What distinguishes them is whether they are active or passive: active measures seek to transform a conflict and resolve it; passive measures seek to ameliorate its worst effects, but do not change their underlying causes. Since 1947 rising powers' active or passive use of these methods has coincided with their rise and fall and rise again in the international system. Those rises and falls are tied to global changes, including the Cold War, the emergence of the Third World, economic and ideological retrenchment of the 1980s and 1990s and the shift from unipolarity to multipolarity after 2000. In summary, rising powers' management of the Arab-Israeli conflict has shifted from active to more passive methods since 1947. Their actions have occurred alongside two key changes within the conflict. One is the shift from a primarily state-based conflict between Israel and the Arabs to one that is more ethnic and territorial in scope, between Israel and the Palestinians. The other the emergence of the Oslo framework which has frozen power imbalance between Israel and the Palestinians since 1993. By pursuing the Oslo process, rising powers have separated conflict management from developing 'normal' diplomatic and economic exchanges with Israel and the Palestinians. In adopting this more passive conflict management approach, rising powers are disregarding both emerging alternatives that may potentially transform the conflict's dynamics (including involvement with civil society actors like the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement) and undertaking more active efforts at conflict resolution-and presenting themselves as global powers.

Policy Experiments, Failures and Innovations takes a policy studies perspective in considering post-communist EU member states? experiences since accession. The book analyses policy transfer processes and expands the new and growing sub-field of policy failure by interrogating the binary ideas of ?failure? and ?success? in the context of the Central Eastern European (CEE) transition, democratic consolidation and European Union membership. Contributions consider the extent to which external models have had real traction in the political economies and societies of the CEE countries. The book also considers the ways external models were adapted, transformed or sometimes abandoned in response to unexpected difficulties in implementation. It provides critical analysis of the setbacks, real or perceived policy failures, as well as innovations and unexpected outcomes in a number of important policy areas in the ?new? member states of the EU. This book will be of interest to policy studies scholars and European Union/European studies scholars. It is also relevant for students of European politics as well as general public policy degree courses at undergraduate and graduate level. Contributors include: D. Adascalitei, A. Batory, A. Cartwright, D. Craciun, S. Domonkos, H. Grabbe, A. Kemmerling, A. Krizsan, K. Makszin, L. Matei, G. Medve-Balint, B.G. Peters, D. Stone, S. Svensson, A. Tetenyi, S. Torotcoi, V. Zentai

After Saddam: American Foreign Policy and the Destruction of Secularism in the Middle East investigates the manner in which American foreign policy in Iraq artificially shifted the balance of power in the region and brought religious identities to the foreground. Deposing Saddam Hussein resulted in a new regional order that diminished the strength of secular nationalism, elevated Iran and Saudi Arabia as regional rivals, and by implication, established a new ideological paradigm that privileged competing religious factions over secular ideals. The trend first manifested itself in Iraq during the American occupation with Iranian-backed Shiites fighting Saudi-supported Sunnis. A similar dynamic is evident in current regional wars in Syria and Yemen. By elevating particular groups through rhetorical, financial, and military support, civil conflicts in the Middle East reflect the ideologies behind the Saudi-Iranian rivalry. This book therefore looks beyond popular narratives of intractable, long-standing Sunni-Shia conflict to explain the source of current sectarian tension as a product of balance of power dynamics. It also helps to explain the fracturing of the region that created a ripe environment for groups like the Islamic State to capitalize on sectarian grievances. This book relies and builds on balance of power theorizing by looking at the way that traditional competition for power between states and nonstate actors shapes ideological competition. For example, during the Cold War, the two major world powers-the U.S. and the Soviet Union-helped to shape international conflicts so that the narrative of "capitalism vs. communism" played a prominent role in civil and international conflicts-such as in Korea, Nicaragua, or Angola. By meddling in the internal affairs of states, arming rebel groups, and lending support to competing factions, the U.S. and U.S.S.R. shaped not only outcomes, but also the ideas underpinning conflicts. Today, a similar dynamic can be discerned in the Middle East.

As a new president takes over in Washington, three intertwined threats imperil the world. One is internal. The others are external. The internal threat is a potent and increasingly anti-patriotic, anti-competitive, anti-meritocratic, and sky-is-the-limit federal deficit spending political current that is simultaneously diminishing and destabilizing American and global economic vitality. The two major external threats are the rising military power of Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran and a global economic malaise sowing the seeds of discontent. America's role in containing the spread of new wave authoritarianism, and fostering competitiveness and global prosperity is critical, but domestic politics is preventing the Biden administration from adequately responding to these challenges. Biden's America is adrift.America is key to the survival of the free world. America is currently a beleaguered superpower. This book is possibly the first to address the politics shaping the likely course of America's new president in world affairs. It is politics, not idealist and realist abstractions, which determine international security. The world is concerned about what course Biden will take and the likely consequences. It will be the most carefully researched of such books.The book deals explicitly and extensively with issues such as spreading authoritarianism, the emerging new Cold War, global growth retardation, civic discord, economic sanctions, arms control, soft power and the deteriorating correlation of forces. The China weapons section of the book draws from the latest assessment made by the American Department of Defense. The book also includes a section on China's new technology generating innovation model and a chapter on Covid-19.

At times when so much attention is devoted to the constitutional architecture of the European Union via Treaty amendments or supplements in the aftermath of the Euro-crisis, the core business of European market building through harmonization is all too often neglected. It deserves strong recognition that Isidora Maletic forcefully brings Art. 114 TFEU back to the agenda. Her competent study provides new insights into the major competence rule which still forms the back bone of European Integration. The constant strive of the EU for embarking on non-trade policies against the half-hearted resistance of the Member States deserves indeed a major study, spelling out the details of the rather complex article. Her comprehensive analysis detects the amazing potential of Art. 114 TFEU as a tool to co-ordinate differences in the understanding of what might be a "high level of protection" and it allows for new ways of co-operation between the EU and the Member States. This finding, which is backed through the analysis of the ECJ case law and the notification procedure of Art. 114 TFEU fits into the overall debate on constitutional pluralism which stays away from a hierarchical understanding of the relationship between the EU legal order and the Member States.' - Hans Micklitz, European University Institute, Italy'This book is essential reading for anyone seeking an up-to-date and critical understanding of the success of the European Union's approach to market harmonisation.' - Veerle Heyvaert, London School of Economics, UK This innovative book explores the constitutional compromise between the European Union's legislative competence and member states' regulatory autonomy, and analyses the reconciliation of economic integration and welfare protection within the European internal market. It does so through the original lens of article 114 TFEU, the law-making clause underlying the European harmonisation process. Focusing on a critical provision and the controversial derogation mechanism contained therein, the book discusses contemporary, universally fundamental topics, such as risk assessment and related responsibility allocation within the constraints of complex legal frameworks, the preservation of regional regulatory autonomy against the background of centralised legislative norms, and the interaction of economic integration with policy interests like consumer, environmental and health protection. Highlighting the collaborative rather than adversarial value of national deviations from common European measures, the study not only complements the literature available on 'negative integration' of the internal market, but also challenges traditionally accepted axioms, revealing opportunities for risk prevention and legitimacy enhancement stemming from diverse European and national regulatory standards. This detailed book will be of wide international appeal to academics, practitioners, students, judges, policy-makers and officials working within the European Union and government representatives of individual member states, as well as anyone more generally interested in the dynamics of EU integration. Contents: Foreword Introduction 1. The Harmonisation of the Internal Market 2. EU Competence in the Internal Market 3. Regulatory Differentiation in the Internal Market 4. The Harmonisation Model Under Article 114 TFEU in Practice 5. Appraisal and Reform Proposals Bibliography Index

North Korea, Asia's tragic and prodigal son, is long overdue returning to the embrace of the international community--if only the political and military powers have the courage to seize it

For 60 years North Korea has had neither war nor peace; simply an Armistice signed in 1953--it is this lack of resolution that has perpetuated instability, fear, and a risk of further tragedy. Behind the backdrop is the ever-present danger of a major conflict and this book suggests that there is a better way to relate to the pariah state. There are many issues to be addressed, including serious concerns over the grave, systematic, and widespread violation of human rights, reported executions, torture, violations of religious freedom, and humanitarian concerns. Although the obstacles are gigantic, there is still hope for a better future and this book argues that through patient but firm engagement, this situation is capable of resolution. Distinguishing between an antipathy toward a decaying political ideology and a love of the dignified and courageous Korean people must remain the central concern--one must encourage the tiny shoots of hope and, above all, build bridges through constructive, critical engagement.