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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > International relations
The perceived impact of WTO law on the domestic regulatory autonomy of WTO Members is increasingly becoming the subject of controversy and debate. This book brings together in an integrated analytical framework the main WTO parameters defining the interface between the WTO and domestic legal orders, and examines how WTO adjudicators, i.e. panels and the Appellate Body, have construed those rules. A critical analysis identifies the flaws or weaknesses of these quasi-judicial solutions and their potential consequences for Members' regulatory autonomy. In an attempt to identify a more proper balance between WTO law and regulatory autonomy, it develops an innovative interpretation of the National Treatment obligations in GATT and GATS, drawing upon compelling arguments from legal, logic and economic theory.
The Tashkent-born Russian-American literary critic, editor, essayist, and journalist Vladislav Davidzon has been covering post-Soviet Ukraine for the past ten years, a tumultuous time for that country and the surrounding world. The 2014 “Revolution of Dignity” heralded a tremendous transformation of Ukrainian politics and society that has continued to ripple and reverberate throughout the world. These unprecedented events also wrought a remarkable cultural revolution in Ukraine itself. In late 2015, a year and a half after the 2014 Revolution swept away the presidency of the Moscow-leaning kleptocratic President Viktor Yanukovich, Davidzon and his wife founded a literary journal, The Odessa Review, focusing on newly emergent trends in film, literature, painting, design, and fashion. The journal became an East European cultural institution, publishing outstanding writers in the region and beyond. From his vantage point as a journalist and editor, Davidzon came to observe events and know many of the leading figures in Ukrainian politics and culture, and to write about them for a Western audience. Davidzon later found himself in the center of world events as he became a United States government witness in the Ukraine scandal that shook the presidency of Donald Trump. This eagerly anticipated debut tells the real story of what happened in Ukraine from the keen and resilient perspective of an observer at its center.
Sabic, Bukowski, and their contributors examine the efforts, thus far fruitless. of Slovenia to achieve full membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The rejection of the Slovenian application received considerable attention, both in Europe and in the United States. Within Slovenia, the rejection was seen as a heavy blow to its government. Policymakers and scholars alike have been sorting out the reasons for this political defeat, with the Slovenian government sponsoring this volume to better understand its options and the positions of other small states in the international community. Early in the post-socialist era, Slovenia viewed full North Atlantic Treaty Organization membership as one of its major political goals. Yet, this goal has not yet been accomplished, with only the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland admitted during the first round of NATO enlargement. The rejection of the Slovenian application received considerable attention, both in Europe and in the United States. Furthermore, the fact that Slovenia did not qualify for the first round of NATO expansion has been perceived in Slovenia as a heavy blow to its government. Policymakers and scholars alike are still sorting out the reasons for this political defeat.
The amount of publicly and often freely available information is
staggering. Yet, the intelligence community still continues to
collect and use information in the same manner as during WWII, when
the OSS set out to learn as much as possible about Nazi Germany and
Imperial Japan by scrutinizing encyclopedias, guide books, and
short-wave radio. Today, the supply of information is greater than
any possible demand, and anyone can provide information. In effect,
intelligence analysts are drowning in information.
Australia's relationship with Indonesia is one of its most important and contentious bilateral relationships, characterized by sharply differing social and cultural mores and by periodic crises and mutual distrust, but also by significant person-to-person contacts in many fields. Recent developments, including the tsunami tragedy, the policies of a new Indonesian president and the Corby affair, have demonstrated both the best and the worst in the relationship. The Corby affair revealed high levels of ignorance and prejudice about Indonesia in some quarters in Australia. On the other hand, the tsunami that wrecked Indonesia's Aceh province led to an outpouring of sympathy and support from Australia. Following President Yudhoyono's visit to Australia in early 2005, official relations, though fragile, were better than they had been for many years. Australia's management of its most important regional relationship also has implications for its relations with other countries in the region, through issues such as Australia's presence and role in regional organizations, and policy responses to the rise of China. This book examines the wide range of factors and approaches that are involved in meeting the bilateral and regional challenges, including government links, public images and mutual perceptions, regional organizations, the role of Islam, the aid relationship, security and counterterrorism, economic and business relations, and the student market. The articles by the authors in this book reflect a complex, many-sided relationship that is not susceptible to simplistic formulas or stereotypes. Contributors include former Australian ambassador to Indonesia Richard Woolcott; former Indonesianambassador to Australia S. Wiryono; Noke Kiroyan, president of the Indonesia-Australia Business Council; K. Kesavapany, director of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies; Paul Kelly of The Australian newspaper; Scott Dawson of the Australia-Indonesia Partnership for Reconstruction and Development; Hugh White and Jamie Mackie of the Australian National University; and David Reeve of the University of New South Wales.
The essays which appear in this volume have been written to pay tribute to the Hon Mr Justice Nial Fennelly, judge of the Supreme Court of Ireland and former Advocate General at the European Court of Justice, on the occasion of his retirement. The overall theme of the book is the relationship between European Union law and national law, and the role of courts in defining that relationship. The book consists of four main parts - the structure and functioning of the European Court of Justice, material issues of European Union law, aspects of Irish law and transversal issues of national and European law. The contributors are all past and present members of the European bench, members or former members of the Irish judiciary or Bar and/or experts in European Union law, many of whom have worked with Mr Justice Fennelly during his long and distinguished career at the Bar and on the bench.
Since the 1993 Oslo Accords, the Occupied Palestinian Territory has been the subject of extensive international peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts coordinated by Western donor states and international finance institutions. Despite their failure to yield peace or Palestinian statehood, the role of these organisations in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is generally overlooked owing to their depiction as tertiary actors engaged in technical missions. In Palestine Ltd., Toufic Haddad explores how neoliberal frameworks have shaped and informed the common understandings of international, Israeli and Palestinian interactions throughout the Oslo peace process. Drawing upon more than 20 years of policy literature, field-based interviews and recently declassified or leaked documents, he details how these frameworks have led to struggles over influencing Palestinian political and economic behaviour, and attempts to mould the class character of Palestinian society and its leadership. A dystopian vision of Palestine emerges as the by-product of this complex asymmetrical interaction, where nationalism, neo-colonialism and `disaster capitalism' both intersect and diverge. This book is essential for students and scholars interested in Middle East Studies, Arab-Israeli politics and international development.
One of the most pressing issues for China-and the world at large-is the continuing presence of an independence-minded Taiwan off China's southern coast. Recent modernization efforts within the Chinese military and tough remarks by Chinese officials have alarmed many in Washington, and caused others to question America's commitments in the region. Copper details events of recent decades to give the reader a complete picture of potential flash points concerning Taiwan. An expert who has studied the region for more than thirty years, he saw firsthand the turmoil that followed the recent Taiwanese elections. Drawing upon his interdisciplinary research on the political, economic, and military issues surrounding the U.S.-Taiwan-China triangle, he assesses the various aspects of this complex relationship and comments on what may come from playing with fire. Daily headlines and news stories remark upon the growing economic might of China. Analysts note that this increasing economic influence will undoubtedly lead to increasing political engagement on a global level. It is clear that the United States can no longer ignore what Napoleon called the sleeping giant. One of the most pressing issues for China-and the world at large-is the continuing presence of an independence-minded Taiwan off China's southern coast. Recent modernization efforts within the Chinese military and tough remarks by Chinese officials have alarmed many in Washington, and caused others to question America's commitments in the region. Copper details events of recent decades to give the reader a complete picture of potential flash points concerning Taiwan. An expert who has studied the region for more than thirty years, he saw firsthand the turmoil that followed the recent Taiwanese elections. Drawing upon his interdisciplinary research on the political, economic, and military issues surrounding the U.S.-Taiwan-China triangle, he assesses the various aspects of this complex relationship and comments on what may come from playing with fire.
In a period when the nature and scope of the European internal
market is hotly contested, this collection offers a topical
analysis of the most pressing issues relating to market integration
and public services in the EU. As the debate continues over the
balance between state control and market freedom, questions are
also raised about the relationship between EU regulation and
national policy choices and the 'joint responsibility' of the Union
and the Member States.
Since the end of the Cold War, United Nations peace operations have become an established and prominent feature of world politics. From Liberia to East Timor, the UN now carries out extensive governance-related functions and is a significant political force in Southern states and societies. Here Richard Al-Qaq leads us to a radical new understanding of the UN and its role in international politics. He uncovers the political and socio-economic import of such "peace" activities for subject societies, and raises important questions about the functioning and dynamics of the global political order. A critical view of the internal process of programmatic reform within the UN is elaborated by detailed studies of the politics of UN peace operations in three seminal cases of the 1990s, in Somalia, Rwanda and Angola. This book is essential for understanding the new role of the UN, especially in Africa, and the politics of so-called humanitarian intervention and peace-building.
China has traditionally viewed her frontier regions--Zxinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia and Yunnan--as buffer zones. Yet their importance as commercial and cosmopolitan hubs, intimately involved in the transmission of goods, peoples and ideas between China and it west and southwest has meant they are crucial for China's ongoing development. The resurgence of China under Deng Xiaoping's policy of 'reform and opening' has therefore led to a focus on integrating these regions into the PRC (People's Republic of China). This has important implications not only for the frontier regions themselves but also for the neighbouring states, with which they have strong cultural, religious, linguistic and economic ties. China's Frontier Regions explores the challenges presented by this integrationist policy, both for domestic relations and for diplomatic and foreign policy relations with the countries abutting their frontier regions.
Refugees lie at the heart of world politics. The causes and consequences of, and responses to, human displacement are intertwined with many of the core concerns of International Relations. Yet, scholars of International Relations have generally bypassed the study of refugees, and Forced Migration Studies has generally bypassed insights from International Relations. This volume therefore represents an attempt to bridge the divide between these disciplines, and to place refugees within the mainstream of International Relations. Drawing together the work and ideas of a combination of the world's leading and emerging International Relations scholars, the volume considers what ideas from International Relations can offer our understanding of the international politics of forced migration. The insights draw from across the theoretical spectrum of International Relations from realism to critical theory to feminism, covering issues including international cooperation, security, and the international political economy. They engage with some of the most challenging political and practical questions in contemporary forced migration, including peacebuilding, post-conflict reconstruction, and statebuilding. The result is a set of highly original chapters, yielding not only new concepts of wider relevance to International Relations but also insights for academics, policy-makers, and practitioners working on forced migration in particular and humanitarianism in general.
Development as a Battlefield is an innovative exploration of the multidimensional meanings of - and interactions between - conflict and development. The two phenomena are all too often regarded as ostensibly antagonistic. This was exemplified again in the context of the Arab Spring that erupted in December 2010 and was eventually short-lived in several countries of the Middle-East and North-Africa (MENA) region. This volume - the 8th thematic issue of International Development Policy - is an invitation to reconsider and renew the way social scientists usually seek to make sense of socio-political and economic developments in the MENA region and beyond. Contributors include: Fariba Adelkhah, Yasmine Berriane, Irene Bono, Ayse Bugra, Raphaelle Chevrillon-Guibert, Anouck Gabriela Corte real-Pinto, Nadia Hachimi Alaoui, Beatrice Hibou, Adriana Kemp, Nora Lafi. Talia Margalit, Marie Vannetzel, Elena Vezzadini, and Merieme Yafout.
Is NATO still in the best interest of the United States? This provocative work argues that the focus on NATO distracts the U.S. from the vital foreign policy challenges of the 21st century, most notably China's rise in power. Since its beginning in 1949, NATO-the North Atlantic Treaty Organization-has been at the center of U.S. foreign policy. The alliance was crucial during the decades of the Cold War, and the United States collaborated closely with NATO during crises in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Libya. But does the NATO alliance still serve the best interests of the U.S.? The NATO of today-one that has expanded to 30 member countries-risks involving the U.S. in unwanted military activities of the future, actions that were not intended in the original Atlantic alliance. In addition, the real challenges for foreign policy of 21st century are not in Europe, but in the expanding economic powerhouses in Asia, especially China. NATO Reconsidered argues that the changes in world politics in recent decades requires that the more than 70-year-old alliance should no longer be the principal focus of U.S. foreign policy. Makes an original and contrarian argument openly questioning U.S. participation in NATO in the 21st century Takes account of NATO's full history, putting today's international reality into context Analyzes surprising data on Germany's growing economic and political ties to Russia, questioning Germany's reliability as a NATO ally Reflects the author's unique perspective on NATO stemming from experience in the State Department, in international business, and as a professor teaching world politics with a focus on Europe Openly eschews the globalists' "party line" and offers solid analysis and conclusions needed to ensure the U.S.' future security
Understanding International Law through Moot Courts: Genocide, Torture, Habeas Corpus, Chemical Weapons, and the Responsibility to Protect consists of five sets of opposing legal briefs and judge's decisions for five moot court cases held before the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. Each moot court brief included in the book addresses contemporary controversies in international affairs; issues ranging from the application of the newly emerging Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, to the torture of detainees, to the derogation from international due process protections. These moot court briefs and case judgments help students formulate legal arguments that will be applicable to other similar cases. They also provide students with excellent sources of international and domestic law, as well as greater comprehension of topics ranging from jurisdictional disputes to matters of evidence. Chapter 1 of the book provides an overview of the book as well as instructions regarding the construction of a moot court. Chapter two, by George Andreopoulos discusses the interrelationship between human rights and international criminal law. Chapters 3 through 7 are the cases. The introduction to each chapter (and subsequently each case) lays out the facts of the case in question, discusses (where applicable) issues associated with the material and contextual elements of the crimes(s) in question, provides additional topics for classroom discussion, and also places the issues of contention between the parties within the broader context of foreign affairs and international relations. After each set of briefs and legal judgments is an appendix which includes an example moot court, as well as an appendix that includes a set of alterable facts that students and faculty could adopt to change the general legal argument of the particular case.
High oil prices are bound to undermine the U.S. economic recovery,
unless global supplies increase significantly. Latin America holds
the world's biggest oil reserves after the Middle East, but
politics are hindering its potential, especially in Venezuela.
Global U.S. security would benefit from a revamping of outdated and
misguided idealism-driven policies toward Latin America, which, in
fact, strengthen anti-American forces led by President Hugo Chavez.
When he was appointed ambassador to South Vietnam by President Kennedy, Frederick Nolting remembers a friend warning him that Vietnam puts a blight on everyone who touches it--a blight of frustration, futility, and failure. Twenty-seven years later, he observes candidly that ironies, frustrations, reversals, and failures abound in the records of many Americans who have touched Vietnam, including his own. From Trust to Tragedy is Frederick Nolting's frank and perceptive account of the events in Vietnam and Washington that culminated in the overthrow of the Diem government in November 1963. It is the story of how the situation appeared to him as he worked to help Vietnam achieve peace and freedom and why he still believes that by encouraging the military revolt against Diem, the Kennedy administration set the stage for the tragic war that followed. Although Nolting's account is, by his own description, not a history but an interpretation, he has checked his vivid recollections against official documents and the interpretations of others so that they blend with the broader fabric of the history of the Vietnam War. He pulls no punches in his evaluations of some of the towering figures of the Kennedy administration against whom he had to fight for his policies. As William E. Colby, the CIA station chief in Saigon notes in his foreword, In the end, he lost that battle, but his story of it is a necessary piece of American history.
This volume on ""Education towards a Culture of Peace"" is a timely undertaking, since the United Nations has proclaimed the years 2001-2010 as the ""International Decade for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence for the Children of the World."" A culture of peace as defined by the UN is ""a set of values, attitudes, modes of behaviour and ways of life that reject violence and prevent conflicts by tackling their root causes to solve problems through dialogue and negotiation among individuals, groups and nations"". (UN Resolutions A/RES/52/13 1998: Culture of Peace and A/RES/53/243, 1999: Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace). Most of the chapters in this book are based on lectures that were presented at the International Conference, ""Education towards a Culture of Peace"". This conference was convened on 1-3 December 2003, by the The Josef Burg Chair in Education for Human Values, Tolerance and Peace - UNESCO Chair on Human Rights, Democracy, Peace and Tolerance School of Education, at Bar Ilan University, Israel.This international gathering was attended by prominent scholars of Human Rights and Peace from Canada, Chile, Croatia, Germany, Mauritius the Netherlands's, The United States, the Palestinian Authority and Israel. Australian, Indian, Jordanian and Moroccan colleagues also submitted papers. This conference was held under the auspices of Israel National Commission for UNESCO and supported also by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Jerusalem, The office of Public Affairs of the US Embassy Tel Aviv, Fulbright - United States - Israel Educational Foundation |
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