Countless editorials have addressed the if, how, why, when, and who dimensions of NATO enlargement. These issues will continue to generate debate despite the Madrid summit decisions and will invariably influence legislators in discharging their historic responsibility to provide advice and consent to ratification of the protocols of accession before April 1999. Congressman Solomon's volume will help place these issues in perspective, answer the skeptics of enlargement, and provide the missing historical context for the profound geopolitical challenge of European security on the cusp of the 21st century.

He begins by reviewing NATO's initial response, from 1989 to 1990, to the collapse of the Warsaw Pact. The early moves from outreach toward enlargement are then explored, and then he examines how NATO sought to combine the two strands of prospective enlargement while engaging nations not seeking NATO membership, especially Russia, to prepare for coalition operations and the spread of democratic security values. Next he analyzes how the Partnership for Peace concept eventually progressed toward the decisions to invite the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland to join the alliance by 1999. Important reading for scholars, policymakers, and citizens concerned with current strategic and international relations issues.

This is the story of the most powerful NATO Supreme Commander of the Cold War, General Lauris Norstad was both a 'nuclear' general and an 'international' general. His primary goal was to keep the Alliance together as he accommodated British and French nuclear ambitions while forestalling the same in the West Germans. He also was at the centre of the political/military manoeuvrings over Berlin and the Soviet attempt to blackmail the West into recognizing East Germany, all of which culminated in the building of the infamous 'Wall'.

A recent National Security Strategy report singles out nuclear proliferation as one of the gravest threats to the United States. Much of this fear is focused on North Korea and Iran, two "rogue states" that have violated nonproliferation rules and engaged in provocative actions, including nuclear and ballistic missile tests. Conventional wisdom dictates that the regimes in these countries have a uniquely defiant and dangerous nature, and that coercive measures such as sanctions and preemptive strikes are the most effective way to deal with them. But how do the neighbors of these two states view them, and how does this perception map onto the regional landscape in East Asia and the Middle East? Global Rogues and Regional Orders offers a systematic analysis of the intersection of nuclear proliferation and regional order in East Asia and the Middle East. It does so by exploring the causes and consequences of the regional perceptions and policies with regard to the North Korean and Iranian challenges. The U.S. depiction of North Korea and Iran as archetypical global rogues is fundamentally at odds with the regional debate, which centers on multiple understandings of what these nations respectively mean for the regional order. While some regional actors, such as Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Japan, side with the United States, others seek to challenge, or dissociate from, the U.S. position as a means to enhance their countries' regional role and foreign policy autonomy. By turning the analytical focus onto regional actors and the regional dimension of nuclear proliferation, this book offers a novel way to analyze global proliferation challenges and provides new insights into the making of regional orders in East Asia and the Middle East.

This is the first study of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO). It provides a concise description of UNIDO's activities as an actor in the field of international industrial cooperation from the 1960's to the present day. The emergence of UNIDO as a specialized agency of the United Nations is analyzed with emphasis on legal and institutional issues, and problems related to UNIDO's efficiency and its dependence upon political consideration, especially with respect to major countries, are examined. Finally, recommendations are made for the improvement of UNIDO's industrial development activities. This work will be of interest to scholars and students in development economics, international economics, international relations, and international organizations.

Focusing on Afghanistan's relations with the West during the latter half of the 20th century, this study offers new insights on the long-term origins of the nation's recent tragedies. Roberts finds that, since the 1930s in particular, Afghanistan pursued policies far more complex, and considerably more pro-Western, than previous studies have surmised. By the end of the Second World War, Britain and Afghanistan seemed headed toward an extensive partnership in military and economic affairs. Opportunities to cement Afghanistan to the West existed, but ultimately ran afoul of regional politics, shortsighted policy, and indifference. The rise of the Indian nationalist movement and the eventual partition of India would have strategic ramifications for Afghanistan. Pakistan and India, weakened and poised against each other, saw no reason to aid the Kabul regime, leaving only the United States as a potential benefactor. Successive American administrations, however, denied most Afghan requests. When the Eisenhower administration extended support to Pakistan, it alienated Afghan leaders, who then chose to broker a deal with the Soviet Union. Roberts analyzes recent American policy toward Afghanistan and its neighbors, clarifying the current situation and offering guidelines for future relations.

Latin America's proximity to the United States made the improvement of relations between the two regions imperative in the first two decades of the 20th century. William Jennings Bryan, Secretary of State for Woodrow Wilson until 1915, was largely responsible for this task. Although Bryan had denounced as imperialistic his predecessors' political and economic intervention in Latin America, his own policies also had an imperialistic tone. Bryan resigned in June 1915, but his actions while in office served as the foundation for later intervention in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic. This work details Bryan's attitudes toward Latin America prior to assuming the title of secretary of state, his actions while in office, and his political stance after resignation. Six topical chapters cover Bryan's policies toward Nicaragua, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, the Panama Canal Tolls Controversy, and the Columbian Treaty. The work concludes with an analysis of Bryan's inconsistent attitude on imperialism.

Sailor, painter, doctor, lawyer, polyglot, and writer, Dmitri Bystrolyotov

(1901-75) led a life that might seem far-fetched for a spy novel, yet here

the truth is stranger than fiction. The result of a thirty-five-year journey

that started with a private meeting between the author and Bystrolyotov

in 1973 Moscow and continued through the author's subsequent

research in international archives, Stalin's Romeo Spy: The Remarkable

Rise and Fall of the KGB's Most Daring Operative pieces together a life lived

in the shadows of the twentieth century's biggest events.

One of the "Great Illegals," a team of outstanding Soviet spies operating

in Western countries between the world wars, Bystrolyotov was

the response to Sidney Reilly, the British prototype for James Bond.

A dashing man, his modus operandi was the seduction of women--

among them a French embassy employee, a German countess, the wife

of a British official, and a Gestapo officer--which enabled Stalin to look

into diplomatic pouches of many European countries. Risking his life,

Bystrolyotov also stole military secrets from Nazi Germany and Fascist

Italy. A man of extraordinary physical courage, he twice crossed the

Sahara Desert and the jungles of Congo.

But his success as a spy didn't save him from Stalin's purges, at the

height of which he was arrested and tortured until he falsely confessed

to selling out to the enemy. Sentenced to twenty years of hard labor in

the Gulag, Bystrolyotov risked more severe punishment by documenting

the regime's crimes against humanity in unpublished and suppressed

memoirs that rival those of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.

The first full-length biography in any language, at once a real-life

spy thriller, a drama of desire, and a prison memoir, Stalin's Romeo Spy

is the true account of a flawed yet extraordinary man.

Until recently, historians have defined the Commonwealth Caribbean territories by their relationship with Britian and have attributed little importance to American relations with these territories. Fraser provides a reinterpretation of U.S. policy toward the West Indies since 1940. He establishes links between Afro-West Indian groups and African Americans who successfully influenced both American and British policy in the West Indies. Thus, he explores a little-understood and little-studied aspect of American policy toward Britain's disengagement from empire after 1945 and the way decolonization in the Caribbean helped to shape the pattern and strategy of the Anglo-American relationship from Roosevelt to Kennedy. The book will force a rethinking of American policy toward the West Indies since 1940, the impact of race on American foreign policy, and the historiography of inter-American relations.

Providing a detailed examination of climate negotiations records since the 1990s, this book shows that, in addition to agreeing on climate policy frameworks, the negotiations process is of crucial importance to success. Shedding light on the dynamics of international climate policymaking, its respective chapters explore key milestones such as the Kyoto Protocol, Marrakech Accords, Cancun Agreement and Doha Framework. The book identifies a minimum of three conditions that need to be fulfilled for successful climate negotiations: the negotiations need to reflect the fact that climate change calls for global solutions; the negotiation process must be flexible, including multiple trajectories and several small steps; and decisive tactical maneuvers need to be made, as much can depend on, for example, personalities and the negotiating atmosphere. With regard to the design of an international climate policy regime, the main challenge presented has been the inability to agree on globally supported greenhouse gas emission reduction measures. The book offers an excellent source of information for researchers, policymakers and advisors alike.

Soviet authorities in 1987-1991 tried to encourage the union republics to use their diplomatic apparatuses, created by Stalin in 1944, to solicit foreign economic trade and aid. In many cases, union republics were able to draw upon diplomatic precedents established during the early Soviet period, or when they were independent states in the period 1918-1921. The many international contacts and ties the former union republics had established abroad helped them to promptly gain diplomatic recognition and establish diplomatic relations with many foreign states, mitigating to some degree the shock to the world order caused by the breakup of the Soviet Union.

This book examines international radio news coverage of the four superpower summit meetings between Soviets and Americans from 1987 to 1990. It concentrates on the symbolic constructs used by radio services to report about the summits, including their treatments of the two superpowers, their leaders, and their perspectives as recorded in interviews, press conferences and releases, joint communiques, and briefings. The study assesses the degree of success enjoyed by each of the superpowers in directing the nature of international news coverage, particularly the public relations battle between Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan. It also weighs the viability of specific talking points written to direct U.S. summit statements by the National Security Council, and the degree to which news coverage was tainted by propaganda. Finally, it is able to suggest the nature of each service's contribution to diversity in international news flow, and to the ongoing debate about the equality of the international communication and information order.

'Soft power' is an oft-used term and commands an instinctive understanding among journalists and casual observers, who mostly interpret it as 'diplomatic' or somehow 'persuasive'. 'Hard power' is seen, by contrast, as something more tangible and usually military. But this is a superficial appreciation of a more subtle concept - and one key to Britain's future on the international stage. Britain's Persuaders is a deep exploration of this phenomenon, using new research into the instruments of soft power evident in British society and most relevant to the 2020s. Some, like the British Council or the BBC World Service, are explicitly intended to generate soft power in accordance with governmental intentions; but rather more, like the entertainment industries, sport, professional regulatory bodies, hospitality industries or education sectors have more penetrating soft power effects even as they pursue their own independent or commercial rationales. This book conducts an up-to-date 'audit' of all Britain's principal sources of soft power. Situating its analysis within the current understanding of the 'smart power' of nation states - that desire to employ the full spectrum of policy instruments and national characteristics to achieve policy outcomes, specifically in the context of 'Brexit Britain' where soft power status is certain to loom larger during the 2020s.

In this edited collection diplomats, academic researchers, and journalists survey modern Russian-Japanese relations. An attempt is made to go back to the origins of the conflict in their relations, to analyze their current status, and to propose an agenda for the future. The authors argue that the problems Moscow and Tokyo inherited from the decades of the Cold War cannot be resolved through a narrow bilateral approach and will require constructure U.S. participation. The problem of the Northern Territories is examined in the context of the North Pacific regional security environment. The authors explore the prospects for cooperative regional engagement, a nuclear build-down in the North Pacific, and possible involvement of the UN in the resolution of the territorial dispute.

The dissolution of the Soviet Union raised hopes for a rapid improvement of Japanese-Russian relations. This is important to both global and regional stability, peace, and security in Northeast Asia, and to Russia's transition to new relations with the West. Both Russia and Japan are in the process of domestic change and have weak political leadership. Yeltsin's visit to Tokyo in October 1993 was a cause for relief and for hope as the two nations discussed their common concerns. However, the Northern Territories remains a serious obstacle to improved relations. In this book an attempt is made to go back to the origins of the conflict in Japan-Russia relations, to discuss their current status, and to propose an agenda for the future.

There was a broad consensus among the diplomats, academic researchers, political analysts, and journalists whose writings are part of this collection. First, the problems Moscow and Tokyo inherited from the decades of Cold War cannot be resolved through a narrow bilateral approach and will require constructive U.S. participation. Second, the interconnection between bilateral, regional, and global trends created a new context for Moscow-Tokyo dialogue and cooperation. Third, the problem of the Northern Territories cannot be separated from the realities of the North Pacific regional security environment, which is still under the residual influence of the Cold War. The authors explore the prospects for cooperative regional engagement, a nuclear build-down in the North Pacific, and possible involvement of the UN in the resolution of the territorial dispute. Among the problems that require immediate attention, the writers focus on defense conversion, and dismantlement and disposing of nuclear weapons, and prospects for trilateral partnership that will serve the purpose of multilateral cooperation in the North Pacific/Northeast Asian region.

'Vanessa Nakate continues to teach a most critical lesson. She reminds us that while we may all be in the same storm, we are not all in the same boat.' - Greta Thunberg No matter your age, location or skin colour, you can be an effective activist. Devastating flooding, deforestation, extinction and starvation. These are the issues that not only threaten in the future, they are a reality. After witnessing some of these issues first-hand, Vanessa Nakate saw how the world's biggest polluters are asleep at the wheel, ignoring the Global South where the effects of climate injustice are most fiercely felt. Inspired by a shared vision of hope, Vanessa's commanding political voice demands attention for the biggest issue of our time and, in this rousing manifesto for change, shows how you can join her to protect our planet now and for the future. Vanessa realized the importance of her place in the climate movement after she, the only Black activist in an image with four white Europeans, was cropped out of a press photograph at Davos in 2020. This example illustrates how those who will see the biggest impacts of the climate crisis are repeatedly omitted from the conversation. As she explains, 'We are on the front line, but we are not on the front page.' Without A Bigger Picture, you're missing the full story on climate change. 'An indispensable voice for our future.' - Malala Yousafzai 'A powerful global voice.' - Angelina Jolie

Much of the world reaped a peace dividend with the end of the Cold War, yet Asia has seen little reduction in tensions and military spending. Three Cold War era conflicts-those dividing China and Taiwan, North and South Korea, and India and Pakistan-remain unresolved. Other regional powers, as well as the United States, continue to be concerned about these volatile disputes. North Korea's nuclear and long-range missile development, China's opposition to Taiwan's pursuit of independence, and Pakistan's longstanding dispute with India have all received increasing media attention. This is the first volume using a common approach to examine post-Cold War changes in these three volatile dyads.

The book's case studies detail the evolution of each country's security policy and its shifting mix of alliances. The authors analyze U.S. interests and discuss how U.S. intervention affects strategic calculations of the conflicted states. This mechanism allows gives the readers a truer understanding of the conflicts and how they interact within the Asian security system in general. Each of the dominant theoretical frameworks of international relations-neo-realism, neo-liberalism, and constructivism-offer crucial insights into this complicated situation.

In the wake of massive injustice, how can justice be achieved and peace restored? Is it possible to find a universal standard that will work for people of diverse and often conflicting religious, cultural, and philosophical backgrounds? In Just and Unjust Peace, Daniel Philpott offers an innovative and hopeful response to these questions. He challenges the approach to peace-building that dominates the United Nations, western governments, and the human rights community. While he shares their commitments to human rights and democracy, Philpott argues that these values alone cannot redress the wounds caused by war, genocide, and dictatorship. Both justice and the effective restoration of political order call for a more holistic, restorative approach. Philpott answers that call by proposing a form of political reconciliation that is deeply rooted in three religious traditions--Christianity, Islam, and Judaism--as well as the restorative justice movement. These traditions offer the fullest expressions of the core concepts of justice, mercy, and peace.By adapting these ancient concepts to modern constitutional democracy and international norms, Philpott crafts an ethic that has widespread appeal and offers real hope for the restoration of justice in fractured communities. From the roots of these traditions, Philpott develops six practices--building just institutions and relations between states, acknowledgment, reparations, restorative punishment, apology and, most important, forgiveness--which he then applies to real cases, identifying how each practice redresses a unique set of wounds. Focusing on places as varied as Bosnia, Iraq, South Africa, Germany, Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste, Chile and many others--and drawing upon the actual experience of victims and perpetrators--Just and Unjust Peace offers a fresh approach to the age-old problem of restoring justice in the aftermath of widespread injustice.

The scope of maintenance functions in the Indian Air Force (IAF) is vast. The need for a very specialised professional conduct in each one of these is obvious from the width of deliberations in this book. Further, the reader can appreciate the virtues of an integrated approach to maintenance. The text is, therefore, as relevant to the aircrew as it is to the engineers, technicians and logisticians. The paradigm of maintenance has attained a unique character over the years in the IAF despite legacies from its British genesis. Maintenance philosophies have been adaptively developed to support ever growing air power dimensions and exclusive indigenous requirements. A maintenance engineer in the IAF gets involved with every engineering aspect of planning, design/development, acquisition and projects besides maintenance and logistics support to operations. Unlike most other air forces, the communications and Information Technology (IT) disciplines are also taken on by the maintenance man in the IAF. All activities within the maintenance arena have been dealt with ingeniously in this book. This book reviews diverse fields of engineering activities. Beginning with the need for an organisational fusion, an array of specialised functions has been presented to finally suggest an integrated maintenance approach. Quality discipline and goal alignment are prime factors - emphasis on these runs through all the discussions. Learning from nearly four decades of experience in the Air Force, a few mindsets have been highlighted, with suggestions for a paradigm shift. It is always fascinating to relive memories of leaders who shaped our destiny. These examples have the potential to send a surge of renewed motivation through every air warrior. The chapter on the work force is a tribute to the commitment of airmen and civilians. This book is a first in many ways. The need for transformational thinking with a systems' view has been advocated for all actions related to a subject as sedate as maintenance. Contributions from different variables viz. infrastructure, material, technology, processes and people, above all, have to be in sync to produce the desired air power outcome. The objective of this book is not to prescribe a solution but to provoke thinking about new paradigms for improvement.

A source of perennial tension in states is the degree to which decision making power and authority should be concentrated in central institutions and individuals. At present the conventional wisdom of central-local relations has swung in favour of decentralisation. This book investigates whether such convergence is taking place through detailed examination in Asia Pacific. The results of the survey reveal a complex picture in which divergence is still evident in the region's patterns of central-local relations.

Blending detailed contextual analysis with issues in modern-day international relations this book provides a major new analysis of the theory of Clausewitz and its relevance to contemporary society. This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting on the success, the limitations, and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war, a theory, which is still relevant in light of contemporary conflict. This new interpretation is the result of reflecting on Clausewitz's theory in light of the new developments and lays down the foundation of a general theory of war by concentrating on Clausewitz's historical analyses of war campaigns. For the first time analysis of three paradigmatic military campaigns is placed at the centre of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's 'On War': The author argues that the limitations of Napoleon's strategy, as revealed in Russia and in his final defeat, enabled Clausewitz to develop a general theory of war. This book is a project of the Oxford Leverhulme Programme on the Changing Character of War.

This volume addresses the topic of circular migration with regard to its multiple dimensions and human, political and civil rights implications from a global perspective. It combines theoretical and empirical studies and presents different case studies illustrating circular migration patterns and policies in different world regions. Circular migration processes - understood as the back-and-forth movement of people between countries and regions- form part of the changing nature of migration movements across the world at the beginning of the 21st century. Over the past decades, international, regional and internal migration flows have shown a quantitative increase and have changed in scope, context, origin and nature. Migration projects are every time more open-ended, multi-directional and flexible and often include some type of circularity. Instead of mere "push-pull-scenarios", people migrate for many different reasons, including personal, family, professional, academic or political ones. In the 21st century migration journeys and the reasons underlying them are multiple and more diverse than ever before.

Campbell presents a study of the lives and experiences of Europeans and Americans in the age of early industrial overseas expansions, who became detatched from their own societies and lived, sometimes for many years, among Pacific Islanders as integrated members of their communities, often with little hope of returning home and frequently with no wish to do so. As engaging as primitivism was to European philosophers, the realities of contact between seafarers and islanders who faced previously unimagined technological and human marvels were much more pragmatic. Jealousy, ethnocentrism, and violence on both sides competed with humanitarian interests and indigenous hospitality to shape the emerging pattern of relationships. At first, Europeans crossed the oceans only for compelling reasons: the passion for scientific research, the dedication to Christian evangelism, or the uncompromising profit motive. Later, settlers and government officials followed in the wake of these early explorers. Scattered in the interstices of contact relationships were large numbers of men whose interest was not in changing native society or profiting from it, but in experiencing primitive life and simply surviving itself. These men included castaways and deserters, some abandoned by their captains and others kidnapped by the islanders. Their prospects depended on their successful integration into Polynesian society--and in making themselves useful by applying European knowledge and skills to local situations and by mediating between islanders and their insistent visitors.

The key role in the security policy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is to prevent new types of asymmetric challenges and deal with the new architecture of the Euro-Atlantic security environment, including the control of weapons of mass destruction. In modern international politics, the growing militaristic policies of the states have created many dangers and raised the need for NATO to address new issues that the Alliance did not face during the Cold War. NATO and the Future of European and Asian Security reflects on difficult geopolitical and geostrategic conditions and reviews how new types of warfare have a drastic impact on NATO's military and defense doctrine. This book provides the newest data and theories and contributes to the understanding of the transformation of the regional security environment in the aegis of the Euro-Atlantic. Covering topics including foreign policy, global security, hybrid warfare, securitization, and smart defense, this book is essential for government officials, policymakers, public relations officers, military and defense agencies, teachers, historians, political scientists, security analysts, national security professionals, administrators, government organizations, researchers, academicians, and students.

North Korean Foreign Policy: Security Dilemma and Succession, by Yongho Kim, starts from the point of view that North Korea's provocations have been motivated more by fear than by her in-born provocative nature. Kim argues that North Korea's provocative foreign policy reflects its threat perception stemming from various security dilemma, and a very real concern regarding another father-to-son succession. This volume views North Korea's external and domestic threats as causes and its provocative foreign policy as an effect of the causes. The security dilemma has impelled North Korea to generate and thus portray to the world provocative signals, and the ever-pressing issue of Kim Jong-il's succession has driven him to prioritize his own political survival over that of North Korea's state survival. Unless Kim Jong-il's political survival is guaranteed, North Korea will not be interested in full-scale introduction of capitalist way of economic reform and economic package promised by the United States and South Korea in return for the abandonment of their nuclear program. North Korean Foreign Policy suggests that an effective policy for countries relating to North Korea, whether dovish or hawkish, should deal directly with Kim Jong-il's political survival, and not with Pyongyang's failed economy.