This book makes a new departure from others on the subject. Not only does it analyze Brexit from the domestic point of view in the UK-democracy, social analysis, and construction of new institutionalization with the EU - it extends the analysis externally and reconsiders the EU and UK relationship with Asia and the implications for international relations and a new world order. From this foundation, this book presents a broad and diverse spectrum of views concerning Brexit and the EU. For these reasons, it serves as an original and excellent textbook for undergraduate and graduate students as well as for researchers of the EU and international relations. Contributions to this volume are from the European Union Studies Association (EUSA) Asia Pacific Tokyo Conference and affiliated conferences at the following universities between 2017-19: Aoyama Gakuin University (Tokyo), Taiwan National University (Taipei), and Fudan University (Shanghai). Almost all of the authors have engaged in interdisciplinary research on the EU, are members of the EUSA Asia Pacific, and have made public presentations on Brexit and how it relates to the EU, Asia, international relations, economics, and institutions. Therefore, this book presents various aspects of Brexit and its aftermath from the perspectives of the disciplines of political science, economics, and international relations in its analysis of the UK, the EU, Asia, and the future world order. The EUSA Presidents and executive committee members participated in the Asia Pacific Conference; postgraduate student workshops were organized and their presentations moderated, thereby guaranteeing both the quality of the contributions to this book as well as encouraging young talented scholars to write about Brexit and the EU. While many books on Brexit have been published, this book offers many new and perspectives that provide suggestions for possible solutions to the problems facing the UK and the EU after Brexit.

With the European Parliament comprising politicians from many different countries, cultures, languages, national parties and institutional backgrounds, one might expect politics in the Parliament to be highly-fragmented and unpredictable. By studying more than 12,000 recorded votes between 1979 and 2004 this 2007 book establishes that the opposite is in fact true: transnational parties in the European Parliament are highly cohesive and the classic 'left-right' dimension dominates voting behaviour. Furthermore, the cohesion of parties in the European Parliament has increased as the powers of the Parliament have increased. The authors suggest that the main reason for these developments is that like-minded MEPs have incentives to form stable transnational party organizations and to use these organizations to compete over European Union policies. They suggest that this is a positive development for the future of democratic accountability in the European Union.

Paul explores both how and why U.S. military intervention decisions are made. Pursuit of that inquiry requires the identification of decision participants, thorough examination of the decision making processes they employ, and recognition of several factors that influence intervention decisions: the national interest, legitimacy, and the legacies of previous policies. This book provides chapter length treatment of each of these issues. The research is based on detailed historical case studies for the four U.S. Marines on the beach military interventions in Latin America since World War II: The Dominican Republic (1965), Grenada (1983), Panama (1989), and Haiti (1994). Additional cases (notably Afghanistan and Iraq) enter the discussion when considering findings with broader implications.

Of the existing theories of governance that compete to explain government policy making, Paul finds that elite theory provides the best general model for intervention decision making, but that the notions of both pluralist and class theorists contribute to a complete explanation, and sometimes in an unexpected way. Findings also indicate considerable contribution from and constraint by institutional sources. However, far from finding that institutional factors are wholly deterministic, this research offers support for a choice-within-constraints model. Conclusions suggest that top decision-makers (especially the president) enjoy wide latitude in framing the national interest and in choosing where to and where not to intervene.

Multinational Investment in Modern Europe addresses the theoretical explanations for increased multinational investment and activity comparing Europe, Japan and America. It then focuses upon the consequences of cross-investment and strategic interaction between multinationals operating within the EC, paying particular attention to the impact on the competitiveness and technological capacity of selected countries and firms. It is suggested that the restructuring of the European networks of multinationals is affecting the geographical division of labour between EC countries.In conclusion, it examines patterns of national specialization by trade within the EC and changing business-government relationships. Containing new work by an international group of leading economists, this stimulating and instructive book will be invaluable to all those interested in multinational investment and the future of the European economies after the completion of the single market.

The political economy of Iran underwent the fundamental transition from feudalism to modernity from the early 19th to the 20th century: a period which was a vital watershed in Iran's historical development. This book provides a critical analysis of Iran's economic, social, and political development and shows how the path to modernity, far from smooth, was hindered by both internal and international factors. These included a powerful monarchy with little interest in administrative and economic reform, a large aristocracy frequently holding vital provincial governorships and frustrating effective central government and a failure to create a modern civil service, military, banking, finance, or communications - the essential infrastructure for economic development. Reformers were marginalized and business suffered. And the all-powerful ulema were a further brake on modernization. On the international front, the rivalry of Britain and Russia compounded the problems: both acting to control Iran and to further their own interests.

Hooshang Amirahmadi explores the roots of present-day challenges to modernization and progress and, using a wealth of primary sources and original research, has produced a work which is invaluable for students of modern Iranian history, politics, and Iran's political economy

The essays which appear in this volume have been written to pay tribute to the Hon Mr Justice Nial Fennelly, judge of the Supreme Court of Ireland and former Advocate General at the European Court of Justice, on the occasion of his retirement. The overall theme of the book is the relationship between European Union law and national law, and the role of courts in defining that relationship. The book consists of four main parts - the structure and functioning of the European Court of Justice, material issues of European Union law, aspects of Irish law and transversal issues of national and European law. The contributors are all past and present members of the European bench, members or former members of the Irish judiciary or Bar and/or experts in European Union law, many of whom have worked with Mr Justice Fennelly during his long and distinguished career at the Bar and on the bench.

In "Containing Russia's Nuclear Firebirds," Glenn E. Schweitzer explores the life and legacy of the International Science and Technology Center in Moscow. He makes the case that the center's unique programs can serve as models for promoting responsible science in many countries of the world.
Never before have scientists encountered technology with the potential for such huge impacts on the global community, both positive and negative. For nearly two decades following the Soviet Union's breakup into independent states, the ISTC has provided opportunities for underemployed Russian weapon scientists to redirect their talents toward civilian research. The center has championed the role of science in determining the future of civilization and has influenced nonproliferation policies of Russia and other states in the region. Most important, the center has demonstrated that modest investments can encourage scientists of many backgrounds to shun greed and violence and to take leading roles in steering the planet toward prosperity and peace.
Schweitzer contends that the United States and other western and Asian countries failed to recognize the importance, over time, of modifying their donor-recipient approach to dealing with Russia. In April 2010 the Russian government announced that it would withdraw from the ISTC agreement. After expenditures exceeding one billion dollars, the ISTC's Moscow Science Center will soon close its doors, leaving a legacy that has benefited Russian society as well as partners from thirty-eight countries. Schweitzer argues that a broader and more sustained movement is now needed to help prevent irresponsible behavior by dissatisfied or misguided scientists and their patrons.

With the pace of trade and investment picking up, coupled with closer international cooperation with Beijing through the G20, FOCAC and BRICS grouping, South Africa-China ties are assuming a significant position in continental and even global affairs. At the same time, it is a relationship of paradoxes, breaking with many of the assumptions that underpin contemporary analyses of 'China-Africa' ties. This edited volume examines the South Africa-China relationship through a survey of its diplomatic partnership, economic ties, and broader community relations. These important aspects that are often conflated as a single relationship, yet what is important to explore are how these components reflect different China-South Africa relationship(s), and how they intersect.

View the Table of Contents. Read the Introduction.

"This fascinating study uses the tools and sources of diplomatic history to examine a sweep of national and international history far beyond the confines of diplomacya].For Horne, the slave trade, rather than slavery, was an explosive political issue much later in the 19th century that is normally understood. Highly recommended."
--"Choice"

"A well-researched, skillfully-written, and carefully-argued diplomatic history examining connections between the United States, Brazil, Africa, and Europe as they relate to the transatlantic slave trade. Horne sheds considerable light upon the ideas, ruminations, and practices of U.S. nationals in their interactions with and encounters of Brazil over the question of slavery, especially from the mid-nineteenth century on, and makes a valuable and important contribution to our knowledge and understanding of (American) hemispheric relations and trajectories, both eventual and potential."
--Michael A. Gomez, editor of "Diasporic Africa: A Reader"

aAn important study that starts with the proposition that what happens abroad affects developments in the United States. For the first time we are made aware of the extensive contacts between pro-slavery forces in the United States in the years after the abolition of the slave trade and the promoters of slavery in and the slave trade to Brazil and elsewhere.a
--Richard J. M. Blackett author of "Divided Hearts: Britain and the American Civil War"

During its heyday in the nineteenth century, the African slave trade was fueled by the close relationship of the United States and Brazil. The Deepest South tells the disturbing story of how U.S.nationals - before and after Emancipation -- continued to actively participate in this odious commerce by creating diplomatic, social, and political ties with Brazil, which today has the largest population of African origin outside of Africa itself.

Proslavery Americans began to accelerate their presence in Brazil in the 1830s, creating alliances there - sometimes friendly, often contentious - with Portuguese, Spanish, British, and other foreign slave traders to buy, sell, and transport African slaves, particularly from the eastern shores of that beleaguered continent. Spokesmen of the Slave South drew up ambitious plans to seize the Amazon and develop this region by deporting the enslaved African-Americans there to toil. When the South seceded from the Union, it received significant support from Brazil, which correctly assumed that a Confederate defeat would be a mortal blow to slavery south of the border. After the Civil War, many Confederates, with slaves in tow, sought refuge as well as the survival of their peculiar institution in Brazil.

Based on extensive research from archives on five continents, Gerald Horne breaks startling new ground in the history of slavery, uncovering its global dimensions and the degrees to which its defenders went to maintain it.

In July 1993, President Bill Clinton visited the Republic of Korea as part of a tour in Northeast Asia. Looking across the Demilitarized Zone that separates North and South Korea, President Clinton described the terrain he saw as one of the scariest places on earth. Now, well into the first decade of the 21st century and several years after the end of the Cold War, President Clinton's observation remains accurate. In fact, the argument can be made that the Korean peninsula is even more dangerous than it was in 1993. How did this happen when, throughout most of its more than 2,000 year history, Korea was one of the most homogeneous countries among the world's nation states, with its people sharing a common language and ethnicity? Since the end of World War II and primarily through the actions of external powers, the Korean peninsula has been divided-with North and South Korea engaged in a competition for the heart and soul of the Korean nation and international legitimacy. Some experts have referred to the peninsula as one of the last vestiges of the Cold War. Global Security Watch-Korea compares the ways in which the two Koreas have developed their respective political and economic systems over the past 50 years, as well as the competition between them. The focus then shifts to the North Korean nuclear weapons program and an examination of some of the reasons North Korea has been willing to expend economic and political resources to build this program. Berry analyzes the challenge to peace and stability represented by a nuclear-armed North Korea and the only marginally successful efforts of the United States and other countries to convince North Korea to terminate this program, aneffort complicated by policy differences between the United States and South Korea regarding the Pyongyang regime. The handbook concludes with predictions of possible outcomes in this volatile area.

The amount of publicly and often freely available information is staggering. Yet, the intelligence community still continues to collect and use information in the same manner as during WWII, when the OSS set out to learn as much as possible about Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan by scrutinizing encyclopedias, guide books, and short-wave radio. Today, the supply of information is greater than any possible demand, and anyone can provide information. In effect, intelligence analysts are drowning in information.
The book explains how to navigate this rising flood and make best use of these new, rich sources of information. Written by a pioneer in the field, it explores the potential uses of digitized data and the impact of the new means of creating and transmitting data, recommending to the intelligence community new ways of collecting and processing information.
This comprehensive overview of the world of open source intelligence will appeal not only to practitioners and students of intelligence, but also to anyone interested in communication and the challenges posed by the information age.

Exploring the EU's Legitimacy Crisis provides a profound analysis of the causes and the consequences of the EU's growing legitimacy problem. Since the onset of the eurozone crisis the EU's governance has been narrowly driven by the semi-hegemonial leadership of Germany - manifesting itself in functionalist and technocratic policy reforms concentrated on strengthening economic governance coordination. Other crucial policy areas have been neglected as member states show decreasing solidarity and a growing emphasis on national interests in response to mounting external challenges. This book examines these developments in detail by scrutinising the EU's ability to maintain legitimacy through political leadership, democratic accountability and governance efficiency. This state-of-the-art exploration of the EU's internal and external challenges, including the eurozone and the migration crisis, provides critical analysis of the EU's leadership in the context of diverging national interests. The author outlines the essential background to understanding the rise in euroscepticism in the EU and provides an insightful analysis of the 2014 European Parliament election Spitzenkandidaten system. A comprehensive critical analysis of the latest developments in the EU's major policy areas in terms of their problem-solving capacity and democratic legitimacy is also included. This timely exploration of the reality of the EU's governance in light of persistent crises will appeal to students, academics and practitioners interested in the development of the EU, its member states and European politics more generally.

Based on an extended agonistic pluralism perspective, this book offers a novel notion of a transnational public sphere that goes beyond the questions of whether a European public sphere exists or is possible and instead provides a solid understanding of its key features. This book offers an alternative concept of European integration based on the idea of integrative and constitutive conflicts. Not only an exploration of the emerging European public sphere, this groundbreaking book evaluates the outcomes of the EU polices aiming to create it as well as the trans-European networks' efforts to become a pan-European civil society. Expert contributors also explore the European public sphere's contribution to democracy and present enhanced empirical knowledge of the role of supranational institutions and pan-European networks in facilitating European integration, thus challenging the liberal intergovernmentalist, neo-functionalist and multi-level governance approaches. Integration, Diversity and the Making of a European Public Sphere will be of interest to scholars and upper level students of European studies, politics and public policy. Global, regional and national civil society organizations, think tanks and media corporations will also find value in this book. Contributors include: W. Dressler, D.N. Duru, M. Klicperova-Baker, J. Kostal, M. Mokre, M. Perez, R. Sata, H.G. Sicakkan, H.-J. Trenz, J.H. van de Beek, F. Vermeulen

This book represents a unique endeavor to elucidate the story of Kosovo's unilateral quest for statehood. It is an inquiry into the international legal aspects and processes that shaped and surrounded the creation of the state of Kosovo. Being created outside the post-colonial context, Kosovo offers a unique yet controversial example of state emergence both in the theory and practice of creation of states. Accordingly, the book investigates the legal pathways, strategies, developments and policy positions of international agencies/actors and regional players (in particular the EU) that helped Kosovo to establish its independence and gradually acquire statehood. Although contested, Kosovo, and its quest for statehood, represents a unique example of successful unilateral secession. The book therefore explores and analyses patterns of state formation and nation-building in Kosovo, and its transition to democracy. It presents a three-level assessment. First, seen from a historical perspective, the book examines the validity of the right of Kosovar-Albanians to self-determination and remedial secession. Second, from a legal positivist perspective, it scrutinizes all of the legalist arguments that support Kosovo's right to statehood, and claims that both traditional and legality-based criteria for statehood remain insufficient to determine whether Kosovo has achieved statehood. Third, from a post-factum perspective, the book analyzes the scope and extent to which the internationally blended element was decisive in Kosovo's state-formation and state-building processes. It explains how the EU's involvement as an 'internationally blended element' in Kosovo's efforts to achieve statehood was instrumental and played a crucial role in shaping the emerging state. In particular, the book elaborates on how the EU was able to streamline its mode of intervention in the context of state-building and reform.

Why do countries give foreign aid? Although many countries have official development assistance programs, this book argues that no two of them see the purpose of these programmes in the same way. Moreover, the way countries frame that purpose has shaped aid policy choices past and present. The author examines how Belgium long gave aid out of a sense of obligation to its former colonies, The Netherlands was more interested in pursuing international influence, Italy has focused on the reputational payoffs of aid flows and Norwegian aid has had strong humanitarian motivations since the beginning. But at no time has a single frame shaped any one country's aid policy exclusively. Instead, analysing half a century of legislative debates on aid in these four countries, this book presents a unique picture both of cross-national and over time patterns in the salience of different aid frames and of varying aid programmes that resulted.

This book offers an in-depth case study on the leading international refugee agency, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and its approach to environmentally displaced persons. The author examines the UNHCR on the basis of expert interviews and content analysis in order to highlight why and how the organization is addressing the issue. The analysis draws on organizational as well as security theory, offering readers a better understanding of the connection between the two. The book appeals to scholars in the fields of migration and organizational studies, as well as policymakers and professionals working in international organizations.

China has traditionally viewed her frontier regions--Zxinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia and Yunnan--as buffer zones. Yet their importance as commercial and cosmopolitan hubs, intimately involved in the transmission of goods, peoples and ideas between China and it west and southwest has meant they are crucial for China's ongoing development. The resurgence of China under Deng Xiaoping's policy of 'reform and opening' has therefore led to a focus on integrating these regions into the PRC (People's Republic of China). This has important implications not only for the frontier regions themselves but also for the neighbouring states, with which they have strong cultural, religious, linguistic and economic ties. China's Frontier Regions explores the challenges presented by this integrationist policy, both for domestic relations and for diplomatic and foreign policy relations with the countries abutting their frontier regions.

In 1992, Vasili Mitrokhin, a former KGB archivist, snuck out of Russia carrying with him a vast cache of transcriptions of top-secret KGB intelligence files. The FBI later described his trove of documents as "the most complete and extensive intelligence ever achieved from any source." Renowned historian Christopher Andrew had exclusive access to both Mitrokhin and his archive. In 1999, they published the explosive bestseller The Sword and the Shield, which provided a complete account of KGB operations in Europe and America. In The World Was Going Our Way, Andrew now chronicles the KGB's extensive penetration of governments throughout the Third World-the battlefield on which the U.S.S.R. sought to achieve global supremacy. Andrew's definitive account fundamentally revises the history of the Cold War, and sheds new light on the state of the world today. The KGB worked tirelessly for decades to foster anti-Americanism in the developing world, making this book essential reading for anyone seeking to understand the intractable hostility America faces in the ongoing war on terror.

The Darfur conflict has presented the international community with a number of challenges. How can the fighting be stopped in Darfur? What can be done to save lives and help the two million people displaced by the conflict? And how to help bring about peace, while ensuring that the peace agreement for the Second Sudanese Civil War (1983 - 2005) is implemented? Drawing on original research, and tracing the history of international responses to the conflicts in Sudan, Richard Barltrop investigates what has determined the outcomes of international mediation and relief in Sudan. In the process, he shows that Darfur must be seen within the wider context of conflict in Sudan, and that lessons should be drawn both for Sudan and for the effective practice of conflict resolution.

Two decades ago, the idea that a "radical right" could capture and drive Israeli politics seemed highly improbable. While it was a boisterous faction and received heavy media coverage, it constituted a fringe element. Yet by 2009, Israel's radical right had not only entrenched itself in mainstream Israeli politics, it was dictating policy in a wide range of areas. The government has essentially caved to the settlers on the West Bank, and restrictions on non-Jews in Israel have increased in the past few years. Members of the radical right have assumed prominent positions in Israel's elite security forces. The possibility of a two state solution seems more remote than ever, and the emergence of ethnonationalist politician Avigdor Lieberman suggests that its power is increasing. Quite simply, if we want to understand the seemingly intractable situation in Israel today, we need a comprehensive account of the radical right. In The Triumph of Israel's Radical Right, acclaimed scholar Ami Pedahzur provides an invaluable and authoritative analysis of its ascendance to the heights of Israeli politics. After analyzing what, exactly, they believe in, he explains how mainstream Israeli policies like "the right of return" have served as unexpected foundations for their nativism and authoritarian tendencies. He then traces the right's steady rise, from the first intifada to the "Greater Israel" movement that is so prominent today. Throughout, he focuses on the radical right's institutional networks and how the movement has been able to expand its constituency. His closing chapter is grim yet realistic: he contends that a two state solution is no longer viable and that the vision of the radical rabbi Meir Kahane, who was a fringe figure while alive, has triumphed.

This book is a useful tool to anyone who is interested in the enlargement of the E.U., to the citizens of the ten acceded countries who would like to know how they managed to accede and also to officials of the new candidate countries, who are preparing their country for accession. The "Accession Story" provides a unique overview of the enlargement of the E.U. from 15 to 25 countries. It consists of two main parts. In the first part the then Director General of D.G. Enlargement, Mr. Eneko Landaburu, and Denmark's Permanent Representative in the E.U., Ambassador Poul Christoffersen, provides a comprehensive picture of the enlargement process from the beginning to the end, from the Brussels' point of view. The second part, written by the ten people responsible for negotiating the accession of their countries, presents the challenges, problems and difficulties each one of the ten countries had to overcome, in order to succeed to adopt the acquis communautaire and be accepted into the E.U.

The Euro Area, the Schengen Area, and Airbus - the 'Anglosphere', the Franco-German 'motor' and Nordic cooperation - each illustrates how differentiation has become a pervasive feature of European integration. Which Europe? offers an authoritative and comprehensive examination of differentiated integration in its functional and its territorial aspects. It focuses on its implications for both the practice and the theory of European integration. Is it strengthening or weakening the EU and its Member States? Are territorial identities being undermined or strengthened? Are new theories of integration required? In particular, this book looks at the relationship between the growth in use of differentiated integration and the widening of European Union membership, the broadening in its policy scope, and the deepening in integration.