This study of "The Stern Gang" attempts to demythologize the image of this extremist, Zionist underground group. The book analyzes the party's split from the Irgun Zvai Leumi (National Military Organization) and its attempts to synthesize the politics and ideals of the right and left.

The question "Why do they hate us?" is one of the most oft-cited puzzles of contemporary American affairs, yet it 's not clear to whom "they" or "us" refers, nor even what "hate" means. In this bold new work, Ella Shohat and Robert Stam take apart the "hate discourse" of right-wing politics, placing it in an international context. How, for example, do other nations love themselves, and how is that love connected to their attitudes toward America? Is love of country "monogamous" or can one love many countries? When can a country 's self-love be a symptom of self-hatred?

Drawing upon their extensive experience with South American, European, and Middle Eastern societies, the authors have written a long engagement with a problem that refuses to go away. Flagging Patriotism considers these complex features of "being patriotic," and in so doing insists that the idea of patriotism, instead of being rejected or embraced, be accorded the complex identity it possesses.

This book provides a state-of-the-art account of how people's subjective sense of national identity, and attitudes towards countries and national groups, develop through the course of childhood and adolescence. It offers a comprehensive review of the research which has been conducted into: . children's understanding of nations as geographical territories and as political, historical and cultural communities . children's knowledge, beliefs and feelings about the people who belong to different national groups . children's attitudes towards, and emotional attachment to, their own country and national group. The authors elaborate on the developmental patterns that have been found to emerge, contextualized by a consideration and evaluation of the theoretical frameworks which can be used to explain these patterns. Written by the leading international authority in this field, and reporting (in collaboration with his colleagues) the findings from two major transnational research projects, this book will be invaluable to postgraduate students and researchers working in this field. The book will also be of great benefit to undergraduate students taking courses in Developmental Psychology, the Sociology of Childhood, and Education.

The institutions and structures of modern globalization and the modern nation-state were formed through concurrent processes and have changed in relation to each other. This simple statement goes directly against those who would treat nationalism and globalism as the antithetical outcomes of two succeeding epochs. Likewise it challenges those who would narrowly define globalization as that which undermines the nation-state. However, it still leaves much to argue about. The apparently contradictory practices and ideologies of globalism and nationalism have been in tension ever since nation-states formed in the nineteenth century as part of globalizing system of states.
In the present century these tensions have become even more pronounced with many writers from both the Left and the Right proclaiming that globalization is effecting a tidal wave of change, leaving the nation-state behind in its wake. Despite the immensity of the change, it is becoming clearer that globalization is not drowning everything. It is certainly possible that processes of globalization may eventually undermine modern forms of nation-state sovereignty, but there is no inevitability about such an outcome, neither in logic nor in the day-to-day details of how power operates around the world. What is happening to the nation-state under conditions of intensified globalization, how should we respond? This is the first problematic addressed by the book.
We have seen both nationalist revivals and reassertion of movements from below - from neo-tribalism and new forms of traditionalism to anti-globalization movements and new kinds of grass-roots politics. These suggest the need for a very different approach -different from the seamless 'world of flows', or technologically-driven 'network society' suggested by some. Yet the extent of 'disorder' can be exaggerated. A number of otherwise sophisticated writers have found themselves arguing that the postmodern world has become increasingly fragmented without having an account of the level at which fragmentation takes place, and the level at which reintegration is occurring. Globalization cannot be understood simply as processes of disorder, fragmentation or rupture. Nor, on the other hand, is it simply a force of homogenization.
This leads us to the second problematic of the book. Globalism heralds a new era of corporate globalization, but at the same time it generates new foundations for identification and mobilization. Just as classical imperialism generated anti-imperialist movements and anti-colonial nationalisms, so today's 'empire' generates new frameworks for identification and mobilization. It seems that globalizing social forces generate frameworks beyond the national, but in the process create new foundations for nationalism. The book asks the following questions. Are we entering a new phase in the relationship between internationality and nationalism, or is nationalism rendered irredeemably contradictory, and anachronistic? Does nationalism re-enter by the back door, renewed and invigorated, whether as a partner of globalism or as its bete noir? What are the contemporary bases for a politics of solidarity in a globalizing world? These questions run implicitly through all the chapters.

The history of eugenics and racial nationalism in Central and Southeast Europe is a neglected topic of analysis in contemporary scholarship. The 20 essays in this volume, written by distinguished scholars of eugenics and fascism alongside a new generation of scholars, excavate the hitherto unknown eugenics movements in Central and Southeast Europe, including Austria and Germany. Eugenics and racial nationalism are topics that have constantly been marginalized and rated as incompatible with local national traditions in Central and Southeast Europe. These topics receive a new treatment here. On the one hand, the historiographic perspective connects developments in the history of anthropology and eugenics with political ideologies such as racial nationalism and anti-semitism; on the other hand, it contests the 'Sonderweg' approach adopted by scholars dealing with these issues.

'Highly recommended . . . The title of the book reflects its focus: the international, political, religious, social, and diplomatic forces affecting the history of the Jews who identified with Zionism and later with the state of Israel.' Library Journal 'As Ireland's representative to United Nations discussions of Palestinian refugees, Conor Cruise O'Brien sat between Israel and Iraq . . . O'Brien now suggests that a solution to Middle East anguish may not even be possible. That so bleak a view is the basis for so enlightening a book can be attributed to the author's capabilities as a historian, journalist and political analyst, not to mention storyteller.' Time 'One is hard pressed to recall another [book] which deals in depth with this vast and prickly subject that is as bold or as readable.' Publishers Weekly 'It bears the mark of a restless, original, idiosyncratic mind.' Abba Eban, Los Angeles Times 'A fine work of scholarship whose analysis stands up well in the light of later events.' Oliver Kamm, from his preface to this edition

Nationalisms in Japan brings together leading specialists in the field to discuss how notions of 'nationalism' in modern Japan impinges on all aspects of social, political and cultural understanding of the Japanese nation or the Japanese state. This book is clearly presented and jargon-free, and encompasses a chronological period of roughly two hundred years, beginning with a discussion of some of the early Japanese national thinkers of the Mito School, and ending with a contemporary discussion of the official visits made by Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichiro to the highly controversial Yasukuni Shrine. This wide chronological period allows for important observations about the evolution of nationalism, suggesting that Japan actually houses multiple 'nationalisms'.

Presenting new insights and understanding, this is a valuable addition to those working on modern Japan and nationalism.

Conor Cruise O'Brien's second book, published in 1957, grew out of the doctoral thesis he had submitted at Dublin's Trinity College that, in 1954, duly earned him his PhD. In Parnell and His Party, 1880-1890, O'Brien applied a finessing scholarly eye to the figure of Charles Stewart Parnell, leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party and formidable proponent of Home Rule whose career was abruptly ruined by the 'Mrs O'Shea' divorce scandal of 1890 that split his party and dominated Irish politics for a generation. For O'Brien this schism was of more than academic interest: his maternal grandfather David Sheehy was among the MPs who repudiated Parnell. 'An indispensable classic half a century after its first publication . . . a profound analysis of power and charisma in democratic politics.' Roy Foster, Standpoint 'One of the essential books of modern Irish history, a shrewd and clarifying study.' Thomas Flanagan

Peter Wien presents a provocative discussion on the history of Iraq and the growth of nationalism during the 1930s and early 1940s. He deconstructs the established view that a large proportion of the nationalist movement in Iraq during this period was heavily influenced by Nazi Germany, arguing that the admiration for Germany was highly nuanced, and only rarely translated into admiration for Nazism. National unity and patriotism were important, but models of leadership were overwhelmingly based on Iraqis and not Hitler.

Analyzing the activities of the Iraqi youth and Jewish Iraqis, Iraqi Arab Nationalism gives an understanding of Iraqis from diverse backgrounds. It incorporates source material not previously used in discussions of Iraq and nationalism and contains autobiographical and biographical material from officers, intellectuals and politicians, along with contemporary journalistic writings, which sheds new light on Iraqi nationalism.

After the collapse of communism there was a widespread fear that nationalism would pose a serious threat to the development of liberal democracy in the countries of central Europe. This book examines the role of nationalism in post-communist development in central Europe, focusing in particular on Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. It argues that a certain type of nationalism, that is liberal nationalism, has positively influenced the process of postcommunist transition towards the emerging liberal democratic order.

In this erudite and groundbreaking series of essays, renowned author Joseph Massad asks and answers key questions, such as: What has been the main achievement of the Zionist movement? What accounts for the failure of the Palestinian National Movement to win its struggle against Israel? What do anti-Semitism, colonialism and racism have to do with the Palestinian/Israeli 'conflict'?

Joseph Massad offers a radical departure from mainstream analysis in order to expose the causes for the persistence of the 'Palestinian Question'. He proposes that it is not in de-linking the Palestinian Question from the Jewish Question that a resolution can be found, but by linking them as one and the same question. All other proposed solutions, the author argues, are bound to fail.

Deeply researched and documented, this book analyzes the failure of the 'peace process' and proposes that a solution to the Palestinian Question will not be found unless settler-colonialism, racism, and anti-Semitism are abandoned as the ideological framework for a resolution. Individual essays further explore the struggle over Jewish identity in Israel and the struggle among Palestinians over what constitutes the Palestinian Question today.

Presenting an analysis of the tension between nationalism and globalization in China since the beginning of the 'reform and opening' period in the late 1970s to the present day, this book makes a unique contribution to the on-going debate on the nature of Chinese nationalism. It shows how nationalism is used to link together key areas of policy-making, including economic policy, national unification and foreign policy. Hughes provides historical context to the debate by examining how nationalism became incorporated into the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party in the 1980s and the ways in which this strengthened and combined with globalization discourse through the domestic crisis of the Tiananmen Massacre and the external shock of the Cold War's conclusion. The different perspectives towards this resulting orthodoxy are discussed, including those of the state and dissent in mainland China and the alternative views from Taiwan and Hong Kong. Based on Chinese sources throughout, this book offers a systematic treatment of Chinese nationalism, providing conceptual insights that allow the reader to grasp the complex weave of Chinese nationalist sentiment today and its implications for the future.

Presenting an analysis of the tension between nationalism and globalization in China since the beginning of the 'reform and opening' period in the late 1970s to the present day, this book makes a unique contribution to the on-going debate on the nature of Chinese nationalism. It shows how nationalism is used to link together key areas of policy-making, including economic policy, national unification and foreign policy. Hughes provides historical context to the debate by examining how nationalism became incorporated into the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party in the 1980s and the ways in which this strengthened and combined with globalization discourse through the domestic crisis of the Tiananmen Massacre and the external shock of the Cold War's conclusion. The different perspectives towards this resulting orthodoxy are discussed, including those of the state and dissent in mainland China and the alternative views from Taiwan and Hong Kong. Based on Chinese sources throughout, this book offers a systematic treatment of Chinese nationalism, providing conceptual insights that allow the reader to grasp the complex weave of Chinese nationalist sentiment today and its implications for the future.

National Narcissism offers a groundbreaking anthropological and sociological approach to nationalism through an expose of the belief systems and psychology of extreme nationalists for whom nationalism is a form of religion. This theoretical approach is illustrated with examples primarily taken from Hungary, with a special focus in two chapters on the role of gender in nationalism. The state of politics and society in Hungary is also examined in a way that steps beyond the usual simplistic, flat narratives of 'what Hungarians are like', by stressing the broad variety of viewpoints current in Hungarian society, the milieu in which a small minority of extreme nationalists are able to make their voice heard out of proportion to their numbers or political support. The theory offered by National Narcissism has wide-ranging implications for the future study of extremist nationalism in nation-states throughout the world. Sociologists, anthropologists, nationalism studies specialists, social-psychologists, and historians of the recent past in Hungary will find that this theoretical book, richly illustrated with examples from Hungarian society, challenges positive and negative stereotypes about nationalism, extremism, post-communism, central and eastern Europe, the European Union and, not least, about Hungarians themselves.

This book takes a unique approach to explore the moral foundations of nationalism.
Drawing on nationalist writings and examining almost 200 years of nationalism in Ireland and Quebec, the author develops a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation.
The study of nationalism has tended towards the construction of dichotomies arguing, for example, that there are political and cultural, or civic and ethnic, versions of the phenomenon. However, as an object of moral scrutiny this bifurcation makes nationalism difficult to work with.
This book takes a unique approach to explore the moral foundations of nationalism. The author draws on nationalist writings to see how nationalists themselves argued for their cause and examines almost two hundred years of nationalism in two well-known cases, Ireland and Quebec. The author identifies which themes, if any, are common across the various forms that nationalism can take and then goes on to develop a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation. This representation-based approach provides both a basis for the moral claim of nationalism while at the same time identifying grounds on which this claim can be evaluated and limited.
It will be of strong interest to political theorists, especially those working on nationalism, multiculturalism and minority rights. The special focus in the book on the Irish and Quebec cases also makes it relevant reading for specialists in these fields as well as for other area studies where nationalism is an issue.

National Identity and Global Sports Events looks at the significance of international sporting events and why they generate enormous audiences worldwide. Focusing on the Olympic Games and the men's football (soccer) World Cup, the contributors examine the political, cultural, economic, and ideological influences that frame these events. Selected case studies include the 1936 Nazi Olympics in Berlin, the 1934 World Cup Finals in Italy, the unique case of the 1972 Munich Games, the transformative 1984 Games in Los Angeles, and the 2002 Asian World Cup Finals, among others. The case studies show how the Olympics and the World Cup Finals provide a basis for the articulation of entrenched and dominant political ideologies, encourage persisting senses of national identity, and act as barometers for the changing ideological climate of the modern and increasingly globalized contemporary world. Through rigorous scholarly analyses, the book's contributors help to illuminate the increasing significance of large-scale sporting events on the international stage.

Jose Marti contributed greatly to Cuba's struggle for independence from Spain with words as well as revolutionary action. Although he died before the formation of an independent republic, he has since been hailed as a heroic martyr inspiring Cuban republican traditions. During the twentieth century, traditionally nationalistic literature has reinforced an uncritical idealization of Marti and his influence. However, new approaches have recently explored the formation, reception, uses and abuses of the Marti myth. The essays in this volume analyze the influence of Jose Marti - poet, scholar, and revolutionary - on the formation of often-competing national identities in post-independence Cuba. By exploring the diverse representations and interpretations of Marti, they provide a critical analysis of the ways in which both the left and right have used his political and literary legacies to argue their version of contemporary Cuban "reality."

Jose Marti contributed greatly to Cuba's struggle for independence from Spain with words as well as revolutionary action. Although he died before the formation of an independent republic, he has since been hailed as a heroic martyr inspiring Cuban republican traditions. During the twentieth century, traditionally nationalistic literature has reinforced an uncritical idealization of Marti and his influence. However, new approaches have recently explored the formation, reception, uses and abuses of the Marti myth. The essays in this volume analyze the influence of Jose Marti - poet, scholar, and revolutionary - on the formation of often-competing national identities in post-independence Cuba. By exploring the diverse representations and interpretations of Marti, they provide a critical analysis of the ways in which both the left and right have used his political and literary legacies to argue their version of contemporary Cuban 'reality.'

This book examines the origins and development of nationalism and national movements in the twentieth century and provides an analysis of the nature and dynamics of nationalism and ethnic conflict in a variety of national settings. Examining the intricate relationship between class, state, and nation, the book attempts to develop a critical approach to the study of nationalism and ethnonational conflict within the broader context of class relations and class struggles in the age of globalization. The book consists of three parts, made up of seven chapters. Part I examines classical and contemporary conventional and Marxist theories of nationalism. Part II provides a series of empirical comparisons of nationalism and ethnic conflict on a world scale, focusing on the Third World, the advanced capitalist countries, and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. A highlight of this section of the book is a detailed comparative case study of the Palestinian and Kurdish nationalism and national movements. Part III provides a political analysis of the relationship between class, state, and nation, and lays out the class nature of nationalism and the role of the state in ethnonational conflicts that are the political manifestations of deeper class struggles that have been the driving force of nationalism and ethnic conflict in the era of globalization. Berberoglu contends that future studies of nationalism and ethnonational conflict must pay closer attention to the dynamics of class forces that are behind the ideology of nationalism by examining national movements in class terms. For only through a careful class analysis of these forces and their ideological edicts will we be able to clearly understand the nature of nationalism and ethnonational conflicts around the world.

The United States is the only nation in the world that allows its citizens to hold one or more foreign citizenships, vote in another nation's elections, run for or be appointed to office in another country, and join the armed forces even of a nation with interests hostile to those of the U.S. while retaining their citizenship. These policies reinforce the often already strong emotional, political, and economic ties today's immigrants retain to their home countries. Yet few studies have addressed what dual citizenship means for the United States as a nation and the integration of immigrants into the American national community. Is it possible to reconcile two different nationalities, cultures, and psychologies? How can we honor immigrants' sense of identity without threatening American national identity? And what do Americans have a right to expect of immigrants and what do they have a right to expect of Americans? In "The 50% American" political psychologist Stanley Renshon offers unique insight into the political and national ramifications of personal loyalties. Arguing that the glue that binds this country together is a psychological force - patriotism - he explains why powerful emotional attachments are critical to American civic process and how they make possible united action in times of crisis. In an age of terrorism, the idea that we are all Americans regardless of our differences is more than a credo; it is essential to our national security. Comprehensive in scope, this book examines recent immigration trends, tracing the assimilation process that immigrants to the United States undergo and describing how federal, state, and local governments have dealt with volatile issues such as language requirements, voting rights, and schooling. Renshon turns a critical eye to the challenges posed over the past four decades by multiculturalism, cultural conflict, and global citizenship and puts forth a comprehensive proposal for reforming dual citizenship and helping immigrants and citizens alike become more integrated into the American national community.

Direct Democratic Choice sets out to understand how the citizens actually decide in direct-democratic votes. Author Hanspeter Kriesi has analyzed nearly twenty years of post-election surveys in Switzerland (1981-1999), which he has contextualized according to the various political issues and the relevant arguments provided by the political elites. This book's core argument is that the citizens who participate in direct-democratic votes make competent choices. Kriesi's extensive empirical research shows that the majority of these voters arrive at their decisions on the basis of arguments about the advantages and disadvantages of the available options. The less competent and less interested citizens either do not vote or, if they do, employ heuristic shortcuts allowing them to make approximately reasonable decisions. Kriesi provides strong support for an optimistic view of direct-democratic decision-making but also indicates that this process, wherever it occurs, can be improved by proper institutional design and by appropriate strategies enacted by the political elite.

A Plastic Nation examines the role of Thai nationhood in domestic and international politics. Although in fact ill-defined, Thainess, or khwampenthai, has been consistently used by Thai leaders to legitimize their power and defend their economic interests. Not only has the assertion of Thainess been deeply rooted in the private interests of those in power, it has been deployed as part of nationalist sentiment to guard against any international norms, often considered as threats to the leaders' own interests. This book is intended for students and professors in the field of Thai nationhood and nationalism, contemporary Thai-Burmese relations, and policy practitioners in the government and military

This new collection of key authors on nationalism presents the latest thinking on this fundamental aspect of Politics, International Relations and Sociology. John Breuilly, Walker Connor, Steven Grosby, Eric Hobsbawm, Anthony D Smith and Pierre van den Berghe comprehensively explain and address the key contemporary question in nationalism studies of 'when is the nation?' , or what point in a nation's history is it born, with authority and freshness. Our world is still deeply imbedded in the language and practice of nations and nationalism and they remain central parts in understanding human society. This comparison and contrast of the main approaches reveals their strengths and weaknesses. This new text: * introduces the main schools of thought with clarity and concision * tackles the most pertinent questions in nationalism * delivers both theoretical and empirical perspectives * uses an innovative new interactive debate format with questions and answers * presents key case studies bringing theory to life The inclusion of case studies gives the reader fresh insight into specific nations and national groups, including The United States, Greece, England and Fiji. The accessible debate format puts main theories and thinkers to the test, enabling the reader to interact with the issues directly. This unique volume is an invaluable resource for students and scholars of nationalism, ethnicity and global conflict.

This book offers an in-depth study of right-wing politics in India by analysing the shifting ideologies of Hindu nationalism and its evolution in the late nineteenth century through to twenty-first century. The authors provide a thorough overview of the chronological evolution of Hindu nationalist organizational outfits to reveal how Hindu nationalist ideology has adapted in ways that have not always corresponded with the orthodox Hindu nationalist position. An examination of the overriding preference for Hindu nationalism demonstrates how it has flourished and continues to remain relevant in contemporary India despite being marginalized at the dawn of India's independence. The book demonstrates that Hindu nationalism is a context-driven ideological device which is sensitive to the ideas and priorities that gradually gain salience. It also explores Hindu nationalism as a vote-catching device, especially from the late twentieth century onwards. Providing a nuanced analysis of Hindu nationalism in India as a constantly evolving phenomenon, this book will be of interest to researchers on Asian political theory, nationalism, religious politics and South Asian and Indian politics.

When a nation wants to reconnect with a sense of national identity, its cultural celebrations, including its theatre, are often tinged with nostalgia for a cultural high point in its history. Leaders often try to create a ?neo-classical? cultural identity. Artificially returning to an imagined pinnacle, however, can fail to take into account new aspects of national identity, such as the infusion of other cultures and languages. This collection of essays discusses the relationship between political power and the construction or subversion of cultural identity. The collection takes a wide historical perspective from distinct periods and cultures from all over the world. A few of the topics examined include how theatre in 18th century Poland tried to reconstitute the identity of an imagined classical heritage clung to by Polish nobles; how festival practices during the French Revolution tried to give meaning to recent events and rein in anxiety about split loyalties; how Athenian prologues cemented early American culture; how romantic admiration of peasant culture spread from Germany throughout Europe; how Greek tragedy in postwar Japan reflects the conflict of Japan's imposed identity as a Western-style democracy with its prewar identity as a samurai nation; and how Mexican archeological performance links the indigenous past with a post-revolutionary identity as a mixed race country.