Contents:
Preface. Managing the Rise of Great Powers: History and Theory Randall L. Schweller Ohio State University. Managing the Rise of China Robert S. Ross Boston College. Terms of Engagement: Taiwan's Mainland Policy Steven M. Goldstein Smith College. Containment, Engagement or Counter-Dominance?: Malaysia's Response to the Rise of Chinese Power Amitav Acharya York University. Singapore: A Time for Economic and Political Engagement Yeun Foong Khong Nuffield College, Oxford. Managing Chinese Power: The View from Japan Michael Jonathan Green Council on Foreign Relations, Washington. Engaging China Victor D. Cha Georgetown University. Indonesia's Encounters with China and the Dilemma's of Engagement Michael Leifer London School of Economics. China's Engagement with Multilateral Security Institutions Alastair Iain Johnston and Paul Evans The Major Multilateral Economic Institutions Engage China Margaret M. Pearson University of Maryland. China

Engaging China is one of the first books to look at the responses of major international powers to the recent economic growth of China. Anyone interested in the financial fortunes of the Asia-Pacific region cannot afford to ignore the rise of China as an economic power since the 1970s. Economic growth coupled with increased military capability and spreading nationalism have gradually enhanced Chinas international profile. In an interesting mix of the empirical and theoretical, case studies from United States, Japan, Singapore, Taiwan, Korea, Malaysia and Indonesia illustrate Chinas developing position in the Asia-Pacific.

The chronic instability in the Balkan States of South East Europe has prevented the end of the Cold War becoming an era of genuine peace in Europe. Against a background of competing nationalisms, economic decline, the resilience of authoritarianism, it is easy to forget that there have been experiments with democracy have taken place since 1990 with relative success. Now, for the first time, the region is genuinely engaging with open politics; its outcome will determine whether the Balkans can cease being a byword for instability, and an area whose shock-waves have disturbed the peace of Europe on many occasions.
Democratisation in the Balkans explores the obstacles impeding the consolidation of democracy, and even preventing a state like Serbia from going very far down the democratic road. Social scientists with expert knowledge of each of the Balkan states, and their political and economic systems, examine why progress in building free institutions has been slow compared to that of Central Europe, the Iberian peninsula and Latin America.

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Given sport's centrality in English society, what role does it play in symbolising contemporary English national identity? This comprehensive study explores the complex set of relationships between sport and what it means to be English in the twenty-first century. The bond between sport and nationalism has long been recognised, but with increasingly vociferous separatist nationalisms threatening the dismantling of the United Kingdom, a closer analysis is timely. Part one addresses key debates regarding English national identity within the specific sporting contexts of association football, cricket, tennis, cycling and rugby. Part two discusses the complex relationship between religion, sport and English national identity as well as the attitudes and experiences of traditionally marginalized groups, including women, minority ethnic groups and disabled people. Part three considers the perspectives of the other UK nations on the link between sport and English national identity. Sport and English National Identity in a 'Disunited Kingdom' is fascinating reading for all those with an interest in the sociology, politics and history of sport, and the study of nations, nationalism and national identity.

This book describes the twin evolutions of nation and state from the Middle Ages to the present and links them to stages in European cultural history. The author contrasts the development of the state in different parts of Europe and shows how the concept merged with the idea of the nation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The modern idea of the nation state, he argues, is rooted in the fundamental changes that took place during the industrial, political and cultural evolutions of this period.

Alongside the history of the nation the author charts successive stages in the development of nationalism, offering an explanation of why it was that in the decades preceding the twentieth century the concept of the nation began to take hold of the people at large. The identification of nation with state and the definition of its internal and external enemies laid the ground for the extreme developments of the twentieth century.

In the final part of the book the author traces the attempts in Western Europe since 1945 to come to terms with nationalism; and examines the implications of the rise of nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Peace in Europe is threatened, he suggests, not only by the resurgence of national interests in both East and West but also by the attempts to impose unity on the many unique ways of life that have evolved in the nations of Europe.

This study helps to fill a major void in the literature on African American politics, third parties, and mass movements. Established in 1980, the National Black Political Party (NBIPP) existed for six years and represents the most ambitious attempt by African Americans to establish an independent third-party movement. At its height, NBIPP had chapters throughout the country and had attracted to its membership a young, well-educated, often professional following which had been influenced by the black power movement of the 1960s. This is one of the very few book-length studies of this interesting and important movement.
Holmes focuses on a party chapter in Akron, OH, and examines the impact of party building on local mass movement activities an on the political development and continuing political involvement of party members. Utilizing the political process model and issue evolution theory, Holmes explores the linkage between mass movements and "normal" politics within the African American community. The book makes a very important contribution to our understanding of the current resurgence of black nationalism and how this resurgence fits into a more general pattern of African American politics in which the (sometimes antagonistic) interaction of mass movements and institution building serves to define the African American political agenda a select the elites who will implement it.
This book will be useful for students of African American Politics, Sociology of Mass Movements, and Third-Party politics. It will be valuable to the research in those areas, as well as the more general reader who is interested in the African American experience.

Gender and the Radical and Extreme Right takes up an important and often-overlooked across scholarship on the radical right, gender, and education. These subfields have mostly operated independent of one another, and the scholars and practitioners who attend to educational interventions on the far right rarely address gender directly, while the growing body of scholarship on gender and the far right typically overlooks the issue of educational implications. This edited volume steps into this space, bringing together seven chapters and an afterword to help readers rethink the educational implications of research on gender and the radical right. As a starting point for future dialogue and research across previously disparate subfields, this volume highlights education as one space where such an integration may be seen as a fruitful avenue for further exploration. This book was originally published as a special issue of Gender and Education.

Ethnic democracy is a form of democratic ethnic conflict regulation in deeply divided societies. In The Challenge of Ethnic Democracy, Yoav Peled argues that ethnic democracy is constituted by the combination of two contradictory constitutional principles: liberal democracy and ethno-nationalism, and that its stability depends on the existence of a third, mediating constitutional principle of whatever kind. This central argument is supported by an analysis of the history of three ethnic democracies; Northern Ireland under Unionist rule, where ethnic democracy was stable for almost 50 years (1921-1969), then collapsed; The Second Polish republic (1918-1939), where ethnic democracy was written into the constitution but was never actualised; and Israel within its pre-1967 borders, where ethnic democracy was stable for 35 years (1966-2000) but may now be eroding. This book examines the different trajectories of the case studies, demonstrating that Poland lacked a third, mediating constitutional principle, while Israel and Northern Ireland did have such a principle - civic republicanism in Israel, and populism in Northern Ireland. The collapse of ethnic democracy in Northern Ireland resulted from the weakening of populism, that depended on British monetary subsidies for its implementation, whilst the erosion of ethnic democracy in Israel resulted from the decline of civic republicanism since the onset of economic liberalization in 1985. Dealing with ethnic democracy in a comparative framework, this book will appeal to students, scholars and researchers of Sociology, Political Science and Middle East Studies.

The first major study in over three decades to explore the essential arguments of all the major theoretical interpretations of nationalism, from the modernist approaches of Gellner, Nairn, Breuilly, Giddens and Hobsbawm to the alternative paradigms of van den Bergh and Geertz, Armstrong and Smith himself.
In a style accessible to the student and the general reader Smith traces the changing view of this hotly discussed topic within the current political, cultural and socioeconomic arena. He also analyses the contributions of such historians, sociologists and political scientists as Seton-Watson, Reynolds, Hastings, Horowitz and Brass. The survey concludes with an analysis of post-modern approaches to national identity, gender and nation, making it indispensable reading to all those interested in gaining full and authoritative knowledge of nationalism.

Recent years have seen a resurgence of separatist sentiments among national minorities in many industrial societies, including the United Kingdom. In 1997, the Scottish and Welsh both set up their own parliamentary bodies, while the tragic events in Northern Ireland continued to be a reminder of the Irish problem. These phenomena call into question widely accepted social theories which assume that ethnic attachments in a society will wane as industrialization proceeds. This book presents the social basis of ethnic identity, and examines changes in the strength of ethnic solidarity in the United Kingdom in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In addition to its value as a case study, the work also has important comparative implications, for it suggests that internal colonialism of the kind experienced in the British Isles has its analogues in the histories of other industrial societies. Hechter examines the unexpected persistence of ethnicity in the politics of industrial societies by focusing on the British Isles. Why do many of the inhabitants of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland continue to maintain an ethnic identity opposed to England? Hechter explains the salience of ethnic identity by analyzing the relationships between England, the national core, and its periphery, the Celtic fringe, in the light of two alternative models of core-periphery relations in the industrial setting. These are a "diffusion" model, which predicts that intergroup contact leads to ethnic homogenization, and an "internal colonial" model, in which such contact heightens distinctive ethnic identification. His findings lend support to the internal colonial model, and show that, although industrialization did contribute to a decline in interregional linguistic differences, it resulted neither in the cultural assimilation of Celtic lands, nor in the development of regional economic equality. The study concludes that ethnic solidarity will inevitably emerge among groups which are relegated to inferior positions in a cultural division of labor. This is an important contribution to the understanding of socioeconomic development and ethnicity.

Most western political scientists have tended to neglect the ethnic dimension in China, and have overemphasized the development from large empire to unified nation. This book attempts to repair this neglect, by bringing together a number of case studies on the ethnic and regional dimensions of Chinese politics and society. Most of the contributors to this study use largely Chinese-language sources. Five are social anthropologists, and three (in addition to the editor) are political scientists. They provide in-depth analyses of Han relations with Mongolians and Muslims; the relations between the national government and selected provinces, especially after the Cultural revolution; the majority-minority interactions within provinces and the tensions within minority communities; the conflict between nationalism and Marxism and its impact on policies of culture and language; and attempts to balance the pressures for the legitimization of cultural diversity and for affirmative action with the imperatives of political unity.

There is an urgent need for a book which combines the approaches of political science/sociology and history and particularly comparative politics with ethnic studies. There are currently many rapid and significant changes taking place in the world political map in terms of ethnic conflict. How do we explain these changes? How do we analyse them? How can we compare them? How do we make sense of the different ethnic conflicts that have taken place since the end of the Cold War, in what some observers have dubbed 'the New World Order'? Few books on the market combine the diverse approaches of political science, sociology and history at any level of analysis. This work will remedy at least some of the deficiencies in the existing literature and be truly interdisciplinary in nature.

In recent years nationalism has emerged as one of the dominant issues of our time. In this lucid and balanced account, David McCrone lays out the key issues and debates around a subject which is too often obscured by polemic. Among topics covered are:
* classical and contemporary theories of nationalism
* nationalism and ethnicity
* nationalism and the nation state
* colonial and post-colonial nationalisms
* neo nationalism and post communist nationalism.

Nationalism is a dominating force in contemporary politics, but political philosophers have been markedly reluctant to discuss, let alone endorse, nationalist ideas. In this book David Miller defends the principle of nationality. He argues that national identities are valid sources of personal identity; that we are justified in recognizing special obligations to our co-nationals; that nations have good grounds for wanting to be politically self-determining; but that recognizing the claims of nationality does not entail suppressing other sources of personal identity, such as ethnicity. Finally, he considers the claim that national identities are dissolving in the late twentieth century. This timely and provocative book offers the most compelling defence to date of nationality from a radical perspective. Series description Oxford Political Theory presents the best new work in contemporary political theory. It is intended to be broad in scope, including original contributions to political philosophy, and also work in applied political theory. The series will contain works of outstanding quality with no restriction as to approach or subject matter.

This important book addresses the ways race has both helped and hindered Americans in determining national identity. Contributors consider race and American nationalism from a variety of historical and disciplinary vantage points. Beginning with the aftermath of the Civil War and unfolding chronologically through to the present, the essays examine a multitude of different groups-Japanese Americans, Chinese Americans, Puerto Ricans, African Americans, whites, Jews, Irish Americans, German Americans-by examining race and nationalism represented in public memorials, photography, film, classic and minor literature, gender issues, legal studies, and more. The book offers rereadings of some of the pivotal figures in American culture and politics, including Herman Melville, Frances Harper, William James, Frederic Remington, Charles Francis Adams, W. E. B. DuBois, George Creel, Zora Neale Hurston, Louis Chu, and others. In the course of these essays, readers will learn how Americans in different periods and circumstances have grappled with the changing issues of defining race and of defining "American" as a race, as a nationality, or as both.

For this book Prof. Merkeley has researched presidential archives, Jewish historical libraries, and official Zionist records in the US and in Israel for evidence of the dealings between official Zionists and active Christian Restorationists. Much of this record appears here for the first time in print and is linked to the much better known history of the relationship between the official Zionists and the politicians and leaders of the US and Britain. This earlier and significant friendship between the Christian supporters and the Zionist officials is recorded from the beginnings of the public attention in 1891 through to the influence it had on the politicians' actions that would lead to the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. Enlightening research for students of American politics, American foreign policy, and American religion - fields that sometimes intersect in ways not readily conceded by academic scholars.

For this book Prof. Merkeley has researched presidential archives, Jewish historical libraries, and official Zionist records in the US and in Israel for evidence of the dealings between official Zionists and active Christian Restorationists. Much of this record appears here for the first time in print and is linked to the much better known history of the relationship between the official Zionists and the politicians and leaders of the US and Britain. This earlier and significant friendship between the Christian supporters and the Zionist officials is recorded from the beginnings of the public attention in 1891 through to the influence it had on the politicians' actions that would lead to the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. Enlightening research for students of American politics, American foreign policy, and American religion - fields that sometimes intersect in ways not readily conceded by academic scholars.

Helene was a strong-willed princess, raised in France but closely connected with the court of Queen Victoria. After the premature end to a romance with Victoria's grandson, she married into the royal family of Italy. However, Helene began extended adventuresome trips into Africa where she became a big-game hunter, explorer and travel writer, escaping from an unhappy marriage and the boredom of court life. Her travels took her around the world, but her sense of royal duty brought her back to nurse aboard a hospital ship in Libyan waters, then to an important role as head of the Italian Red Cross nurses during the First World War while her husband headed Italy's Third Army, and her two sons served in the artillery and the navy. Afterwards, her strong Italian nationalism made her an ally to Gabriele d'Annunzio and Benito Mussolini, but the disastrous Second World War saw her grandchildren interned in Austria and her older son die as a British prisoner-of-war while she continued her charitable work in Naples. When the country voted to become a republic in 1946, Helene was the only member of the royal family allowed to remain in Italy with her second 'secret' husband.

In recent years nationalism has emerged as one of the dominant issues of our time. In this lucid and balanced account, David McCrone lays out the key issues and debates around a subject which is too often obscured by polemic. Among topics covered are:
* classical and contemporary theories of nationalism
* nationalism and ethnicity
* nationalism and the nation state
* colonial and post-colonial nationalisms
* neo nationalism and post communist nationalism.

Nineteenth-century Russian intellectuals were faced with a dilemma. They had to choose between modernizing their country, thus imitating the West, or reaffirming what was perceived as their country's own values and thereby risk remaining socially underdeveloped and unable to compete with Western powers. Scholars have argued that this led to the emergence of an anti-Western, anti-modern ethnic nationalism. In this innovative book, Susanna Rabow-Edling shows that there was another solution to the conflicting agendas of modernization and cultural authenticity - a Russian liberal nationalism. This nationalism took various forms during the long nineteenth century, but aimed to promote reforms through a combination of liberalism, nationalism and imperialism.

Most western political scientists have tended to neglect the ethnic dimension in China, and have overemphasized the development from large empire to unified nation. This book attempts to repair this neglect, by bringing together a number of case studies on the ethnic and regional dimensions of Chinese politics and society. Most of the contributors to this study use largely Chinese-language sources. Five are social anthropologists, and three (in addition to the editor) are political scientists. They provide in-depth analyses of Han relations with Mongolians and Muslims; the relations between the national government and selected provinces, especially after the Cultural revolution; the majority-minority interactions within provinces and the tensions within minority communities; the conflict between nationalism and Marxism and its impact on policies of culture and language; and attempts to balance the pressures for the legitimization of cultural diversity and for affirmative action with the imperatives of political unity.

In this critically acclaimed work, for which she was awarded the Prix de L'Assemblee Nationale in 1994, sociologist Dominique Schnapper offers a learned and concise antidote to contemporary assaults on the nation. Schnapper's arguments on behalf of the modern nation represent at once a learned history of the national ideal, a powerful rejoinder to its contemporary critics, and a masterful essay in the sociological tradition of Ernest Renan, Alexis de Tocqueville, Emile Durkheim, and Raymond Aron. If Schnapper asserts, the fate of liberal democracy is coterminous with that of the national ideal, then the nation's fate-and the answer to this question-must be of pressing interest to us all. Reflecting deeply on both the nation's past and future, Schnapper places her hopes in what she terms "the community of citizens." No mere exercise in sociological abstraction, Schnapper's case for the nation also entails a practical political objective. In a time of radical difference, the national ideal may be the last, great social unifier. This book deserves a place alongside the works of Elie Kedourie, Ernest Gellner, Anthony Smith, and other classics in the study of nationalism and nationality. This work will be of interest to sociologists, historians, and political scientists alike.

The final volume comprises articles which take a look at the political movement for the establishment of a national homeland for the Jewish people. The twenty-one articles cover subjects such as the historical emergence of Zionism, attitudes towards the Zionist and Anti-Zionist movements in America, and the developments of trusteeship for the Palestine.

This study examines the political culture in Austria-Hungary in the latter half of the 19th century. It analyzes the centrifugal forces that arose from growing ethnic nationalism in the empire and that ultimately overpowered the centripetal forces which held the Austrian-Hungarian "state idea" together. The analysis is applied further to provide an historical explanation of analogous developments in post-1989 Europe.

This volume provides an overall assessment of ethnic diversity in Central Europe in historical context and presents a critical assessment of the conflict in former Yugoslavia. It advances a hypothesis on the origins of ethnic conflict, proposes an approach to the prevention and reduction of ethnic conflict in general and in Central Europe in particular, and forwards concrete policy recommendations for the region of East and Central Europe and beyond.