This book explores three themes. The Eisenhower Administration's overriding Cold War goal in the oil-rich Middle East was minimizing Soviet influence. Second, Soviet support for Arab opposition to British colonialism and Israeli Zionism prompted Arab nationalists to embrace neutralism in the Cold War. Third, Eisenhower and Dulles perceived neutral Arab nationalism as virtually tantamount to pro-communism. Syria, the most xenophobic Arab state, was deemed most susceptible to Soviet enticements. This book concludes that U.S. policies in Syria went awry, provoking Syria to collaborate even more closely with the Soviet Union.

Based on a constructivist approach, this book offers a comparative analysis into the causes of nationalist populist politics in each of the five Nordic independent nation states. Behind the social liberal facade of the economically successful, welfare-orientated Nordic states, right-wing populism has found support in the region. Such parties emerged first in Denmark and Norway in the 1970s, before becoming prominent in Sweden and Finland after the turn of the millennium and in Iceland in the wake of the financial crisis of 2008, when populist parties surged throughout the Nordics. The author traces these Nationalist trails of thoughts back to the National Socialistic movements of the 1920s and 1930s (the respective Nordic version Nazi parties) and before, to the birth of the Nordic nation states in the nineteenth century following the failure of integration. Since then, as the book argues, separate nationalisms have grown strong in each of the countries. This study will appeal to students and scholars as well as wider audiences interested in European Politics, Nordic Politics, Nationalism, and Populism.

The Netherlands will be the first concise, authored introduction available on the topic. The Netherlands has been a key entrepot in the world capitalist system for centuries, but because of relatively recent demographic changes, it has become symbolic of the clash of European and Islamic cultures. Perhaps the most secular nation in the world, it now houses a very large Islamic population. That population is the fruit of globalization, and how the Dutch have responded to this broad cultural shift tells us a great deal about the changing nature of national identity in the age of globalization. In particular, Frank Lechner explains how globalization calls forth very particularistic and localist responses. Along with providing a broad overview of the contemporary Netherlands, Lechner will focus on how globalization is generating new discourses, cultures, and state policies. Among other topics, the book will feature chapters on soccer culture, religion (and the lack thereof), the media, the welfare state, multiculturalism, and the Netherlands place in the larger European Union.

This is the first comparative study of the distinctive literatures and cultures that have developed in Wales, Scotland, England and Northern Ireland since political devolution in the late 1990s, especially surrounding Brexit. The book argues that in conceptualising their cultures as 'national', each nation is caught up in a creative tension between emulating forms of cultural production found in the others to assert common aspirations, and downplaying those connections in order to forge a sense of cultural distinctiveness. The author explores the resulting dilemmas, with chapters analysing the growth of the creative industries; the relationship between UK City of Culture and its forerunner, the European Capital of Culture; national book prizes in Britain and Europe; British variations on Nordic Noir TV; and the Brexit novel. With regard to separate cultural precursors and responses in each nation, Brexit itself is debated as a factor that has widened their differences, placing the future of the UK in question.

During the final decade of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), young citizens found themselves at the heart of a rigorous programme of socialist patriotic education, yet following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the emphasis of official state rhetoric, textbooks and youth activities changed beyond recognition. For the young generation growing up during this period, 'normality' was turned on its head, leaving a sense of insecurity and inner turmoil. Using a combination of archival research and interviews, together with educational materials and government reports, this book examines the relationship between young people and their two successive states in East(ern) Germany between 1979 and 2002. This unusual time-span straddles the 1989/1990 caesura which often delimits historical studies, and thus enables not only a detailed examination of GDR socialisation, but crucially also its influence in unified Germany. Anna Saunders explores the extent to which a young generation's loyalties can be officially regulated in the face of cultural and historical traditions, changing material conditions and shifting social circumstances, and finds GDR socialisation to be influential to post-unification loyalties through its impact on the personal sphere, rather than through the official sphere of ideological propaganda. At a time of globalisation, this lucid study not only provides unique insight into the functioning of the GDR state and its longer-term impact, but also advances our broader understanding of the ways in which collective loyalties are formed. It will be of particular interest to those in the fields of German History and Politics, European Studies and Sociology. -- .

Helene was a strong-willed princess, raised in France but closely connected with the court of Queen Victoria. After the premature end to a romance with Victoria's grandson, she married into the royal family of Italy. However, Helene began extended adventuresome trips into Africa where she became a big-game hunter, explorer and travel writer, escaping from an unhappy marriage and the boredom of court life. Her travels took her around the world, but her sense of royal duty brought her back to nurse aboard a hospital ship in Libyan waters, then to an important role as head of the Italian Red Cross nurses during the First World War while her husband headed Italy's Third Army, and her two sons served in the artillery and the navy. Afterwards, her strong Italian nationalism made her an ally to Gabriele d'Annunzio and Benito Mussolini, but the disastrous Second World War saw her grandchildren interned in Austria and her older son die as a British prisoner-of-war while she continued her charitable work in Naples. When the country voted to become a republic in 1946, Helene was the only member of the royal family allowed to remain in Italy with her second 'secret' husband.

The question Why do they hate us? is one of the most oft-cited puzzles of contemporary American affairs, yet it's not clear to whom they or us refers, nor even what hate means. In this bold new work, Ella Shohat and Robert Stam take apart the hate discourse of right-wing politics, placing it in an international context. How, for example, do other nations love themselves, and how is that love connected to their attitudes toward America? Is love of country monogamous or can one love many countries? When can a country's self-love be a symptom of self-hatred?

Drawing upon their extensive experience with South American, European, and Middle Eastern societies, the authors have written a long engagement with a problem that refuses to go away. Flagging Patriotism considers these complex features of being patriotic, and in so doing insists that the idea of patriotism, instead of being rejected or embraced, be accorded the complex identity it possesses.

"The Politics of Ethnic Nationalism "is the first significant local study of National Party and Afrikaner politics. By focusing on Stellenbosch as a university and a town, the book extends our understanding of the complex interaction between the GNP/HNP and various organisations of the radical right. The book illustrates, at a local level and using detailed materials, how identity was constructed through a process of excluding some (English, Jew, Coloured) and including others. In addition, it examines the ways in which Afrikaner nationalists of all shades of political opinion conceptualised their relationships with English-speaking South Africans, and the ways that the rhetoric of republicanism and anti-imperialism were employed by nationalists. The study exposes the complex and Byzantine nature of Afrikaner nationalist politics, revealing the multiplicity of identities and ideologies co-existing within Afrikanerdom, the cross-cutting allegiances and overlapping loyalties. It reveals further the extent to which branches of nationalist organisations were fragmented, and the extent to which even individuals could embrace contradictory ideologies.

Edward W. Said once urged the legendary Eqbal Ahmad not to leave your words scattered to the winds, or even recorded on tape, but collected and published in several volumes for everyone to read. Then those who don t have the privilege of knowing you will know what a truly remarkable, gifted man you are. In these intimate and wide-ranging conversations, Ahmad discusses nationalism, ethnic conflict, the politics of memory, and liberation struggles around the world.

Is ethnicity a result of cultural differences? Is ethnicity dependent on the practical use and belief in cultural differences? Drawing on a wide-range of classic and recent studies in anthropology and sociology, Thomas Hylland Eriksen examines the relationship between ethnicity, class, gender and nationhood. Using the question 'What is ethnicity?' as his starting point, Eriksen examines the interplay between ideology and ethnicity, how the Internet impacts understanding of ethnicity, identity politics, and the commercialisation of identity. Through this, he reveals that far from being an immutable property of groups, ethnicity is a dynamic and shifting aspect of social relationships. A core text for all students of social anthropology and related subjects, Ethnicity and Nationalism has been a leading introduction to the field since its original publication in 1993. This new edition - expanded and thoroughly revised - is indispensable to anyone seriously interested in understanding ethnic phenomena.

The thesis of liberal nationalism is that national identities can serve as a source of unity in culturally diverse liberal societies, thereby lending support to democracy and social justice. The chapters in this book examine that thesis from both normative and empirical perspectives, in the latter case using survey data or psychological experiments from the U.S., Canada, the Netherlands, Denmark, France, and the UK. They explore how people understand what it means to belong to their nation, and show that different aspects of national attachment - national identity, national pride, and national chauvinism - have contrasting effects on support for redistribution and on attitudes towards immigrants. The psychological mechanisms that may explain why people's identity matters for their willingness to extend support to others are examined in depth. Equally important is how the potential recipients of such support are perceived. 'Ethnic' and 'civic' conceptions of national identity are often contrasted, but the empirical basis for such a distinction is shown to be weak. In their place, a cultural conception of national identity is explored, and defended against the charge that it is 'essentialist' and therefore exclusive of minorities. Particular attention is given to the role that religion can legitimately play within such identities. Finally the book examines the challenges involved in integrating immigrants, dual nationals, and other minorities into the national community. It shows that although these groups mostly share the liberal values of the majority, their full inclusion depends on whether they are seen as committed and trustworthy members of the national 'we'.

The failure of the Weimar Republic and the rise of National Socialism remains one of the most challenging problems of twentieth-century European history. The German Right, 1918-1930 sheds new light on this problem by examining the role that the non-Nazi Right played in the destabilization of Weimar democracy in the period before the emergence of the Nazi Party as a mass party of middle-class protest. Larry Eugene Jones identifies a critical divide within the German Right between those prepared to work within the framework of Germany's new republican government and those irrevocably committed to its overthrow. This split was only exacerbated by the course of German economic development in the 1920s, leaving the various organizations that comprised the German Right defenceless against the challenge of National Socialism. At no point was the disunity of the non-Nazi Right in the face of Nazism more apparent than in the September 1930 Reichstag elections.

Identity is widely acknowledged to be a felt experience, yet questions of atmosphere, mood and public sentiments are rarely made central to understanding the global politics of nationalism. This book asks what difference it makes when we address national identity as principally an affective force? National Affects traces how ideas about 'us and them' take form in ordinary spaces, in ways that are both deeply felt and hardly noticeable, in studies of global events that range from the London 2012 Olympic Games to responses to acts of terror, the European refugee crisis and 'Brexit'. In this timely intervention, Angharad Closs Stephens addresses the affective dimensions of being together to open new angles in the study of nationalism and global politics. She asks how the nation is felt in everyday life, as well as differently experienced, and investigates different forms of enacting being together to generate new insights in the study of national identity. National Affects draws on academic theories in the study of Politics, International Relations and Human Geography, as well as stories, performance works and novels, to establish a new tone of critical enquiry. Informed by longstanding critical interrogations of the politics of 'us and them', this book argues that these ideas are not as stable as they are often made to seem. Drawing on a combination of artistic and academic interventions, this book offers a refreshing approach to conceptualising the politics of nationalism, identity and citizenship. In its focus on everyday atmospheres, it identifies new registers for intervening politically. Overall, National Affects outlines other ways of imagining and practising being political together, beyond the exclusionary politics of nationalism.

This major new postcolonial study addresses the questions of modernity and space that haunt our perceptions of Calcutta.
This book explores the politics of representation and the cultural changes that occurred in the city as its residents negotiated the idea of being 'modern'. Its dynamic range encompasses Asian Studies and History, Architecture and Urbanism
The text responds to two inter-related concerns about the city. First is the image of Calcutta as the worst-case scenario of a Third World city -- the proverbial "city of dreadful nights. Second is the changing nature of the city's public spaces - the demise of certain forms of urban sociality that have been mourned in recent literature as the passing of Bengali modernity. Drawing on its postcolonial and spatial theory, it examines the city under British colonial rule as well as its later incarnations and explores issues such as gender, identity and nationalism.
We begin with an analysis of the British attitudes that produced a dominant image of a problem-ridden city in the nineteenth century, and then proceed to explore other ways of envisioning it, emphasizing various modes of Bengali spatial imagination and practice. The crafting of a nationalist identity was central to modern Bengali spatial imagination and was animated by the conflicting responses of Bengali residents to city life as they attempted to work out the ethics of their public and private selves in literature, art, residential design, and in the creation of new urban spaces.
This new text problematizes the idea of representing the city - both colonialist and nationalist. It argues for models of urbanism, nationalism, and modernity that cannot befathomed by neat renderings into black/white, spiritual/material, but must be understood in terms of strategic "translations" between cultural and political domains. An essential and challenging new work from this leading author.

In his new book author Michael Billig presents a major challenge to orthodox conceptions of nationalism. While traditional theorizing has focused on extreme expressions of nationalism thus making it an exotic and remote concern, Michael Billig turns his attention to the everyday, and so less visible, forms that are deeply ingrained in contemporary consciousness. Banal Nationalism asks why people do not forget their national identity. It contends that nationalism is constantly "flagged" in the media through routine symbols and habits of language. In a well-thought-out analysis, the author shows how assumptions of nationhood are regularly conveyed, often through small familiar turns of phrase, and how these reminders operate mindlessly beyond the level of conscious awareness, like the flag, which hangs unnoticed outside a public building. Banal Nationalism addresses these core features of nationalism while providing the reader with meaningful insights into their own nationality. Billig's elegantly written and broad-ranging book argues forcefully that nationalism continues to be a major ideological force in the contemporary world and will be essential reading for students and academics across the social sciences.

This important volume provides a clear, concise and comprehensive guide to the history of Sikh nationalism from the late nineteenth century to the present. Drawing on A. D. Smith's ethno-symbolic approach, Gurharpal Singh and Giorgio Shani use a new integrated methodology to understanding the historical and sociological development of modern Sikh nationalism. By emphasising the importance of studying Sikh nationalism from the perspective of the nation-building projects of India and Pakistan, the recent literature on religious nationalism and the need to integrate the study of the diaspora with the Sikhs in South Asia, they provide a fresh approach to a complex subject. Singh and Shani evaluate the current condition of Sikh nationalism in a globalised world and consider the lessons the Sikh case offers for the comparative study of ethnicity, nations and nationalism.

This important volume provides a clear, concise and comprehensive guide to the history of Sikh nationalism from the late nineteenth century to the present. Drawing on A. D. Smith's ethno-symbolic approach, Gurharpal Singh and Giorgio Shani use a new integrated methodology to understanding the historical and sociological development of modern Sikh nationalism. By emphasising the importance of studying Sikh nationalism from the perspective of the nation-building projects of India and Pakistan, the recent literature on religious nationalism and the need to integrate the study of the diaspora with the Sikhs in South Asia, they provide a fresh approach to a complex subject. Singh and Shani evaluate the current condition of Sikh nationalism in a globalised world and consider the lessons the Sikh case offers for the comparative study of ethnicity, nations and nationalism.

This social and intellectual history of women's political activism in postwar Nigeria reveals the importance of gender to the study of nationalism and poses new questions about Nigeria's colonial past and independent future. In the years following World War II, the women of Abeokuta, Nigeria, staged a successful tax revolt that led to the formation first of the Abeokuta Women's Union and then of Nigeria's first national women's organization, the Nigerian Women's Union, in 1949. These organizations became central to a new political vision, a way for women across Nigeria to define their interests, desires, and needs while fulfilling the obligations and responsibilities of citizenship. In The Great Upheaval, Judith A. Byfield has crafted a finely textured social and intellectual history of gender and nation making that not only tells a story of women's postwar activism but also grounds it in a nuanced account of the complex tax system that generated the "upheaval." Byfield captures the dynamism of women's political engagement in Nigeria's postwar period and illuminates the centrality of gender to the study of nationalism. She thus offers new lines of inquiry into the late colonial era and its consequences for the future Nigerian state. Ultimately, she challenges readers to problematize the collapse of her female subjects' greatest aspiration, universal franchise, when the country achieved independence in 1960.

Sergio Fabbrini proposes a way out of the EU's crises, which have triggered an unprecedented cleavage between 'sovereignist' and 'Europeanist' forces. The intergovernmental governance of the multiple crises of the past decade has led to a division on the very rationale of Europe's integration project. Sovereignism (the expression of nationalistic and populist forces) has demanded more decision-making autonomy for the EU member states, although Europeanism has struggled to make an effective case against this challenge. Fabbrini proposes a new perspective to release the EU from this predicament, involving the decoupling and reforming of the EU: on the one hand, the economic community of the single market (consisting of the current member states of the EU and of others interested in joining or re-joining it); and on the other, the political union (largely based on the eurozone reformed according to an original model of the federal union).

National festivals. Military parades. Patriotic memorials. Such public events and tributes naturally bring to mind the idea of nationalism. But what is the cultural logic behind them? How does a country such as Israel facilitate state-related public events as enactments of nationalism? To answer these questions, renowned anthropologist Don Handelman unpacks the meaning of national ritual and symbol in Israel today. He argues that public events mirror social order, a mirror that reflects to its participants and audiences the message that the designers of such events wish to communicate. Handelman considers the meaning of Holocaust and military memorialism, and he investigates the role of holiday celebrations, especially how they affect young children first learning about their country. Analyzing state ceremonies such as Holocaust Remembrance Day for the war dead, and Independence Day, he notes the absence of minorities and examines their significance in the promotion of a national identity. He also looks at how Israel exports powerful symbols of statehood. Throughout, Handelman develops his theory of bureaucratic logic as the driving force behind expressions of nationalism in the modern state. He argues that bureaucratic logic has a much wider cachet than simply functioning as a way of thinking only about bureaucratic institutions. The logic is crucial to how these institutions function, but more so, it is a dominant force in forming modern state social order. Bureaucratic logic is used incessantly to invent and to modify all kinds of systems of classification that often have profound consequences for individuals and for groups, and that are ritualized powerfully through a host of state-related public events.

Nationalism, national identity, and ethnicity are cultural issues in contemporary Western societies. Problems in the United States, the Netherlands, Germany, Austria, Turkey, Poland, Croatia, Ukraine, Hungary, and Bulgaria illustrate both large-scale internal variations in these phenomena and their cross-national relevance for teaching, research, and educational development on such subjects as multiculturalism, ethnic diversity, and socialization. Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Identity, now in paperback, reflects the consequences of rapid change as well as the impact of longstanding social values. Contributors from a number of different countries use a variety of methodological approaches (empirical, quantitative, qualitative, historical, and case study, among others) to analyze important issues. These include anti-Semitism, stereotyping, militarism, authoritarianism, postmodernism, moral development, gender, patriarchy, theory of the state, critical educational theory, Europeanization, and democratic public policy options as related to competing choices among monocultural and multicultural policy options. In addition, contributors examine the situation of minorities in their respective national settings. Chapters cover the impact of mass media, culture, patriotism, and other universal values. This cross-national study is a unique addition to the literature on multiculturalism.

Ce troisieme et dernier volet de la serie " Le Nationalisme en litterature " poursuit l'etude des liens entre structures nationales et styles litteraires francais, en ciblant les annees 1940-2000. Si les oeuvres publiees sous la Troisieme Republique sont impregnees par la nation, celle-ci perd de son aura au fil des decennies suivantes. Les deux guerres mondiales et l'institutionnalisation d'une vision du monde transnationale ont porte de nombreux ecrivains a se deprendre de ce cadre politique, culturel et litteraire, sans neanmoins jamais reussir a s'en debarrasser. C'est ce qu'illustrent, de maniere generalement plus manifeste que " la litterature francaise " legitime, les autres productions francaises en Europe. Ainsi des corpus belges (Kalisky, Compere, Mertens, Toussaint), suisses (Chessex, Lovay) et luxembourgeois (Rewenig); ainsi egalement des textes d'ecrivains juifs (Jabes, Cohen, Doubrovsky) ou de non-francophones (Cioran). La question nationale les marque d'autant plus que la langue francaise s'y deploie comme le vecteur d'un " universalisme " moins universaliste que nationaliste, en ce qu'il persiste a entretenir une confusion entre " francais " (relatif a un Etat-nation qui se pretend le berceau de cette langue) et " francais " (qui a trait a une langue internationale). Loin de reculer, la nation penetre les textes par des voies plus diversifiees que ne le suggere la lecture habituelle de ce terme, qui tend a le reduire a un cadre geographique ou a un theme identitaire. En somme, les travaux ici reunis montrent que, si l'idee de style national a perdu de sa pertinence dans un monde en voie de supranationalisation, la doxa nationale et ses manifestations institutionnelles et pratiques n'en ont pas fini d'orienter les styles.