Ali Mardan bey Topchibashov was a prominent politician, who played a crucial role in the history of Azerbaijan. One of the most striking personalities in the history of Azerbaijan, the founder of liberal ideas, and the first President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, he led the Muslim faction in the first Russian Duma and the Union of Muslims of Russia and was a central figure of the Caucasian emigres in Europe. This book analyses and presents the life of the first independent Azerbaijani political leaders. Based on extensive research from archives in Azerbaijan, France, Georgia, Russia (Moscow and Kazan) and the UK, some of which are newly accessible, it traces the political personality of Topchibashov as one of the largest Muslim leaders and founder of the Azerbaijan Republic. At the same time, it offers insights into the history of the formation and creation of the national consciousness of the Russian Muslims and tracks the challenges in the national and religious policy of the Imperial administration of the Soviet Union. The author sheds light on the significant problems of the Russian Empire (nationalities specifically) and global movements such as the post-World War I settlement and the difficulties of the many non-Russian groups that declared independence after the Bolshevik rise of power. Filling a lacuna in modern Azerbaijan history, this book will be of interest to academics working on Russian, Soviet, South Caucasus and Central Asian History, in particular Russian Empire, Muslim nations, and nationalism in Central Asia and the Caucasus.

Today, an international new right has coalesced. Variously described as nativist, right-populist, alt-right, and neofascist, far-right movements in many countries have achieved electoral victories that not long ago seemed highly improbable. They have also developed a new cultural politics. Adapting tactics from the left, the new right has moved from decorum to transgression; from conservative propriety to the frank sexualization of political figures and positions; from appealing to the conscious normalcy of the "silent majority" to recasting itself as a protest movement of and for the aggrieved. These movements share a mandate for robust nationalism, yet they also cultivate a striking international solidarity. Who is the subject of this ethnonationalism? Many new right movements have in fact intensified or laid bare long-standing tendencies, but this volume seeks to address aspects of their cultural politics that raise new and urgent questions. How should we assess the new right's disconcerting appropriations of strategies of minoritarian resistance? How can we practice critique in the face of adversaries who claim to practice a critique of their own? How do apparently post-normative versions of nationalism give rise to heightened forms of militarism, incarceration, censorship, and inequality? How should we understand the temporality of ethnonationalism, which combines a romance with archaic tradition, an ethos of disruption driven by tech futurism frequently tinged with accelerationist pathos, and a kitschy nostalgia for a hazily defined recent past, when things were "greater" than they are now? Surveying nationalisms from Argentina, Brazil, France, Germany, India, Israel-Palestine, the United Kingdom, and the United States, Reaction Formations gives a critical account of contemporary ethnonationalist cultural politics, while drawing out counterstrategies for anti-fascist resistance. Contributors: Tyler Blakeney, Chiara Bottici, Joshua Branciforte, Gisela Catanzaro, Melinda Cooper, Julian Goepffarth, Ramsey McGlazer, Benjamin Noys, Bruno Perreau, Rahul Rao, Shaul Setter, and M. Ty

For China, Taiwan is next in line to be unified with the People's Republic after Hong Kong in 1997. China's claim on Taiwan is of great importance to the politics of Chinese Nationalism, and is central to the dynamics of power in this most volatile of regions. The democratic challenge from Taiwan is very potent and its status and identity within the international community is crucial to its survival.
Taiwan and Chinese Nationalism explores how Taiwan's status has come to be a symbol for the legitimacy of the Chinese regime in the evolution of Chinese nationalism. It also demonstrates how this view has been challenged by demands for democratization in Taiwan. The KMT regime is shown to have allowed sovereignty to be practised by the population of the island while maintaining the claim that it is a part of China. The result is a post-nationalist identity for the island in an intermediate state between independence and unification with the PRC.

This captivating autobiography by a Tibetan educator and former political prisoner is full of twists and turns. Born in 1929 in a Tibetan village, Tsering developed a strong dislike of his country's theocratic ruling elite. As a 13-year-old member of the Dalai Lama's personal dance troupe, he was frequently whipped or beaten by teachers for minor infractions. A heterosexual, he escaped by becoming a drombo, or homosexual passive partner and sex-toy, for a well-connected monk. After studying at the University of Washington, he returned to Chinese-occupied Tibet in 1964, convinced that Tibet could become a modernized society based on socialist, egalitarian principles only through cooperation with the Chinese. Denounced as a 'counterrevolutionary' during Mao's Cultural Revolution, he was arrested in 1967 and spent six years in prison or doing forced labor in China. Officially exonerated in 1978, Tsering became a professor of English at Tibet University in Lhasa. He now raises funds to build schools in Tibet's villages, emphasizing Tibetan language and culture.

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This is a history of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a violent Marxist faction within the Palestinian national movement. Taking a politically neutral approach, Cubert explores the group's background and provides an analysis of its aims, methods, structures and the factors responsible for its decline. The PFLP rejects any settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict that falls short of the total elimination of Israel and the establishement of an independent state on what it claims to be Palestinian land. It is implacably hostile to the US and its allies in Europe and the Middle East and is committed to a strategy of armed conflict.
Cubert contrasts the PFLP with the more moderate Fatah, the dominant faction within the PLO. He notes that unlike the Fatah, which was prepared to compromise with the West and has transformed itself from an underground movement to a quasi-govenrment with strong international ties, the PFLP has by contrast become increasingly isolated. It can do nothing without the approval of the Syrian government and Syria is moving towards peace with Israel.

The essays in this volume, by distinguished scholars in Pacific studies, emerge from research in a region in which the nation - like other projects of modernity - has been peculiarly tenuous. These case studies focus upon local perceptions of the state, efforts to ground nationhood in tradition, the character of national narratives, and recent transformations of the Pacific nationalism. It is striking that in many Pacific nations, "national" narratives are subordinate to other fundamental historical imaginings, such as those concerning local political dynasties and conversion to Christianity. While leaders in Pacific states have frequently sought to legitimate new nations through local "tradition" and "custom", these constructions of identity frequently mask divisions arising from gender, hierarchy and other social relationships. These studies from Papua New Guinea, Vanautu, Samoa and the Cook Islands add much to our knowledge of historical imaginings and contemporary culture in the Pacific, but raise larger questions concerning the current transformation of national identities.

Football, Nationality and the State examines the complex and ever-changing relationship between football (its development and structure), nationality and the state. Divided into two parts the book first deals with the existence of more than one football nation within the same political state. Using international comparisons the authors argue that these divisions may result from football's early history and development, regional movements for independence, or the growth of a language cleavage. The second part of the book goes on to examine the structure of football as an extension, or reflection, of the structure of the state. Resulting structures include the imposition of state socialism on sport, the presence of democratic politics in the organisation of football clubs and the links between big business and football.

This captivating autobiography by a Tibetan educator and former political prisoner is full of twists and turns. Born in 1929 in a Tibetan village, Tsering developed a strong dislike of his country's theocratic ruling elite. As a 13-year-old member of the Dalai Lama's personal dance troupe, he was frequently whipped or beaten by teachers for minor infractions. A heterosexual, he escaped by becoming a drombo, or homosexual passive partner and sex-toy, for a well-connected monk. After studying at the University of Washington, he returned to Chinese-occupied Tibet in 1964, convinced that Tibet could become a modernized society based on socialist, egalitarian principles only through cooperation with the Chinese. Denounced as a 'counterrevolutionary' during Mao's Cultural Revolution, he was arrested in 1967 and spent six years in prison or doing forced labor in China. Officially exonerated in 1978, Tsering became a professor of English at Tibet University in Lhasa. He now raises funds to build schools in Tibet's villages, emphasizing Tibetan language and culture.

"Fashioning Masculinity" is a comparison of Anglo-French relations in the eighteenth century, themes of gender, nationality, identity and masculinity with perceptions of today. The fashioning of English gentlemen in the eighteenth century was modelled on French practices. At the same time, however, the French and their language were disparaged. Michele Cohen show how cultural relations between the two states were constructed as relations of seduction and desire. There was anxiety on the part of the English over the effect of French practices on English masculinity and the virtue of English women. By the end of the century representing the French as an effeminate Other was integral to the forging of English, masculine, national identity. Taciturnity became emblematic of the English gentleman's depth of mind and masculinity. Sprightly conversation and speaking foreign languages was seen as representing the shallow and inferior intellect of English women, and of the French of both sexes.

Since unification, fears of resurgent German nationalism have mounted. In particular, many believe united Germany is reverting to a xenophobic nationalist stance to deal with the increased pressures of migration unleashed by the raising of the Iron curtain. The author argues that these fears are exaggerated. He documents a longstanding, steadily increasing, committment to the liberal principles of the Basic Law in the Federal Republic's policies, which protect foreigners against hostile German nationalism. O'Brien goes on to criticize the very entrenched liberalism which holds German nationalism in check. He traces among German political elites the appeal and uses of "technocratic liberalism" - an overzealous protection of Germany's liberal democracy which, paradoxically, prevents minority groups from achieving full rights of political participation.

"Predictable postmodernist analysis of Ecuador's national identity. Examines gender, race, ethnicity, and religion. Case study of nation's development out of inchoate space"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57.

When the Hapsburg monarchy disintegrated after World War I, Austria was not considered to be a viable entity. In a vacuum of national identity the hapless country drifted toward a larger Germany. After World War II, Austrian elites constructed a new identity based on being a "victim" of Nazi Germany. Cold war Austria, however, envisioned herself as a neutral "island of the blessed" between and separate from both superpower blocs. Now, with her membership in the European Union secured, Austria is reconstructing her painful historical memory and national identity. In 1996 she celebrates her 1000-year anniversary.

In this volume of Contemporary Austrian Studies, Franz Mathis and Brigitte Mazohl-Wallnig argue that regional identities in Austria have deeper historical roots than the many artificial and ineffective attempts to construct a national identity. Heidemarie Uhl, Anton Pelinka, and Brigitte Bailer discuss the post-World War II construction of the victim mythology. Robert Herzstein analyses the crucial impact of the 1986 Waldheim election imploding Austria's comforting historical memory as a "nation of victims." Wolfram Kaiser shows Austria's difficult adjustments to the European Union and the larger challenges of constructing a new "European identity." Chad Berry's analysis of American World War II memory establishes a useful counterpoint to construction of historical memory in a different national context.

A special forum on Austrian intelligence studies presents a fascinating reconstruction by Timothy Naftali of the investigation by Anglo-American counterintelligence into the retreat of Hitler's troops into the Alps during World War II. Rudiger Overmans' "research note" presents statistics on lower death rates of Austrian soldiers in the German army. Review essays by Gunther Kronenbitter and Gunter Bischof, book reviews, and a 1995 survey of Austrian politics round out the volume. Austrian Historical Memory and National Identity will be of intense interest to foreign policy analysts, historians, and scholars concerned with the unique elements of identity and nationality in Central European politics.

From the Third Reich to Bosnia, nationalism - a sense of a nation's place in the world - has been responsible for much bloodshed. Nationalism may be manipulated by political leaders or governments but it springs from the people. Something in the history and environment of a national group creates it. This volume aims to locate and analyze the myth of national identity and its value in creating pride, deflecting fear or legitimating aggression. A range of essays - on Britain, the United States, Germany, Russia, Iraq, Serbia, Argentina, Australia, and India - illustrate the different manifestations of the geographical imagination across the countries of the world.

Challenges to received ideas of the nation-state and sovereignty are forcing us to `rethink' Ireland. The issue of sovereignty, which has bedevilled Irish-British relations, is trapped between the competing forces of globalization and demands for greater regional democracy.
Richard Kearney proposes the overcoming of this `sovereignty neurosis', requiring not only a recasting of the political identity of Ireland, but also a re-imagining of the cultural, literary and philosophical heritage. Only then can the inherited political notions of nationalism, national identity and republicanism be unravelled.

Challenges to received ideas of the nation-state and sovereignty are forcing us to `rethink' Ireland. The issue of sovereignty, which has bedevilled Irish-British relations, is trapped between the competing forces of globalisation and demands for greater regional democracy.
Richard Kearney proposes the overcoming of this `sovereignty neurosis', requiring not only a recasting of the political identity of Ireland, but also a re-imagining of the cultural, literary and philosophical heritage. Only then can the inherited political notions of nationalism, national identity and republicanism be unravelled.

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The resilience of nationalism in contemporary Europe may seem paradoxical at a time when the nation state is widely seen as being 'in decline'. The contributors of this book see the resurgence of nationalism as symptomatic of the quest for identity and meaning in the complex modern world. Challenged from above by the supranational imperatives of globalism and from below by the complex pluralism of modern societies, the nation state, in the absence of alternatives to market consumerism, remains a focus for social identity.
Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe takes a fully interdisciplinary and comparative approach to the 'national question'. Individual chapters consider the specifics of national identity in France, Germany, Britain, Italy, Iberia, Russia, the former Yugoslavla and Poland, while looking also at external forces such as economic globalisation, European supranationalism, and the end of the Cold War.
Setting current issues and conflicts in their broad historical context, the book reaffirms that 'nations' are not 'natural' phenomena but 'constructed' forms of social identity whose future will be determined in the social arena.

The resilience of nationalism in contemporary Europe may seem paradoxical at a time when the nation state is widely seen as being 'in decline'. Why should so many movements across the continent be seeking to preserve or replicate a mode of political organisation whose efficacy and legitimacy is increasingly open to doubt? Challenged from above by the supranational imperatives of globalism and from below by the complex pluralism of modern societies, less and less are able to 'deliver the goods' in terms of policy or to provide the primary focus for social identity, the nation state faces an uncertain future.
This book examines the many manifestations of this ambivalent process across Europe, focusing both on the specifics of national identity in individual countries and on the external forces that are shaping contemporary perceptions and reactions - economic globalisation and European supranationalism, the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Eastern bloc, mass migratory movements and North-South tensions. In this wider context, the resurgence of nationalism appears less like a paradox than like an 'epiphenomenon' of the crisis of nation-state structures, more virulent in the disintegrating state formations of Eastern Europe but equally visible in the introspective national self-doubt afflicting many West European states in the 'new world order'. The quest for identity and meaning in a world dominated by market consumerism and bereft of alternative social models may all too easily find consolation in chauvinsim and ethnic nationalism.
Drawing on this global perspective, Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe offers a rich analysis of the 'national question' in nine major European countries. It reaffirms the point that, like all forms of social identity, 'nation' is an ideological construct and that 'nationalism' is a distinctly political programme. They are not timeless 'natural' phenomena, but they neither are they 'fated' to disappear. Their future will be determined in the political arena.

Throughout Europe longstanding ideas of what it means to be a citizen are being challenged. The sense of belonging to a nation has never been more in flux. Simultaneously, nationalistic and racist movements are gaining ground and barriers are being erected against immigration. This volume examines how concepts of citizenship have evolved in different countries and varying contexts. It explores the interconnection between ideas of the nation, modes of citizenship and the treatment of migrants. Adopting a multi-disciplinary and international approach, this collection brings together experts from several fields including political studies, history, law and sociology. By juxtaposing four European countries - Britain, France, Germany and Italy - and setting current trends against a historical background, it highlights important differences and exposes similarities in the urgent questions surrounding citizenship and the treatment of minorities in Europe today.

Drawing on diverse cultural forms, and ranging across disciplinary boundaries, Nation States maps the contested cultural terrain of Irish nationalism from the Act of Union of 1800 to the present. In looking at Irish nationalism as a site of struggle, Mays examines both the myriad ways in which the nation fashions itself as the a priori ground of identity, and those processes through which nationalism engenders an ostensibly unique national identity corresponding to one and only one nation-state, the place where we always have been, and can only ever be, at home.

"Predictable postmodernist analysis of Ecuador's national identity. Examines gender, race, ethnicity, and religion. Case study of nation's development out of inchoate space"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57.

This paperback reader provides the student and general reader with easy access to the major issues of the Hong Kong transition crisis. Contributors include both editors, as well as Frank Ching, Berry F. Hsu, Reginald Yin-wang Kwok, Peter Kwong, Julian Y.M. Leung, Ronald Skeldon, Alvin Y. So, Yun-wing Sung, and James T.H. Tang - the majority of whom live and work in Hong Kong and experience the transition firsthand, personally and professionally.

Hitchens identifies everything that he feels has gone wrong with Britain since the Second World War and makes the case for the `many millions who feel that they have become foreigners in their own land and wish with each succeeding day that they could turn the clock back'. Writing with brilliance and flair, Hitchens targets the pernicious effects of TV culture, the corruption and decay of English language, the loss of deference and the syrupy confessional mood brought on by the death of Princess Diana. This new revised edition includes a brand new chapter bringing the book up-to-date and including the consequences of the 2016 Brexit vote.

Until 1923 there were large Greek populations outside the boundaries of the Greek state in many areas of the Near and Middle East. These constituted what the Greeks term I kath'imas Anatoli ('our East') and were the focus for the Megali Idea, the 'Great Idea' of incorporating the Greeks of the region within a single state, with Constantiople as its capital. Professor Clogg deals here with the history of this Greek East in the 18th and 19th centuries and at the same time makes a contribution to the study of the Ottoman world within which they lived. The opening articles examine how these communities were defined, in religious terms (many were Turkish-speaking), and their organisation as part of the Ottoman system of government. Further studies then look at factors, economic, intellectual and messianic, which contributed to the emergence of the Greek state and its expansionist aspirations, and at aspects of religious history, including Protestant missionary activity and the Orthodox reaction to Enlightenment thought.

"We fight, therefore we are." This revision of Cartesian wisdom was enunciated by the late premier of Israel, Menachim Begin. It is the "leitmotif "of this brilliant study of the military origins of modern Israel. J. Bowyer Bell argues that the members of Irgun, Lehi (the Stern Gang), and the Zionist underground in British mandated Palestine had clear motives for the violent path they took: the creation of a sovereign homeland for the Jewish people in oppressed lands. These advocates of terror pitted themselves against not only the British and the Arabs, but also against less violent brethren like Ben Gurion, Moshe Dayan, and Yitzhak Rabin.

This is the definitive story of desperate, dedicated revolutionaries who were driven to conclude that lives must be taken if Israel were to live. The dynamite bombing of the King David Hotel, the assassination of Lord Moyne in Cairo, and Count Bernardotte, in Palestine were but a few acts of terror which forced the British out of the Middle East. "Terror Out of Zion "evaluates whether these acts were extremist or necessary, and whether these men and women were fanatics or freedom fighters.

"Terror Out of Zion "serves as a primer for those who would understand contemporary political divisions in Israel. It is based on careful historical research and interviews with surviving members of the Irgun, chronicling bombings, assassinations, hah- breadth prison escapes, and endless cycles of retaliation in the terror that gave birth to Israel, but, no less, continues to inform its political relations. Bell has fashioned an adventure story that also explains the sources of current tensions and frictions within Israel.

"Publishers' Weekly "wrote that "Bell's book crackles with suspense and explodes with tales of carnage and violence; it could hardly be otherwise. Yet he writes with compassion and insight into the black despair that engendered the terrorist's brutal deeds." And a highly laudatory "New York Times "review said "excellent ... a skillfully written, fast-paced anecdotal narrative of one of the bloodiest and least documented chapters of Zionist history . . . the story is more than mere history; it is detailed portrait of the formulating experiences of Israel's new leadership."