Recent years have seen a resurgence of separatist sentiments among national minorities in many industrial societies, including the United Kingdom. In 1997, the Scottish and Welsh both set up their own parliamentary bodies, while the tragic events in Northern Ireland continued to be a reminder of the Irish problem. These phenomena call into question widely accepted social theories which assume that ethnic attachments in a society will wane as industrialization proceeds. This book presents the social basis of ethnic identity, and examines changes in the strength of ethnic solidarity in the United Kingdom in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In addition to its value as a case study, the work also has important comparative implications, for it suggests that internal colonialism of the kind experienced in the British Isles has its analogues in the histories of other industrial societies. Hechter examines the unexpected persistence of ethnicity in the politics of industrial societies by focusing on the British Isles. Why do many of the inhabitants of Wales, Scotland, and Ireland continue to maintain an ethnic identity opposed to England? Hechter explains the salience of ethnic identity by analyzing the relationships between England, the national core, and its periphery, the Celtic fringe, in the light of two alternative models of core-periphery relations in the industrial setting. These are a "diffusion" model, which predicts that intergroup contact leads to ethnic homogenization, and an "internal colonial" model, in which such contact heightens distinctive ethnic identification. His findings lend support to the internal colonial model, and show that, although industrialization did contribute to a decline in interregional linguistic differences, it resulted neither in the cultural assimilation of Celtic lands, nor in the development of regional economic equality. The study concludes that ethnic solidarity will inevitably emerge among groups which are relegated to inferior positions in a cultural division of labor. This is an important contribution to the understanding of socioeconomic development and ethnicity.

Most western political scientists have tended to neglect the ethnic dimension in China, and have overemphasized the development from large empire to unified nation. This book attempts to repair this neglect, by bringing together a number of case studies on the ethnic and regional dimensions of Chinese politics and society. Most of the contributors to this study use largely Chinese-language sources. Five are social anthropologists, and three (in addition to the editor) are political scientists. They provide in-depth analyses of Han relations with Mongolians and Muslims; the relations between the national government and selected provinces, especially after the Cultural revolution; the majority-minority interactions within provinces and the tensions within minority communities; the conflict between nationalism and Marxism and its impact on policies of culture and language; and attempts to balance the pressures for the legitimization of cultural diversity and for affirmative action with the imperatives of political unity.

Most western political scientists have tended to neglect the ethnic dimension in China, and have overemphasized the development from large empire to unified nation. This book attempts to repair this neglect, by bringing together a number of case studies on the ethnic and regional dimensions of Chinese politics and society. Most of the contributors to this study use largely Chinese-language sources. Five are social anthropologists, and three (in addition to the editor) are political scientists. They provide in-depth analyses of Han relations with Mongolians and Muslims; the relations between the national government and selected provinces, especially after the Cultural revolution; the majority-minority interactions within provinces and the tensions within minority communities; the conflict between nationalism and Marxism and its impact on policies of culture and language; and attempts to balance the pressures for the legitimization of cultural diversity and for affirmative action with the imperatives of political unity.

Identity Tourism: Imaging and Imagining the Nation examines the role of tourism in the construction of national identity. To ???imagine??? a nation, nationalists must construct a national ???story??? about their history and culture that defines them as a people, and counters the negative story circulated by their enemies. One of the objectives of this book is to identify the necessary historical and cultural components of a compelling national story. Yet a story is of no use unless it is heard, so nationalists need media through which the national narrative can be told. The principal objective of this book is to show that ???identity tourism??? is a medium that can be used to tell the national story, both to group members and outsiders. As such, it is particularly useful in the construction of a sense of national identity. Identity tourism, which incorporates both ethnic and heritage tourism, includes museums, heritage centers, performances, and other attractions in which collective identities are represented, interpreted, and potentially constructed through the use of history and culture.
One of the strengths of tourism is that it can convey a message to a broad, mass audience, and it can present that message in a vivid and lively way. A weakness of tourism is that ???vivid and lively??? presentations can degenerate into trivializing history, culture and politics to the point that any meaningful message is lost. Thus one of the main challenges in identity tourism is to balance educational goals against the entertainment imperatives of the medium. This book explores these and other issues using observational and interview data primarily from Wales, where nationalism, identity andtourism have long been heatedly contested. A comparative perspective is provided through the use of secondary case studies examining Native American tourism in the United States and Canada, and tourism in Brittany and South Africa.

In recent years nationalism has emerged as one of the dominant issues of our time. In this lucid and balanced account, David McCrone lays out the key issues and debates around a subject which is too often obscured by polemic. Among topics covered are:
* classical and contemporary theories of nationalism
* nationalism and ethnicity
* nationalism and the nation state
* colonial and post-colonial nationalisms
* neo nationalism and post communist nationalism.

In recent years nationalism has emerged as one of the dominant issues of our time. In this lucid and balanced account, David McCrone lays out the key issues and debates around a subject which is too often obscured by polemic. Among topics covered are:
* classical and contemporary theories of nationalism
* nationalism and ethnicity
* nationalism and the nation state
* colonial and post-colonial nationalisms
* neo nationalism and post communist nationalism.

There is an urgent need for a book which combines the approaches of political science/sociology and history and particularly comparative politics with ethnic studies. There are currently many rapid and significant changes taking place in the world political map in terms of ethnic conflict. How do we explain these changes? How do we analyse them? How can we compare them? How do we make sense of the different ethnic conflicts that have taken place since the end of the Cold War, in what some observers have dubbed 'the New World Order'? Few books on the market combine the diverse approaches of political science, sociology and history at any level of analysis. This work will remedy at least some of the deficiencies in the existing literature and be truly interdisciplinary in nature.

This book delineates the drive for Korean modernization by cultural nationalists during the colonial era in the early twentieth century. The cultural nationalism movement, led by moderate nationalists, eschewed overt resistance to Japanese imperialism and advocated self-strengthening programs to lay the foundation for future Korean independence. To describe this movement, this book focuses on Kim Songsu and his various projects for Korean modernization. The author provides a narrative that includes encapsulated stories and sheds light on the Japanese colonial policies concerning Korea. A Korean Nationalist Entrepreneur examines Kim's projects in chronological order, reflecting historian Carter J. Erkert's statement that Kim's life history has been so closely intertwined with some of the deepest currents of modern Korean history itself. The book describes how Kim took over and developed a post-elementary school, founded Korea's first modern textile firm, established one of Korea's major newspapers, and established Posong Junior College (which later became Koryo University). In 1946, after Korea's liberation from Japan, Kim became a pivotal figure in the conservative Korean Democratic Party, which became the main opposition party in Korea in the 1950s. He eventually became vice president in 1951 under Syngman Rhee.

For this book Prof. Merkeley has researched presidential archives, Jewish historical libraries, and official Zionist records in the US and in Israel for evidence of the dealings between official Zionists and active Christian Restorationists. Much of this record appears here for the first time in print and is linked to the much better known history of the relationship between the official Zionists and the politicians and leaders of the US and Britain. This earlier and significant friendship between the Christian supporters and the Zionist officials is recorded from the beginnings of the public attention in 1891 through to the influence it had on the politicians' actions that would lead to the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. Enlightening research for students of American politics, American foreign policy, and American religion - fields that sometimes intersect in ways not readily conceded by academic scholars.

For this book Prof. Merkeley has researched presidential archives, Jewish historical libraries, and official Zionist records in the US and in Israel for evidence of the dealings between official Zionists and active Christian Restorationists. Much of this record appears here for the first time in print and is linked to the much better known history of the relationship between the official Zionists and the politicians and leaders of the US and Britain. This earlier and significant friendship between the Christian supporters and the Zionist officials is recorded from the beginnings of the public attention in 1891 through to the influence it had on the politicians' actions that would lead to the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. Enlightening research for students of American politics, American foreign policy, and American religion - fields that sometimes intersect in ways not readily conceded by academic scholars.

In this critically acclaimed work, for which she was awarded the Prix de L'Assemblee Nationale in 1994, sociologist Dominique Schnapper offers a learned and concise antidote to contemporary assaults on the nation. Schnapper's arguments on behalf of the modern nation represent at once a learned history of the national ideal, a powerful rejoinder to its contemporary critics, and a masterful essay in the sociological tradition of Ernest Renan, Alexis de Tocqueville, Emile Durkheim, and Raymond Aron. If Schnapper asserts, the fate of liberal democracy is coterminous with that of the national ideal, then the nation's fate-and the answer to this question-must be of pressing interest to us all. Reflecting deeply on both the nation's past and future, Schnapper places her hopes in what she terms "the community of citizens." No mere exercise in sociological abstraction, Schnapper's case for the nation also entails a practical political objective. In a time of radical difference, the national ideal may be the last, great social unifier. This book deserves a place alongside the works of Elie Kedourie, Ernest Gellner, Anthony Smith, and other classics in the study of nationalism and nationality. This work will be of interest to sociologists, historians, and political scientists alike.

Exploring the post-Communist transition that has taken place in the Ukraine, this text covers: nation and state building; national identity and regionalism; politics and civil society; economic transition; and security policy.

The final volume comprises articles which take a look at the political movement for the establishment of a national homeland for the Jewish people. The twenty-one articles cover subjects such as the historical emergence of Zionism, attitudes towards the Zionist and Anti-Zionist movements in America, and the developments of trusteeship for the Palestine.

This study examines the political culture in Austria-Hungary in the latter half of the 19th century. It analyzes the centrifugal forces that arose from growing ethnic nationalism in the empire and that ultimately overpowered the centripetal forces which held the Austrian-Hungarian "state idea" together. The analysis is applied further to provide an historical explanation of analogous developments in post-1989 Europe.

This study examines the political culture in Austria-Hungary in the latter half of the 19th century. It analyzes the centrifugal forces that arose from growing ethnic nationalism in the empire and that ultimately overpowered the centripetal forces which held the Austrian-Hungarian "state idea" together. The analysis is applied further to provide an historical explanation of analogous developments in post-1989 Europe.

The essays collected here investigate Rabbi Silver's Zionist political leadership, his impact on American Judaism, ideological orientation and relations with the leaders of the Palestine Jewish community, World Zionist Organization and the Jewish State.

This volume provides an overall assessment of ethnic diversity in Central Europe in historical context and presents a critical assessment of the conflict in former Yugoslavia. It advances a hypothesis on the origins of ethnic conflict, proposes an approach to the prevention and reduction of ethnic conflict in general and in Central Europe in particular, and forwards concrete policy recommendations for the region of East and Central Europe and beyond.

Offering a fresh look at the ways in which neoliberalism has claimed to cure the Balkan region of its ethnic particularities under the pretext of Europeanization, this book shows how the reconfiguration of the economic, political, and cultural landscape of the region has resulted in its functioning as Europe's neocolony. The contributors to this volume engage in postcolonial analysis of the Balkans' past and present coloniality by way of interrogating race, racism, trauma, film, and global capitalism. They challenge the idea of a United Europe that rests on the assumption that the European Union's 'newness' represents both a clean slate and the right to shift ownership of its colonial histories to former colonial subjects and their national histories. Taken as a whole, the volume seeks to transform Europe's colonial amnesia into postcolonial awareness and to speak from within the Balkans as a site of Europe's neocolony. As it critically interrogates a neocolonial reconfiguration of the Balkans as a massive social overhaul, which includes at once global integration and local social disintegration, this book will be of interest to those studying the region, as well as postcolonialism in general. This book was originally published as a special issue of Interventions: Journal of Postcolonial Studies.

For China, Taiwan is next in line to be unified with the People's Republic after Hong Kong in 1997. China's claim on Taiwan is of great importance to the politics of Chinese Nationalism, and is central to the dynamics of power in this most volatile of regions. The democratic challenge from Taiwan is very potent and its status and identity within the international community is crucial to its survival.
Taiwan and Chinese Nationalism explores how Taiwan's status has come to be a symbol for the legitimacy of the Chinese regime in the evolution of Chinese nationalism. It also demonstrates how this view has been challenged by demands for democratization in Taiwan. The KMT regime is shown to have allowed sovereignty to be practised by the population of the island while maintaining the claim that it is a part of China. The result is a post-nationalist identity for the island in an intermediate state between independence and unification with the PRC.

This is a history of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a violent Marxist faction within the Palestinian national movement. Taking a politically neutral approach, Cubert explores the group's background and provides an analysis of its aims, methods, structures and the factors responsible for its decline. The PFLP rejects any settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict that falls short of the total elimination of Israel and the establishement of an independent state on what it claims to be Palestinian land. It is implacably hostile to the US and its allies in Europe and the Middle East and is committed to a strategy of armed conflict.
Cubert contrasts the PFLP with the more moderate Fatah, the dominant faction within the PLO. He notes that unlike the Fatah, which was prepared to compromise with the West and has transformed itself from an underground movement to a quasi-govenrment with strong international ties, the PFLP has by contrast become increasingly isolated. It can do nothing without the approval of the Syrian government and Syria is moving towards peace with Israel.

This book highlights the complexities of nationalism and the struggles of different groups left unaddressed within the nation-states of a postcolonial world. The central question is what happened to the worldly and radical visions of freedom, liberty, and equality that animated intellectual activists and policy makers from Woodrow Wilson in the 1920s? This book analyzes the outcome of lumping disparate groups of people together under one nation-state and holding them together against the knowledge of the incompatibility theory of plural states. In a world of arbitrarily and colonially mapped sovereign states, groups, and nations with distinctive histories and cultures trapped within the borders of sovereign states want the freedom to decide their own destinies. This book challenges, deconstructs, and decolonizes Western epistemologies related to postcolonial state formation and maintenance. In examining the freedom concept that no human group ought to be determining the independence of other human groups, this book constructs an alternative conceptualization of nations and peoples' rights in the twenty-first century, in which radical hopes and global dreams are recognized as central to internal nationalism struggles.

The essays in this volume, by distinguished scholars in Pacific studies, emerge from research in a region in which the nation - like other projects of modernity - has been peculiarly tenuous. These case studies focus upon local perceptions of the state, efforts to ground nationhood in tradition, the character of national narratives, and recent transformations of the Pacific nationalism. It is striking that in many Pacific nations, "national" narratives are subordinate to other fundamental historical imaginings, such as those concerning local political dynasties and conversion to Christianity. While leaders in Pacific states have frequently sought to legitimate new nations through local "tradition" and "custom", these constructions of identity frequently mask divisions arising from gender, hierarchy and other social relationships. These studies from Papua New Guinea, Vanautu, Samoa and the Cook Islands add much to our knowledge of historical imaginings and contemporary culture in the Pacific, but raise larger questions concerning the current transformation of national identities.

This captivating autobiography by a Tibetan educator and former political prisoner is full of twists and turns. Born in 1929 in a Tibetan village, Tsering developed a strong dislike of his country's theocratic ruling elite. As a 13-year-old member of the Dalai Lama's personal dance troupe, he was frequently whipped or beaten by teachers for minor infractions. A heterosexual, he escaped by becoming a drombo, or homosexual passive partner and sex-toy, for a well-connected monk. After studying at the University of Washington, he returned to Chinese-occupied Tibet in 1964, convinced that Tibet could become a modernized society based on socialist, egalitarian principles only through cooperation with the Chinese. Denounced as a 'counterrevolutionary' during Mao's Cultural Revolution, he was arrested in 1967 and spent six years in prison or doing forced labor in China. Officially exonerated in 1978, Tsering became a professor of English at Tibet University in Lhasa. He now raises funds to build schools in Tibet's villages, emphasizing Tibetan language and culture.

This captivating autobiography by a Tibetan educator and former political prisoner is full of twists and turns. Born in 1929 in a Tibetan village, Tsering developed a strong dislike of his country's theocratic ruling elite. As a 13-year-old member of the Dalai Lama's personal dance troupe, he was frequently whipped or beaten by teachers for minor infractions. A heterosexual, he escaped by becoming a drombo, or homosexual passive partner and sex-toy, for a well-connected monk. After studying at the University of Washington, he returned to Chinese-occupied Tibet in 1964, convinced that Tibet could become a modernized society based on socialist, egalitarian principles only through cooperation with the Chinese. Denounced as a 'counterrevolutionary' during Mao's Cultural Revolution, he was arrested in 1967 and spent six years in prison or doing forced labor in China. Officially exonerated in 1978, Tsering became a professor of English at Tibet University in Lhasa. He now raises funds to build schools in Tibet's villages, emphasizing Tibetan language and culture.

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