This book is written to examine Russian public opinion, culture and society in the context of the lies, liars and untruths consistent with, but not exclusively part of, the rule of Russia's second (and fourth) post-Soviet President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. Then, it is to assess what future there is for Russia in view of Russia's peculiar 'socio-political' culture of parallel truth and untruth. Based on new research, literature and historical examination of 'untruth' in Russia, using political, social, cultural, media and public opinion analysis, this study develops and applies a new and novel approach, or "model(s)," to the study of lies in Russia. Further, this book seeks to provide an understanding of Russia's socio-political environment to outsiders not versed in the ins-and-outs of the influences, causes and reasoning for the Russian government's, and the Russian public's, reactions to publicized events.

This book contends that there is a fundamental logic underlying the participation of non-elites in the nationalist enterprise. In order to understand this logic we must cast aside the standard myopia ingrained in most Rational Choice analysis. Those blinders restrict the realm of payoffs to the pursuit of tangible goods and incorrectly assume that all group members -- elites and non-elites alike -- pursue the same payoffs. We cannot understand the true nature of nationalist movements until we take into account that elite and mass strata have different motivations for supporting the same cause. There is an elite calculus and a non-elite strategy simultaneously operating under the aegis of an ethnically defined and supposedly unitary operation.

This volume presents fresh and original writing on the history of Czechoslovakia, a state neglected in British historiography, but which is vital for understanding Europe after 1918. The country twice lost its independence, firstly to Hitler's Germany and then to Stalin's USSR - events that sent shock waves through the continent. The fourteen essays deal with four main subject areas: aspects of Czech national society, the Czech-Slovak relationship, the Czech-German relationship, and the British dimension. This highly accessible volume, containing many new insights, provides major case study material for researchers and students of nationalism, fascism and international relations.

This book claims that in addition to autonomy, liberal tradition recognizes human flourishing as an ideal of the good life. There are two versions of the liberalism of flourishing: for one the good life consists in the ability of an individual to develop her intellectual and moral capabilities, and for the other the good life is one in which an individual succeeds in materializing her varied human capabilities. Both versions expect the state to create the background conditions for flourishing. Combining the history of ideas with analytical political philosophy, Menachem Mautner finds the roots of the liberalism of flourishing in the works of great philosophers, and argues that for individuals to reach flourishing they need to engage with art. Art provides us with wisdom, insight, critical social and political thinking, and moral education. Thus, a state which practices the liberalism of flourishing must play an active role in funding the creation and dissemination of art. Consequently, the liberalism of flourishing is better equipped than autonomy liberalism to compete with religion in the domains of meaning and over the shape of the regime, the political culture and the law in countries in which liberalism is contested. Political theorists and lawyers will enjoy engaging with this version of liberalism, as will students of social democracy and art policy.

Through extensive archival research in eight different languages, Revolutionary Social Democracy introduces readers to the politics and practices of socialists in Tsarist Russia's imperial borderlands. These parties fought for democracy and workers' power across the entire span of the Russian Empire-from the factories of Warsaw, to the oil fields of Baku, to the autonomous parliament of Finland. Eric Blanc's incisive study of these parties shows that the Russian Revolution was far less Russian than is commonly assumed. And the implications of this discovery challenge the long-held assumptions of historians, sociologists, and activists about the dynamics of revolutionary change under both autocratic and democratic conditions.

Mustafa Kemal Ataturk was not widely known when he led the national resistance movement in Anatolia in 1919. However, the effort and attention that his government devoted to the creation of his public image gradually turned him into a superhuman figure in the eyes of many. Film played a crucial role in the creation and dissemination of this image and helped Ataturk to advance his project of building a new "imagined community" of the Turkish nation. But despite the impact of film and film-making on the political and cultural life of Early Republican Turkey, there is almost no research that has analysed this footage. Ataturk on Screen uncovers various film archives to reveal the significant, albeit paradoxical, role of film during this period. Enis Dinc shows that while film-making was crucial for the creation of Ataturk's public image and the presentation of Turkey's new modern image to the world, it also posed risks as it could be re-used, re-edited and re-framed for the purposes of counter-propaganda. The main analysis in the book is of the film footage itself, including rare contemporary cinematic sources which have never received comprehensive analysis before. The book also makes use of other primary sources such as letters, memoirs, newspapers, reports, newsletters and production files, providing readers with a multi-layered account of the period.

This is the first comparative volume available on multinational federations, bringing together an international range of experts on federalism. Multinational federations are federal states intended to provide a framework that can accommodate, manage and resolve some of the most intractable political conflicts of our time that emerge from identity politics: those that stem from competing national visions, whether within or between established states. Featuring key experts in the field such as Michael Burgess, Alain Gagnon and Ronald Watts, this unique book draws on a wide geographical range of country studies including Belgium, Canada, India, Malaysia, Spain, Russia, Cyprus, India, Switzerland and the EU in order to illustrate the pivotal relationship between federalism and nationalism. In so doing, it addresses the practical relevance of federalism to the new political recognition of difference and diversity in the specific form of national minoritarianism. Multinational Federations will be of strong interest to students and researchers of federalism, democracy and nationalism.

Are populist radical right (PRR) parties the only alternatives for voters seeking restrictive and assimilationist outcomes? Or is a mainstream choice available? Popular opinion and social media commentaries often criticize mainstream parties for facing in the same liberal and multicultural direction. Literature on parties and elections equally suggests a convergence of policy positions and the disappearance of any significant differences between parties. This edited volume is an attempt to challenge such perceptions and conclusions. By systematically coding manifestos for seventeen mainstream and six PRR parties in Western Europe, the book explores positional differences between mainstream and niche contenders over three key elections between 2002 and 2015. The findings indicate more choice than initially expected, but these restrictive and assimilationist options are usually in close proximity to each other and typically less intense than those of the PRR. This can help explain the continuous growth of the PRR despite the presence of a mainstream alternative. Yet party system dynamics also matter. Contributing authors thus investigate a number of arguments in the precarious relationship between mainstream parties, the electorate and the PRR, as well as between different mainstream parties.

This book examines claims for recognition of cultural difference from immigrant and Indigenous minorities, highlighting the ways in which they intersect with ideas of national community. Busbridge argues that there is an important, albeit under-explored, relationship between nation and multicultural politics of recognition. Drawing on the Australian context, the book explores how nation features as a productive, if somewhat ambivalent, discursive resource in contemporary Muslim and Aboriginal struggles to be recognised. In demanding recognition, minorities enter into the business of 'making the nation' by positing alternative conceptions of national identity, culture and belonging that are more attentive to their differences and claims. This dynamic is engaged as an expression of 'postcolonial citizenship'. Postcolonial citizenship is imagined in terms of the ways in which minority groups actualise multicultural realities through rewriting ideas of national community. It underlines the critical importance of revising the power relations that deem some groups 'more national' and others less so - and which, in Western multicultural societies, are typically tied to notions of the 'West' and its 'others'. This book is an important conceptual, theoretical and political intervention that brings postcolonialism and multiculturalism into dialogue on the increasingly potent issues of nation and national identity. It will be of great interest to scholars and students of sociology, politics, postcolonial studies, culture, identity and nation.

Arthur Kenneth (A.K.) Chesterton was a soldier, journalist and activist whose involvement with fascist and extreme right-wing politics in Britain spanned four decades. Beginning with his recruitment to Oswald Mosley's 'Blackshirts' in the 1930s, Chesterton's ideological relationship with fascism, nationalism and anti-Semitism would persist far beyond the collapse of the interwar movements, culminating in his role as a founder of the National Front in 1967. This study examines Chesterton's significance as a bridging figure between two eras of extreme right activity in Britain, and considers the ideological and organizational continuity that existed across the interwar and post-war periods. It further uses Chesterton's life as a means to explore the persistence of racism and anti-Semitism within British society, as well as examining the political conflicts and tactical disputes that shaped the extreme right as it attempted to move 'from the margins to the mainstream'. This book will appeal to students and researchers with an interest in fascism studies, British political history, extremism and anti-Semitism.

It is often taken for granted that French cinema is intimately connected to the nation's sense of identity and self-confidence. But what do we really know about that relationship? What are the nuances, insider codes, and hidden history of the alignment between cinema and nationalism? Hugo Frey suggests that the concepts of the 'political myth' and 'the film event' are the essential theoretical reference points for unlocking film history. Nationalism and the Cinema in France offers new arguments regarding those connections in the French case, examining national elitism, neo-colonialism, and other exclusionary discourses, as well as discussing for the first time the subculture of cinema around the extreme right Front National. Key works from directors such as Michel Audiard, Jean-Luc Godard, Jean-Pierre Melville, Marcel Pagnol, Jean Renoir, Jacques Tati, Francois Truffaut, and others provide a rich body of evidence.

This book explores how nationalism and multilateralism transform international society and global governance. It does so by comparing the governance model of the EU - a constitutionalised and increasingly polycentric form of multilateralism - with Northeast Asia. There nationalist administrations have resisted multilateral commitments and are locked into rivalries instead of pursuing a regional project. Both Europe and Northeast Asia can be seen as success stories of the late 20th/ early 21st centuries, but by having followed different approaches to international governance. The book traces these two trajectories through critical junctures in history to how both regions have dealt with the contemporary challenges of the financial crisis and climate change. During the financial crisis, Europe's multilateral economic and monetary architecture revealed profound weaknesses whilst national policies allowed much of Northeast Asia to escape the worst of it. On climate change the European Union (EU) has developed effort-sharing governance models to reduce emissions, while Northeast Asian countries are relying on greening national industrial policy. The book argues that global governance has to find the balance between multilateralism and nationalism in order to find collaborative approaches to global challenges. This book provides a fresh take on the EU and on Northeast Asia and develops innovative concepts of international society and polycentric governance. Thus, it will be of considerable interest to researchers and students of global governance, international relations, EU and Asia Studies.

With ethnic and class-based national movements taking center stage in countries like Bolivia and Venezuela, nationalism has proven to be one of the most durable and important movements in Latin America. In understanding the history of these nationalisms, we can understand how Latin America relates to the rest of the world. As Latin America inserts itself into a rapidly globalizing world, understanding the changing nature of national identify and nationalism is key. By tracing the important historical origins of present-day Latin American nationalism, this book gives readers a thorough introduction to the subject. Only by understanding how nationalism came to be such an important social and political force, can we understand its significance today. In turn, understanding Latin American nationalism helps us understand how Latin America shapes, and is shaped by, a rapidly globalizing world.

Musical Culture and the Spirit of Irish Nationalism is the first comprehensive history of music's relationship with Irish nationalist politics. Addressing rebel songs, traditional music and dance, national anthems and protest song, the book draws upon an unprecedented volume of material to explore music's role in cultural and political nationalism in modern Ireland. From the nineteenth-century Young Irelanders, the Fenians, the Home Rule movement, Sinn Fein and the Anglo-Irish War to establishment politics in independent Ireland and civil rights protests in Northern Ireland, this wide-ranging survey considers music's importance and its limitations across a variety of political movements.

This book examines linguistic nationalism in India. It focuses on the emergence of language as a marker of identity by analysing themes such as Linguistic Reorganization of States, nationalism, philology, and linguistic identity. Formulating a novel conception of doxastic nature of community experience, the author presents a theory about nationalism as a cultural phenomenon by studying the constraints of western theological apparatuses that limit our understanding of it. The book looks at how an ecclesiastical notion of community is at the heart of the debate around linguistic and national identity - something that is redefining politics the world over. This volume will be useful for scholars and researchers of political studies, political sociology, sociology, historical linguistics and cultural studies.

This volume addresses the question of 'identity' in East-Central Europe. It engages with a specific definition of 'sub-cultures' over the period from c. 1900 to the present and proposes novel ways in which the term can be used with the purpose of understanding identities that do not conform to the fixed, standard categories imposed from the top down, such as 'ethnic group', 'majority' or 'minority'. Instead, a 'sub-culture' is an identity that sits between these categories. It may blend languages, e.g. dialect forms, cultural practices, ethnic and social identifications, or religious affiliations as well as concepts of race and biology that, similarly, sit outside national projects.

Back in 1989, many anticipated that the end of the Cold War would usher in the 'end of history' characterized by the victory of democracy and capitalism. At the thirtieth anniversary of this momentous event, this book challenges this assumption. It studies the most recent era of contemporary European history in order to analyse the impact, consequences and legacy of the end of the Cold War for Western Europe. Bringing together leading scholars on the topic, the volume answers the question of how the end of the Cold War has affected Western Europe and reveals how it accelerated and reinforced processes that shaped the fragile (geo-)political and economic order of the continent today. In four thematic sections, the book analyses the changing position of Germany in Europe; studies the transformation of neoliberal capitalism; answers the question how Western Europe faced the geopolitical challenges after the Berlin Wall came down; and investigates the crisis of representative democracy. As such, the book provides a comprehensive and novel historical perspective on Europe since the late 1980s.

Armenian national identity has long been associated with what has come to be known as the Armenian Genocide of 1915. Immersing the reader in the history, culture and politics of Armenia - from its foundations as the ancient kingdom of Urartu to the modern-day Republic - Gaidz Minassian moves past the massacres embedded in the Armenian psyche to position the nation within contemporary global politics. An in-depth study of history and memory, The Armenian Experience examines the characteristics and sentiments of a national identity that spans the globe. Armenia lies in the heart of the Caucasus and once had an empire - under the rule of Tigranes the Great in the first century BC - that stretched from the Caspian to the Mediterranean seas. Beginning with an overview of Armenia's historic position at the crossroads between Rome and Persia, Minassian details invasions from antiquity to modern times by Arabs, Mongols, Ottomans, Persians and Russians right up to its Soviet experience, and drawing on Armenia's post-Soviet conflict with Azerbaijan in its attempts to reunify with the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. This book questions an Armenian self-identity dominated by its past and instead looks towards the future. Gaidz Minassian emphasises the need to recognise that the Armenian story began well before the Genocide 1915, and continues as an on-going modern narrative.

This book examines online jihadist magazines, Inspire, Dabiq, Rumiyah, and Gaidi Mtaani, published by three terrorist organizations-Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Al-Shabaab-and their aggressive promotion of the Caliphate, an Islamic system of world government that seeks to create a new world order ruled by sharia. These magazines have played an important role in the diffusion of Islamist ideas such as jihad and sharia (Islamic law). Divided into ten chapters, this book extends existing research by offering fresh insights on the communicative strategies, radicalization processes, and recruitment methods used by jihadist organizations as well as their effects on readers. In particular, this book includes (1) the application of communication theories and models to both global jihad and online jihadist propaganda; (2) meticulous descriptions of the four online jihadist magazines in question (in terms of their missions, stylistic formats, and tactics), including excerpts from each magazine; (3) a thorough explanation of the jihadisphere (e.g., as a vehicle for extreme propaganda and an overarching "training manual" for jihad); (4) the procedures and complexities of online Islamic radicalization; and (5) strategies to combat online jihadist magazines (e.g., by developing counter-narratives and online counter-radicalization magazines).

The 1970s saw the emergence and subsequent proliferation across the Arabian Peninsula of 'national museums', institutions aimed at creating social cohesion and affiliation to the state within a disparate population. Representing the Nation examines the wide-ranging use of exhibitionary forms of national identity projection via consideration of their motivations, implications (current and future), possible historical backgrounds, official and unofficial meanings, and meanings for both the user/visitor and the multiple creators. The book responds to, due to the importance placed on tradition, heritage and national identity across all the states of the Peninsula, and the growth of re-imagined and new museums, the need for far greater discussion and research in these areas.

50 years after Enoch Powell's self-styled detonation in the form of his so-called 'Rivers of Blood' speech, this volume brings together contributions from international scholars in the field of history, political science and British studies, with new insights from hitherto unexplored archives. It investigates some of the key national and grassroots parameters which, from above and from below, led to Powell's violent irruption into the immigration debate in 1968. It apprehends Powell as a political and intellectual figure firmly established in the British Tory tradition, a tradition which was to shape the 1970s debate on race and immigration, and be avidly instrumentalised by the British far-right. It also analyses Powell's positioning vis-a-vis the Irish question, and apprehends Powell's late-1960s moment from an international standpoint, as one of the early stages of the conservative revolution which was to culminate in 2016 with Trump's election. Lastly, this book weaves a thread between Powell and another recent political detonation: Brexit.

Based on fine-grained ethnographic research in an English city, this book offers a highly original perspective on England's contemporary political predicament. It argues that some of the most influential academic accounts of the country's current political situation, particularly those focusing on culture or racism, have neglected the key role of nationalism as an often unspoken, banal political principle and framing ideology. Suggesting that economic inequalities remain the key causal ingredient of English political life and, crucially, that these are being interpreted by individuals in relation to a nationalist/cosmopolitan ideological axis, the author argues that any effective, progressive political future will require a reinvigorated sense of political community. Proposing a politics that will promote both nationhood and cosmopolitanism, Nationalism, Inequality and England's Political Predicament advocates a seemingly contradictory but necessary approach by which explicitly anti-nationalist and anti-racist principles coexist expediently alongside short-term protectionist and immigration control policies.

This book offers a provocative theorization of nationhood, focusing on the key role played by dialogic relations of hegemony, resistance and reciprocity in the birth of the modern European nation. The relationship between Greece and Britain at the end of the nineteenth century uncovers the linguistic construction of nationalism.

Recent events around the globe have cast doubt on the assumption that, as a result of increasing cross-border migrations and global interdependencies, nation-states are becoming more inclusive, ethnic forms of identification more and more a thing of the past, and processes of supranational integration progressively more acceptable. Xenophobic forms of nationalism have once again been on the rise, as became strikingly visible through the results of the Brexit referendum, the election of Donald Trump, and the inclusion of the Lega Nord in the Italian government. It is timely, therefore, to inquire how multiethnic forms of nationalism can be re-promoted and for this purpose to re-investigate the concept of civic nationalism. This book assembles case studies that analyse the historical practices of civic or quasi-civic nationalisms from around the world. By allowing for global comparisons, the collection of articles seeks to shed new light on pressing questions faced by nation-states around the world today: Are truly civic nationalisms even possible? Which strategies have multiethnic nation-states pursued in the past to foster national sentiment? How can nation-states generate social solidarity without resorting to primordialism? Can the historical example of civic or quasi-civic nation-states offer useful lessons to contemporary nation-states for successfully integrating immigrants?