A critical examination of Zionism and its internal resistance by Israeli Jews, this book employs a unique perspective on Israel/Palestine by eschewing presenting identities as concrete and, rather, examining their creation through discourse.

Very interdisciplinary - will be applicable to nationalism studies, political theory, international relations, and political science but will also appeal to diverse audiences in history, sociology and anthropology. Attempts to link Nationalism Studies with a critical approach to Political Economy, to offer an analysis of the state of contemporary society. Focuses on capitalism as both practice and ideology, to offer the missing link for new developments in the nationalism studies scholarship.

The book is especially pertinent given the current renewed rise of far right activity in Italy The book should be marketable alongside the volumes in Routledge's burgeoning Fascism and the Far Right book series The Blackshirts have in certain places been characterised as non-essential to Mussolini's rise to power. This book argues the vital role they played

In Subversive Archaism, Michael Herzfeld explores how individuals and communities living at the margins of the modern nation-state use nationalist discourses of tradition to challenge state authority under both democratic and authoritarian governments. Through close attention to the claims and experiences of mountain shepherds in Greece and urban slum dwellers in Thailand, Herzfeld shows how these subversive archaists draw on national histories and past polities to claim legitimacy for their defiance of bureaucratic authority. Although vilified by government authorities as remote, primitive, or dangerous-often as preemptive justification for violent repression-these groups are not revolutionaries and do not reject national identity, but they do question the equation of state and nation. Herzfeld explores the political strengths and vulnerabilities of their deployment of heritage and the weaknesses they expose in the bureaucratic and ethnonational state in an era of accelerated globalization.

Decolonization revolutionized the international order during the twentieth century. Yet standard histories that present the end of colonialism as an inevitable transition from a world of empires to one of nations-a world in which self-determination was synonymous with nation-building-obscure just how radical this change was. Drawing on the political thought of anticolonial intellectuals and statesmen such as Nnamdi Azikiwe, W.E.B Du Bois, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Eric Williams, Michael Manley, and Julius Nyerere, this important new account of decolonization reveals the full extent of their unprecedented ambition to remake not only nations but the world. Adom Getachew shows that African, African American, and Caribbean anticolonial nationalists were not solely or even primarily nation-builders. Responding to the experience of racialized sovereign inequality, dramatized by interwar Ethiopia and Liberia, Black Atlantic thinkers and politicians challenged international racial hierarchy and articulated alternative visions of worldmaking. Seeking to create an egalitarian postimperial world, they attempted to transcend legal, political, and economic hierarchies by securing a right to self-determination within the newly founded United Nations, constituting regional federations in Africa and the Caribbean, and creating the New International Economic Order. Using archival sources from Barbados, Trinidad, Ghana, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom, Worldmaking after Empire recasts the history of decolonization, reconsiders the failure of anticolonial nationalism, and offers a new perspective on debates about today's international order.

Identity is widely acknowledged to be a felt experience, yet questions of atmosphere, mood and public sentiments are rarely made central to understanding the global politics of nationalism. This book asks what difference it makes when we address national identity as principally an affective force? National Affects traces how ideas about 'us and them' take form in ordinary spaces, in ways that are both deeply felt and hardly noticeable, in studies of global events that range from the London 2012 Olympic Games to responses to acts of terror, the European refugee crisis and 'Brexit'. In this timely intervention, Angharad Closs Stephens addresses the affective dimensions of being together to open new angles in the study of nationalism and global politics. She asks how the nation is felt in everyday life, as well as differently experienced, and investigates different forms of enacting being together to generate new insights in the study of national identity. National Affects draws on academic theories in the study of Politics, International Relations and Human Geography, as well as stories, performance works and novels, to establish a new tone of critical enquiry. Informed by longstanding critical interrogations of the politics of 'us and them', this book argues that these ideas are not as stable as they are often made to seem. Drawing on a combination of artistic and academic interventions, this book offers a refreshing approach to conceptualising the politics of nationalism, identity and citizenship. In its focus on everyday atmospheres, it identifies new registers for intervening politically. Overall, National Affects outlines other ways of imagining and practising being political together, beyond the exclusionary politics of nationalism.

First published in 1961, The Political Philosophy of Jawaharlal Nehru is an attempt to coordinate Jawaharlal Nehru's ideas which, in essence, reflect his political philosophy. Nehru distinguished himself as a philosopher-politician, thinking somewhat as a philosopher while working as a politician, steering his political ideas between idealism and realism. In an eventful life, his had been the many-sided role of a revolutionary and a nationalist, a democrat and a socialist, an internationalist and a pacifist, a head of the government and, above all, a lone individual and thinker. Nehru preserved his individuality through all external influences, including those of Gandhi and Marx, and it is this which remains the keynote of his thought. It has been the aim of the author to present in an objective way the ideas of the man in the light of his own words as available from a wide range of material. This book will be of interest to students of history, political science, and philosophy.

This book analyzes Chinese nationalism from the perspective of social economics. It posits a conceptual framework in which national status is treated as a "luxury" while material consumption is considered as a "necessity" in people's preferences, which implies that popular nationalism tends to increase with economic development. The book extensively uses the tools of game theory and behavioral economics to analyze inter-ethnical and international conflicts in historical and contemporary China. The author's economic approach to the subject of nationalism brings fresh and critical insights into the Chinese historical events and relations with foreign countries. For example, it helps resolve the following puzzles: Why did most Chinese support an ethnic minority, the Manchus, to be their ruler after the collapse of the Ming dynasty? In the Boxer Rebellion, why did the Qing dynasty declare war against more than eight foreign powers when it knew well that any of the countries could defeat China easily? What are the fundamental causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War and the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War? Who is responsible for the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade? This book attempts to answer the questions based on the theories of social economics and rational choice, which will interest those researching on nationalism, China studies, international relations, history and political economy.

This book addresses prominent debates in Western Europe and the United States on themes as seemingly diverse as national identity and nostalgia, migration and integration, gender relations and 'caring communities'. At the most fundamental level, all of these debates deal with the right to belong and the ability to 'feel at home'. The book examines what has happened to the 'home feelings' of the majority under the influence of the two major revolutions of our times: the gender revolution and increased mobility due to globalization. It analyzes how 'home' has been politicized, examines the risks of this politicization, as well as exploring alternative home-making strategies that aim to transcend the 'logic of identities' where one group's ability to feel at home comes at the expense of other groups.

While there are no shortages of books about the Cyprus Conflict, this book offers the best summary of the negotiations around. The book comes at a critical time for the partitioned island-state of Cyprus and for those associated with the conflict and attempts to resolve it. By placing the conflict in its historical, ideological, ethno-political and geostrategic context, the book extends beyond conventional realist approaches and lays bare those less visible dimensions that are often ignored by analysts and policy-makers alike. The book is of direct interest not only to experts and students but to all those engaged in the practice of conflict resolution.

Analyzing the use of civilization in Russian-language political and media discourses, intellectual and academic production, and artistic practices, this book discusses the rise of civilizational rhetoric in Russia and global politics. Why does the concept of civilization play such a prevalent role in current Russian geopolitical and creative imaginations? The contributors answer this question by exploring the extent to which discourse on civilization penetrates Russian identity formations in imperial and national configurations, and at state and civil levels of society. Although the chapters offer different interpretations and approaches, the book shows that Russian civilizationism is a form of ideological production responding to the challenges of globalization. The concept of "civilization," while increasingly popular as a conceptual tool in identity formation, is also widely contested in Russia today. This examination of contemporary Russian identities and self-understanding will be of particular interest to students and scholars of Russian area studies and Slavic studies, intellectual and cultural history, nationalism and imperial histories, international relations, discourse analysis, cultural studies, media studies, religion studies, and gender studies.

Examining Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's Buyuk Nutuk (The Great Public Address), this book identifies the five founding political myths of Turkey: the First Duty, the Internal Enemy, the Encirclement, the Ancestor, and Modernity. Offering a comprehensive rhetorical analysis of Nutuk in its entirety, the book reveals how Ataturk crafted these myths, traces their discursive roots back to the Orkhon Inscriptions, epic tales, and ancient stories of Turkish culture, and critiques their long-term effects on Turkish political culture. In so doing, it advances the argument that these myths have become permanent fixtures of Turkish political discourse since the establishment of Turkey and have been used by both supporters and detractors of Ataturk. Providing examples of how past and present leaders, including Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a vocal critic of Ataturk, have deployed these myths in their discourses, the book offers an entirely new way to read and understand Turkish political culture and contributes to the heated debate on Kemalism by responding to the need to go back to the original sources - his own speeches and statements - to understand him. Contributing to emerging discourse-based approaches, this book is ideal for scholars and students of Turkish Studies, History, Nationalism Studies, Political Science, Rhetorical Studies, and International Studies.

This book develops a contemporary theory of nationalism that addresses 21st century political challenges, exploring theoretical and empirical understandings of the concepts of 'the nation' and 'nationalism' and the failure of various theoretical accounts to decipher the diverse manner by which nationalism comes to be embedded in our social and political world. Accounting for the dynamism and 'intertextuality' of nationalism, Nationalism and Hegemony shows how 'the nation' and 'nationalism' come to be consolidated as conceptual and experiential power structures and how the interests of political groups are advanced through diverse nationalist modalities, which can at any time be activated for political purposes. A critique of the various and diverse manifestations of nationalism, this contribution to both theory and political practice will appeal to scholars working in the fields of sociology and social and political theory.

On 2 August 2018 - Roma Genocide Remembrance Day - the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum expressed its deep concern about the escalating persecution and violence faced by Roma across Europe today In 2018, in the midst of heated debates about asylum seekers, refugees, and migrants, politicians are seizing on anti-Gypsy rhetoric and policies to win favour among disgruntled voters The book is an addition to studies of the Holocaust that have caused great controversy and debate such as Timothy Snyder's Bloodlands

The book analyses migration and mobility from the colonial territories of France, Italy, Portugal and Great BritainThe book includes contributions from an international team of contributors including Eva Garau, Toni Ricciardi and Simone PaoliIn a very innovative way, the volume looks at the disappearing of colonial powers and at the European unification process not only as simultaneous proceedings, as they have been usually approached, but as linked ones

Exploring the concepts of collaboration, resistance, and postwar retribution and focusing on the Chetnik movement, this book analyses the politics of memory. Since the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic in 2000, memory politics in Serbia has undergone drastic changes in the way in which the Second World War and its aftermath is understood and interpreted. The glorification and romanticisation of the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland, more commonly referred to as the Chetnik movement, has become the central theme of Serbia's memory politics during this period. The book traces their construction as a national antifascist movement equal to the communist-led Partisans and as victims of communism, showing the parallel justification and denial of their wartime activities of collaboration and mass atrocities. The multifaceted approach of this book combines a diachronic perspective that illuminates the continuities and ruptures of narratives, actors and practices, with in-depth analysis of contemporary Serbia, rooted in ethnographic fieldwork and exploring multiple levels of memory work and their interactions. It will appeal to students and academics working on contemporary history of the region, memory studies, sociology, public history, transitional justice, human rights and Southeast and East European Studies.

This book discusses the active relationship among the mechanics of memory, visual practices, and historical narratives. Reflection on memory and its ties with historical narratives cannot be separated from reflection on the visual and the image as its points of reference which function in time. This volume addresses precisely that temporal aspect of the image, without reducing it to a neutral trace of the past, a mnemotechnical support of memory. As a commemorative device, the image fixes, structures, and crystalizes memory, turning the view of the past into myth. It may, however, also stimulate, transform, and update memory, functioning as a matrix of interpretation and understanding the past. The book questions whether the functioning of the visual matrices of memory can be related to a particular historical and geographical scope, that is, to Central and Eastern Europe, and whether it is possible to find their origin and decide if they are just local and regional or perhaps also Western European and universal. It focuses on the artistic reflection on time and history, in the reconstructions of memory due to change of frontiers and political regimes, as well as endeavours to impose some specific political structure on territories which were complex and mixed in terms of national identity, religion and social composition. The volume is ideal for students and scholars of memory studies, history and visual studies.

This volume examines how ideas of the nation influenced ordinary people, by focusing on their affective lives. Using a variety of sources, methods and cases, ranging from Spain during the age of Revolutions to post-World War II Poland, it demonstrates that emotions are integral to understanding the everyday pull of nationalism on ordinary people.

This book engages with post-truth as a problem of societal order and for scholarly analysis. It claims that post-truth discourse is more deeply entangled with main Western imaginations of knowledge societies than commonly recognised. Scholarly responses to post-truth have not fully addressed these entanglements, treating them either as something to be morally condemned or as accusations against which scholars have to defend themselves (for having somehow contributed to it). Aiming for wider problematisations, the authors of this book use post-truth to open scholarly and societal assumptions to critical scrutiny. Contributions are both conceptual and empirical, dealing with topics such as: the role of truth in public; deep penetrations of ICTs into main societal institutions; the politics of time in neoliberalism; shifting boundaries between fact - value, politics - science, nature - culture; and the importance of critique for public truth-telling. Case studies range from the politics of nuclear power and election meddling in the UK, over smart technologies and techno-regulation in Europe, to renewables in Australia. The book ends where the Corona story begins: as intensifications of Modernity's complex dynamics, requiring new starting points for critique.

Originally published in 1929, the author begins the discussion of nationality by a survey of its main factors - race, language, religion, the homeland, tradition, literature and the will to live together. With the discovery that racial purity is a myth, race in its biological sense loses much of its significance, though racial self-consciousness remains virtually unaffected. The second half of the volume studies the historical origins of nationality and its world-wide ramifications. The nationalities of Europe are briefly surveyed in a single chapter, while the British Empire, India, the Jews and the Americans, have chapters to themselves. The study of Asia is completed by an additional chapter on National Groups of the East. Towards the end of the volume the author returns to the discussion of the meaning of nationality, defines its relation to the state, Patriotism, Internationalism and war, and sums up its merits and its defects. This book is a re-issue originally published in 1929. The language used and assumptions made are a reflection of its era and no offence is meant by the Publishers to any reader by this re-publication.

This book contains original research on conflict, peacebuilding and the current state of identities and relationships in relation to the Northern Ireland conflict. It accesses the state of national identity politics in Northern Ireland a generation after the 1998 Agreement, as well as the impact and meaning of Brexit. It considers feminist and faith-based peace activism during 'the Troubles', and expressions of Irish national identity. It also includes revealing comparative case studies: Protestant-Catholic conflict elsewhere in Europe and nationalism in the Balkans. The Politics of Conflict and Transformation: The Island of Ireland in Comparative Perspective arises from a conference celebrating the work of Jennifer Todd, Professor in the School of Politics and International Relations at University College Dublin, who has been one of the most influential scholars of her generation. Her research has examined conflict and transformation in Ireland from the level of grassroots identities to geopolitical forces. She has placed contemporary crises in the peace process in the context of patterns of conflict and change over centuries. She has both expounded the rich detail of the Northern Ireland and Irish-British conflicts and placed them in their regional and global contexts. Written by some of the leading scholars on peace and conflict in Ireland, the chapters in this edited volume build on Todd's work and are a testament to the thematic and methodological breadth and depth of her output. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of Irish and British history and politics, Peace and Conflict Studies, and the sociology of identity, conflict, and peacebuilding. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Irish Political Studies.

In the past 20 years, a wave of right-wing populist movements has swept over Europe, changing the face of European politics. The Netherlands has been one of the more iconic countries to partake in this shift. Known internationally as an emblem of progressivism and tolerance, the country soon became a frontrunner in the revival of nationalist and anti-immigrant sentiment. This is the first study to offer an extensive engagement with the ideas behind the Dutch swing to the right. The emergence of Dutch populism, this book shows, formed an integral part of a broader conservative tendency, identified as the Dutch New Right. In the US and the UK, the term New Right has been used to describe conservative backlash movements that arose in opposition to the progressive movements of the 1960s. The Dutch swing to the right, this book argues, formed a belated iteration of the New Right backlash that occurred overseas. This text will be essential reading for students and scholars in the fields of European Studies and Political Science, and Dutch politics and society more specifically.

The autonomous province of Vojvodina in Serbia is little-known in the English-speaking world, even though it is a territory of high significance for the development of Serbian national identity. Vojvodina's multi-ethnic composition and historical experience has also encouraged the formation of a distinct regional identity. This book analyses the evolution of Vojvodina's identity over time and the unique pattern of ethnic relations in the province. Although approximately 25 ethnic communities live in Vojvodina, it is by no means a divided society. Intercultural cohabitation has been a living reality in the province for centuries and this largely accounts for the lack of ethnic conflict. Vassilis Petsinis explores Vojvodina's intercultural society and shows how this has facilitated the introduction of flexible and regionalized legal models for the management of ethnic relations in Serbia since the 2000s. He also discusses recent developments in the region, most notably the arrival of refugees from Syria and Iraq, and measures the impact that these changes have had on social stability and inter-group relations in the province.

Originally published in 1978, but now re-issued with a new Preface by James Mitchell, this volume traces the rise of the SNP, with special emphasis on explaining the increase of the National Party vote in Scotland from the early 1960s to the late 1970s. The book draws much of its information from interviews with members and ex-members of the SNP, including some who helped to found the party in 1928. In describing the movement and giving an account of its main features, the author begins with a discussion of various aspects of Scottish society which have contributed to the growth of nationalism. These include the political developments of the Labour movement, the economic history of 20th Century Scotland the development of youth culture and in particular, the interest in folk music, as well as developments in the Church, the army, and the press.

The Political Economy of Populism explores the interplay between identity, the economy and inequality to explain the dynamics of populist votes since the beginning of the 20th century. The book discusses the political and economic implications of populist governance using data on populist incumbencies and linking it to historical data on the macro economy and democracy. Chapters draw from the most recent political science, economics and other social science literature, as well as historical data, to explain the long-term causes and consequences of populism. Populism emerges and gains traction when political entrepreneurs exploit underlying identity conflicts for political gains. As the distributional consequences of both economic distress and economic growth typically favor the elite over the poor and the lower middle class, economic shocks usually sharpen the underlying identity conflicts between the groups. The book provides evidence of significant differences in the ways fiscal and monetary policies are conducted by incumbent populists in Latin America, Europe and the OECD. The work concludes by suggesting avenues through which a 21st century social consensus can be built, so that our society can avoid repeating the mistakes that led to wars and failed economic experiments in the 20th century. The Political Economy of Populism marks a significant contribution to the study of populism and is suited to students and scholars across the social sciences, including economics, political science and sociology.