Resurgence of Global Populism provides a psychoanalytic perspective to the global implications of the populist movement in the U.S. and its relationship to other parts of the world, particularly focusing on the presidency and legacy of Donald Trump. The book explores Trump's use of psychological form of manipulation known as projective identification and how his use of this defense mechanism has influenced global institutions, political discourse, and quality of life in the long term. Messina explores the correlation between Trump's rhetoric and an increase in reported racism and prejudiced violence worldwide, disintegration of global values, and a radicalized political climate. She analyzes the dynamics between Trump and his supporters, political opponents, and successors, considers the COVID-19 pandemic as a study of Trump's views of the world, and considers the roles of social and television media. The book concludes with an explanation of antidotes to projective identification, including thoughtful debate and meaningful discussions and scripted dialogues for global healing. This insightful book will be of interest to psychoanalysts and psychotherapists, academics and students of political psychology and political movements, and readers interested in a deeper analysis of populism and political dynamics.

Hear the call to overcome today's conservative rhetoric of hate and bring virtue back to Christian living... While right-wing conservatives dare to call themselves Christians as they tear down equality and justice, commit horrible acts of violence, and fan the flames of fascism in America, Carter Heyward issues a call to action for Christians to truly hear God's message of peace and love. This book attempts to show ways in which, through our highly privatized theologies and personal spiritualities, we American Christians have played a major role in building and securing structures of injustice in American life. Rising tides of white supremacy, threats to women's reproductive freedoms and to basic human rights for gender and sexual minorities, the widening divide between rich and poor, and increasing natural disasters and the extinction of Earth's species all point to a world crying out for God's wisdom. To move forward as followers of Jesus, we must first call out these ingrained cultural attitudes for what they are-the seven deadly sins of white Christian nationalism. We must commit ourselves to building a more perfect union in small personal ways and in large public acknowledgment of what the culture of white Christian nationalism is doing to our country and world.

This study analyzes theoretically and empirically the background of the rise to power of Vladimir Putin in Russia and Recip Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey. It situates this analysis in the contexts of the historical assessment of the fragility of liberal democracy and the persistence and growth of authoritarianism, populism, and dictatorship in many parts of the world. The authors argue that the question whether Putin and Erdogan can make Russia and Turkey great again is hard to confirm; personal ambition for power and wealth is certainly key to an understanding of both rulers. They each squandered opportunities to build from free and fair democratic electoral legitimacy and economic progress. The prospect for restored national greatness depends on how they can handle the economic and political challenges they now face and will continue to face in the near future, in a climate of global pandemic and economic recession. Both rulers so far have succeeded in maintaining and increasing their powers and influence in their respective regions, but neither has made real contributions to regional stability and order. Chaos seems to be growing, and the EU and the U.S. thus far seem unable to provide coherent responses to mitigate the impact of their adventurism and disruption.

Debating Turkish Modernity describes the opening act of Turkey s half century bid to join the European Community. Between 1959 and 1980, Turks from all walks of life weighed in on their prospective integration into Europe. This book details how these Turks made sense of the project of European Unification and how they spoke about it. It argues that Turkey s EEC debates, by resurrecting past questions over Turkey s relationship to Europe, became the principle forum where Turks of the Second Republic defined who they were, where they came from, and where they were going.

This book is about the spread of nationalism in the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation in the late 1980s and early 1990s. It argues that the structure of the Soviet state played the key role in causing the surge of nationalism that occurred during this period throughout the Communist world. Focusing on the emergence and development of nationalist movements in four regions of the Russian Federation: Bashkortostan, Chuvashia, Khakassia, and Tatarstan, it reveals that pre-existing ethnic institutions affected the tactics of the movement leaders.

This book assesses the quality of Czech democracy relative to both its postcommunist peers and older EU members. Motivated by the authoritarian tendencies and illiberal outcomes in the postcommunist region, it explores the extent to which the Czech Republic is genuinely an outlier within the region and why. The book elaborates on an original conception of democratic quality that emphasizes three aspects of governance: citizen rule, political equality, and good citizenship. The authors show that while the Czech Republic falls short of Western democracies on these standards, it does perform better than most of its peers. The book includes original data on campaign promises, dual mandates, legislative productivity, the wealth of MPs, the opinions of millionaires, women's representation, and the stability of public preferences along with comparative analyses of a host of other indicators. The book will appeal to those interested in the politics of Eastern Europe and new democracies, those working in the rapidly growing fields of democratic quality and populism, and NGOs concerned with the development of new democracies around the world.

This book examines the influence of Indian socio-political thought, ideas, and culture on German Romantic nationalism. It suggests that, contrary to the traditional view that the concepts of nationalism have moved exclusively from the West to the rest of the world, in the crucial case of German nationalism, the essential intellectual underpinnings of the nationalist discourse came to the West, not from the West. The book demonstrates how the German Romantic fascination with India resulted in the adoption of Indian models of identity and otherness and ultimately shaped German Romantic nationalism. The author illustrates how Indian influence renovated the scholarly design of German nationalism and, at the same time, became central to pre-modern and pre-nationalist models of identity, which later shaped the Aryan myth. Focusing on the scholarship of Friedrich Schlegel, Otmar Frank, Joseph Goerres, and Arthur Schopenhauer, the book shows how, in explaining the fact of the diversity of languages, peoples, and cultures, the German Romantics reproduced the Indian narrative of the degradation of some Indo-Aryan clans, which led to their separation from the Aryan civilization. An important resource for the nexus between Indology and Orientalism, German Indian Studies and studies of nationalism, this book will be of interest to researchers working in the fields of history, European and South Asian area studies, philosophy, political science, and IR theory.

This book presents an innovative approach to gender, nationalism, and the relations between them, and analyses the broader social base of Hindu nationalist organisation to understand the growth of 'Hindutva', or Hindu nationalism, in India. Arguing that Hindu nationalist thought and predilections emerge out of, and, in turn, feed, pre-existing gendered tendencies, the author presents the new concept of 'masculine hegemony', specifically Brahmanical masculine hegemony. The book offers a historical overview of the processes that converge in the making of the identity 'Hindu', in the making of the religion 'Hinduism', and in the shaping of the movement known as 'Hindutva'. The impact of colonialism, social reform, and caste movements is explored, as is the role of key figures such as Mohandas Gandhi, Indira Gandhi, and Narendra Modi. The book sheds light on the close, yet uneasy, relations that Hindu nationalist thought and practice have with conceptions of 'modernity', 'development' and women's movements, and politics, and the future of Hindu nationalism in India. A new approach to the study of Hindu nationalism, this book offers a theoretically innovative understanding of Indian history and socio-politics. It will be of interest to academics working in the field of Gender studies and Asian Studies, in particular South Asian history and politics.

Catalonia: A New History revises many traditional and romantic conceptions in the historiography of a small nation. This book engages with the scholarship of the past decade and separates nationalist myth-history from real historical processes. It is thus able to provide the reader with an analytical account, situating each historical period within its temporal context. Catalonia emerges as a territory where complex social forces interact, where revolts and rebellions are frequent. This is a contested terrain where political ideologies have sought to impose their interpretation of Catalan reality. This book situates Catalonia within the wider currents of European and Spanish history, from pre-history to the contemporary independence movement, and makes an important contribution to our understanding of nation-making.

This book analyzes the process of national development in Saudi Arabia through the use of the SWOT model, which examines the kingdom's strengths and weaknesses as well as the opportunities and threats it faces in internal and external arenas. This book combines a historical and contemporary analysis of Saudi politics and society such as: sub-religious rivalry, conflict between tradition and modernization, oil's impact ton KSA's national identity, and internal instability within the royal family.

This pathbreaking survey analyzes a complex subject and is especially timely at this critical juncture of international affairs. Abbas Alnasrawi covers the field from the emergence of modern Arab economic dependence to the present mid-eastern impasse. Alnasrawi contends that Arab economic development was shaped by Arab nationalist thought, the emergence of the oil industry in the Arab region, and the integration of Arab economies into the international economic system. The volume takes a clear-sighted look at the evolution of each of the three forces and details their impact on the development of the Arab economies, along with their present status. The contradictions between the needs of the single state and the needs of Arab economic integration, Arab unity, and pan-Arab economic planning receive special attention. Alnasrawi develops the concept of derivative dependency, illustrating the extent to which the economies of the non-oil states are being affected by what happens to the economies of the oil-producing states. The final chapter presents a detailed picture of the forces that led to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and integrates the events of August 1990 with the main themes of the book. Arab economic development is addressed in ten chapters that cover the period from the first phase of Arab dependency during the Ottoman period, 1500-1800, until the present time. Discussions of Arab dependency in the context of world capitalism, the emergence of modern Arab nationalism, and current Arab economic thought and writings are the focus of the first two chapters. Arab nationalism and Arab economic unity, multinational oil and the deepening of Arab dependency, and the Arab oil "weapon" areconsidered in the next three chapters. Chapter six examines the role of Saudi Arabia and the United States in the fall of OPEC. In "The 1980s, The Gulf War, and the Myth of Arab Oil Power," Alnasrawi explores the role of stockpiles, price revolution to price collapse, and the determinants of Saudi oil policy. Chapter eight takes a look at the dimensions of Arab economic dependency and closes with some observations on the political economy of Arab dependency. The book concludes with a chapter on the current problems of the Arab economies and their future prospects. Finally, the epilogue sheds new light on the present situation in Kuwait and shows how the Iraqi invasion supports the main themes of the volume. This in-depth review of Arab economic development puts this subject into a manageable context for students of Third World development, international relations, multinational oil policy, and foreign policy. It will also be an invaluable resource for courses dealing with the economics of oil, Middle East economic development, international economic problems, and international political economy.

Since the 'migration crisis' of 2016, long-simmering tensions between the Western members of the European Union and its 'new' Eastern members - Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary - have proven to be fertile ground for rebellion against liberal values and policies. In this startling and original book Ivan Kalmar argues that Central European illiberalism is a misguided response to the devastating effects of global neoliberalism, which arose from the area's brutal transition to capitalism in the 1990s. Kalmar argues that dismissive attitudes towards 'Eastern Europeans' are a form of racism and explores the close relation between racism towards Central Europeans and racism by Central Europeans: a people white but not quite.

This book concerns the persecution of the Sinti and Roma in Germany during the Second Empire (1871-1918) and Weimar Republic (1919-1933). It traces the ways in which discriminatory treatment towards 'Gypsies' developed in a state ostensibly committed to individual liberty and equal treatment under the law, and how government policies in this period furthered their economic marginalisation and social exclusion. It will provide much-needed detail on a crucial period, one which is ordinarily addressed only fleetingly, and by way of introduction, to studies of how the Sinti and Roma communities were treated by National Socialists.

Milan Kundera warned that in in the states of East-Central Europe, attitudes to the west and the idea of 'Europe' were complex and could even be hostile. But few could have imagined how the collapse of communism and membership of the EU would confront these countries with a life that was suddenly and disconcertingly 'modern' and which challenged sustaining traditions in literature, culture, politics and established views on identity. Since the countries of East-Central Europe joined the European Union in 2004 the politicians and oppositionists of the centre-left, who once led the charge against communism, have often been forced to give way to right-wing, authoritarian, populist governments. These governments, while keen to accept EU finance, have been determined to present themselves as protecting their traditional ethno-national inheritance, resisting 'foreign interference', stemming the 'gay invasion', halting 'Islamic replacement' and reversing women's rights. They have blamed Communists, liberals, foreigners, Jews and Gypsies, revised abortion laws, tampered with their constitutions to control the Justice system and taken over the media to an astonishing degree. By 2019, amid calls for the suspension of their voting rights, both Poland and Hungary had been taken to the European Court of Justice and the European Parliament and had begun to explore ways to put conditions on future EU funding. This book focuses on the interface between tradition, literature and politics in east-central Europe, focusing mainly on Poland but also Hungary and the Czech Republic. It explores literary tradition and the role of writers to ask why these left-liberals, who were once ubiquitous in the struggles with communism, are now marginalised, often reviled and almost entirely absent from political debate. It asks, in what ways the advent of capitalism 'normalised' literature and what the consequences might be? It asks whether the rise of chauvinism is 'normal' in this part of the world and whether the literary traditions that helped sustain independent political thought through the communist years now, instead of supporting literature, feed nationalist opinion and negative attitudes to the idea of 'Europe'.

The First World War's centenary generated a mass of commemorative activity worldwide. Officially and unofficially; individually, collectively and commercially; locally, nationally and internationally, efforts were made to respond to the legacies of this vast conflict. This book explores some of these responses from areas previously tied to the British Empire, including Australia, Britain, Canada, India and New Zealand. Showcasing insights from historians of commemoration and heritage professionals it provides revealing insider and outsider perspectives of the centenary. How far did commemoration become celebration, and how merited were such responses? To what extent did the centenary serve wider social and political functions? Was it a time for new knowledge and understanding of the events of a century ago, for recovery of lost or marginalised voices, or for confirming existing cliches? And what can be learned from the experience of this centenary that might inform the approach to future commemorative activities? The contributors to this book grapple with these questions, coming to different answers and demonstrating the connections and disconnections between those involved in building public knowledge of the 'war to end all wars'.

This book is a comprehensive and dispassionate analysis of the intriguing Macedonian Question from 1878 until 1949 and of the Macedonians (and of their neighbours) from the 1890s until today, with the two themes intertwining. The Macedonian Question was an offshoot of the wider Eastern Question - i.e., the fate of the European remnants of the Ottoman Empire once it dissolved. The initial protagonists of the Macedonian Question were Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia, and a Slav-speaking population inhabiting geographical Macedonia in search of its destiny, the largest segment of which ended up creating a new nation, comprising the Macedonians, something unacceptable to its three neighbours. Alexis Heraclides analyses the shifting sands of the Macedonian Question and of the gradual rise of Macedonian nationhood, with special emphasis on the Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian claims to Macedonia (1870s-1919); the birth and vicissitudes of the most famous Macedonian revolutionary organization, the VM(O)RO, and of other organizations (1893-1940); the appearance and gradual establishment of the Macedonian nation from the 1890s until 1945; Titos's crucial role in Macedonian nationhood-cum-federal status; the Greek-Macedonian name dispute (1991-2018), including the 'skeletons in the cupboard' - the deep-seated reasons rendering the clash intractable for decades; the final Greek-Macedonian settlement (the 2018 Prespa Agreement); the Bulgarian-Macedonian dispute (1950-today) and its ephemeral settlement in 2017; the issue of the Macedonian language; and the Macedonian national historical narrative. The author also addresses questions around who the ancient Macedonians were and the fascination with Alexander the Great. This monograph will be an essential resource for scholars working on Macedonian history, Balkan politics and conflict resolution.

Liberal democracy is in trouble. This volume considers the crosscutting causes and manifestations of the current crisis facing the liberal order. Over the last decade, liberal democracy has come under mounting pressure in many unanticipated ways. In response to seemingly endless crisis conditions, governments have turned with alarming frequency to extraordinary emergency powers derogating the rule of law and democratic processes. The shifting interconnections between new technologies and public power have raised questions about threats posed to democratic values and norms. Finally, the liberal order has been challenged by authoritarian and populist forces promoting anti- pluralist agendas. Adopting a synoptic perspective that puts liberal disorder at the center of its investigation, this book uses multiple sources to build a common historical and conceptual framework for understanding major contemporary political currents. The contributions weave together historical studies and conceptual analyses of states of exception, emergency powers, and their links with technological innovations, as well as the tension-ridden relationship between populism and democracy and its theoretical, ideological, and practical implications. The book will be of interest to scholars and students of a number of disciplines in the humanities and social sciences: history, political science, philosophy, constitutional and international law, sociology, cultural studies, anthropology, and economics.

Analyses several cultures and historical periods, combining them in an innovative way. Offers a fresh perspective to the study of nationalism.

In his new book, Hanna Samir Kassab examines changes and trends in international politics and the competition between great powers for control of the international system. He argues that the increase in geopolitical, economic, nationalist, and resource competition between three great powers, the United States, China, and Russia, points to the changing structure of the international system. This competition is a systemic one, focusing more on the rules and norms that defined the system since the end of the Cold War. This American-led unipolar order is translating into a multipolar one. Kassab begins by tracing the decline of the United States after the Iraq War (2003) and the Great Recession (2008) as well as the rise of China and the resurgence of Russia. He describes major foreign policy changes from George H.W. Bush to Donald J. Trump and how the various administrations approached the international system. Russia and China will increase their international influence as the United States pulls back from the international system. Written using simple jargon, Globalization, Multipolarity and Great Power Competition is equally accessible to academics and casual readers and laypeople interested in international politics.

This book analyses how independent filmmakers from Bangladesh have represented national identity in their films. The focus of this book is on independent and art house filmmakers and how cinema plays a vital role in constructing national and cultural identity. The authors examine post-2000 films which predominantly deal with issues of national identity and demonstrate how they tackle questions of national identity. Bangladesh is seemingly a homogenous country consisting 98% of Bengali and 90% of Muslim. This majority group has two dominant identities - Bengaliness (the ethno-linguistic identity) and Muslimness (the religious identity). Bengaliness is perceived as secular-modern whereas Muslimness is perceived as traditional and conservative. However, Bangladeshi independent and art house filmmakers portray the nationhood of the country with an enthusiasm and liveliness that exceeds these two categories. In addition to these categories, the authors add two more dimensions to the approach to discuss identity: Popular Religion and Transformation. The study argues that these identity categories are represented in the films, and that they both reproduce and challenge dominant discourses of nationalism. Providing a new addition to the discourse of contemporary national identity, the book will be of interest to researchers studying international film and media studies, independent cinema studies, Asian cinema, and South Asian culture, politics, and identity politics.

Between the years 1815 and 1945, Europe achieved unrivaled global dominance, only to see it shattered by two world wars. This frenetic rise and fall was attended by immense societal change. In 1815, Europe remained largely agricultural and dependent upon horsepower. By 1945, the power of the atom had been unleashed. Two industrial revolutions occurred in the interim-the first founded upon coal, iron and steam, the second upon oil, steel, electricity and internal combustion. The implications for humanity were profound. This concise yet comprehensive study is divided into three sections. The first documents the rise of the modern nation-state, the second chronicles the expansion of empire and the rush towards imperialism, while the third section details the cataclysmic world wars that destabilized the continent and bent nations towards totalitarianism. By tracing the events and undercurrents that shaped a vital period in European history, this work offers trenchant insights for the lay reader and the student of history alike.

What are the origins of nationalism and why is it capable of arousing such intense emotions? In this major study, Azar Gat counters the prevailing fashionable theories according to which nations and nationalism are modern and contrived or 'invented'. He sweeps across history and around the globe to reveal that ethnicity has always been highly political and that nations and national states have existed since the beginning of statehood millennia ago. He traces the deep roots of ethnicity and nationalism in human nature, showing how culture fits into human evolution from as early as our aboriginal condition and, in conjunction with kinship, defines ethnicity and ethnic allegiances. From the rise of states and empires to the present day, this book sheds new light on the explosive nature of ethnicity and nationalism, as well as on their more liberating and altruistic roles in forging identity and solidarity.

This book analyzes Chinese nationalism from the perspective of social economics. It posits a conceptual framework in which national status is treated as a "luxury" while material consumption is considered as a "necessity" in people's preferences, which implies that popular nationalism tends to increase with economic development. The book extensively uses the tools of game theory and behavioral economics to analyze inter-ethnical and international conflicts in historical and contemporary China. The author's economic approach to the subject of nationalism brings fresh and critical insights into the Chinese historical events and relations with foreign countries. For example, it helps resolve the following puzzles: Why did most Chinese support an ethnic minority, the Manchus, to be their ruler after the collapse of the Ming dynasty? In the Boxer Rebellion, why did the Qing dynasty declare war against more than eight foreign powers when it knew well that any of the countries could defeat China easily? What are the fundamental causes of the 1962 Sino-Indian War and the 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War? Who is responsible for the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade? This book attempts to answer the questions based on the theories of social economics and rational choice, which will interest those researching on nationalism, China studies, international relations, history and political economy.