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During the Cold War, nationalism fell from favour among
Against Orthodoxy uses case studies from around the world
Collectively, the authors demonstrate that nationalism is not
The creation of Afghanistan in 1880, following the Second Anglo-Afghan War, gave an empowering voice to the Pashtun people, the largest ethnic group in a diverse country. In order to distil the narrative of the state's formation and early years, a Pashtun-centric version of history dominated Afghan history and the political process from 1880 to the 1970s. Alternative discourses made no appearance in the fledgling state which lacked the scholarly institutions and any sense of recognition for history, thus providing no alternatives to the narratives produced by the British, whose quasi-colonial influence in the region was supreme. Since 1970, the ongoing crises in Afghanistan have opened the space for non-Pashtuns, including Tajiks, Hazaras, and Uzbeks, to form new definitions of identity, challenge the official discourse and call for the re-writing of the long-established narrative. At the same time, the Pashtun camp, through their privileged position in the political settlements of 2001, have attempted to confront the desire for change in historical perceptions by re-emphasising the Pashtun domination of Afghan history. This crisis of hegemony has led to a deep antagonism between the Pashtun and non-Pashtun perspectives of Afghan history and threatens the stability of political process in the country.
Every year on 11 September, Catalonia celebrates its Diada, its National Day. But the Diada of 2012 was like none other, as an enormous crowd calling for Catalan independence took over the heart of Barcelona. Despite the carnival-like atmosphere that day, the people were very serious about their demands. On the back of this show of force, Catalonia's governing politicians turned secessionist claims into a new headache for a government in Madrid that had only just survived a near-meltdown of Spain's financial system. Four years later, the separatist challenge has neither come to fruition, nor faded away. This book looks at how and why Catalan separatism reached the top of Spain's political agenda, as well as its connection to the broader European malaise generated by flawed political responses to financial and other crises. Through extensive travel and reporting, as well as over fifty interviews with leading Catalan personalities, Raphael Minder explains how Catalans feel about their economy, history and culture, and how secessionist forces have tried to reshape Catalan identity.
Black Nationalism is one of the oldest and most enduring ideological constructs developed by African Americans to make sense of their social and political worlds. In Dreaming Blackness, Melanye T. Price explores the current understandings of Black Nationalism among African Americans, providing a balanced and critical view of today's black political agenda. She argues that Black Nationalism continues to enjoy moderate levels of support by most black citizens but has a more difficult time gaining a larger stronghold because of increasing diversity among blacks and a growing emphasis on individualism over collective struggle. She shows that black interests are a dynamic negotiation among various interested groups and suggests that those differences are not just important for the "black agenda" but also for how African Americans think and dialogue about black political questions daily.
Using a mix of everyday talk and impressive statistical data to explain contemporary black opinions, Price highlights the ways in which Black Nationalism works in a "post-racial" society. Ultimately, Price offers a multilayered portrait of African American political opinions, providing a new understanding of race specific ideological views and their impact on African Americans, persuasively illustrating that Black Nationalism is an ideology that scholars and politicians should not dismiss.
An outrageous Brechtian parable that explores the lines we draw between ourselves and other people. The clock moves towards midnight. Life is about to be turned upside down for one small town as the border crossing is sealed shut, dividing here from there, us from them, this from that. In the midst of it all, Stranger, a young girl's beloved dog, has gone missing. Will Stranger be found before the border closes, or will he be trapped forever on the "wrong" side?
Why do so many conservative Christians continue to support Donald Trump despite his many overt moral failings? Why do many Americans advocate so vehemently for xenophobic policies, such as a border wall with Mexico? Why do many Americans seem so unwilling to acknowledge the injustices that ethnic and racial minorities experience in the United States? Why do a sizeable proportion of Americans continue to oppose women's equality in the workplace and in the home? To answer these questions, Taking America Back for God points to the phenomenon of "Christian nationalism," the belief that the United States is-and should be-a Christian nation. Christian ideals and symbols have long played an important role in American public life, but Christian nationalism is about far more than whether the phrase "under God" belongs in the pledge of allegiance. At its heart, Christian nationalism demands that we must preserve a particular kind of social order, an order in which everyone-Christians and non-Christians, native-born and immigrants, whites and minorities, men and women recognizes their "proper" place in society. The first comprehensive empirical analysis of Christian nationalism in the United States, Taking America Back for God illustrates the influence of Christian nationalism on today's most contentious social and political issues. Drawing on multiple sources of national survey data as well as in-depth interviews, Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry document how Christian nationalism shapes what Americans think about who they are as a people, what their future should look like, and how they should get there. Americans' stance toward Christian nationalism provides powerful insight into what they think about immigration, Islam, gun control, police shootings, atheists, gender roles, and many other political issues-very much including who they want in the White House. Taking America Back for God is a guide to one of the most important-and least understood-forces shaping American politics.
The end of World War II intensified Morocco's nationalist struggle against French colonial rule, with the establishment of the Istiqlal ('independence') party and the Moroccan Sultan's emergence as a national leader. In this book, Daniel Zisenwine charts the rise of Morocco's leading nationalist party, and illustrates the weakness of Moroccan political parties at the outset of the anti-colonial struggle. While Morocco today faces formidable challenges, its political system remains profoundly influenced by the events charted in this book. Drawing from a wide range of previously unpublished sources, Daniel Zisenwine presents the background to the Istiqlal's establishment, its initial actions and demands, and an extensive discussion of its social activities aimed at mobilizing the Moroccan public during the anti-colonial struggle.
From the early Attaturk years, Turkish radio broadcasting was seen as a great hope for sealing the national identity of the new Turkish Republic. Since the inaugural broadcast in 1927, the national elite designed radio broadcasting to represent the "voice of a nation." Here Meltem Ahiska reveals how radio broadcasting actually showed Turkey's uncertainty over its position in relation to Europe. While the national elite wanted to build their own Turkish identity, at the same time they desired recognition from Europe that Turkey was now a Westernized modern country. Ahiska shows how these tensions played out over the radio in the conflicting depictions and discrepancies between the national elite and "the people," "cosmopolitan" Istanbul and "national" Ankara, and men and women (especially in Radio drama). Through radio broadcasting we can see how Occidentalism dictated the Turkish Republic's early history and shaped how modern Turkey saw itself.
Alex Salmond, a talented politician in charge of Scotland's
devolved government since 2007, is mounting the biggest challenge
to the British union state in its 300-year history. His
fast-growing Scottish National Party wants Scotland to cease being
the invisible country of Europe and to embrace independence. This
book argues that if the Union is demolished, change will remain
elusive and Scotland will continue to be run by the close-knit
administrative, commercial and religious elites who have dominated
the country for centuries. Tom Gallagher contends that the SNP
remains fixated by resentment towards England and has no strategy
for reviving a struggling economy and the deep-seated social
problems which disfigure urban Scotland. He argues that the SNP are
not committed to independence, that the SNP is a super-unionist
party, that it recoils from popular sovereignty and is an
enthusiastic backer of the EU's plans for a post-national Europe
based on federalist rule from Brussels, and that it endorses a
radical multi-culturalism that devalues individual citizenship and
places Scotland at the mercy of globalisation.
In the wake of Brexit and the election of Donald Trump, countless words have been written and uttered about nationalism-many accusing nationalists of racism, hatred, and violence. But nationalism wasn't always considered evil. Indeed, such venerated figures as John Stuart Mill, Churchill, Eisenhower, and Ben-Gurion considered themselves nationalists. Were the men and women of that era misguided in their emphasis on self-determination for all peoples? In The Virtue of Nationalism, the philosopher Yoram Hazony offers an incisively original case for national sovereignty in an era when it is under attack from many sides. He recounts how in the 17th and 18th centuries, English, Dutch, and American Protestants revived the Old Testament's love of national independence, and how their nationalism freed the world from the vision of universal empire promoted by German-Catholic Holy Roman Emperors. Their vision became the basis of opposition to imperialists of later eras, and eventually brought freedom to peoples from Poland to India, and from Israel to Ethiopia. But since the 1960s, the tide has turned against national independence. "Globalists" say that self-determination brought us two World Wars and the Holocaust. The answer they offer us-global governance-is well-intentioned. Yet it has reawakened hatreds, stoking chaos and revolt across the world. Hazony argues that we will be forced to choose between a world of independent states, or a renewal of universal empire-in the form of the European Union or American hegemony. The Virtue of Nationalism makes clear that anyone who values their freedoms should fight for a world of nations.
Hindu nationalism came to world attention in 1998, when the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won national elections in India. Although the BJP was defeated nationally in 2004, it continues to govern large Indian states, and the movement it represents remains a major force in the world's largest democracy. This book presents the thought of the founding fathers and key intellectual leaders of Hindu nationalism from the time of the British Raj, through the independence period, to the present. Spanning more than 130 years of Indian history and including the writings of both famous and unknown ideologues, this reader reveals how the "Hindutuva" movement approaches key issues of Indian politics. Covering such important topics as secularism, religious conversion, relations with Muslims, education, and Hindu identity in the growing diaspora, this reader will be indispensable for anyone wishing to understand contemporary Indian politics, society, culture, or history.
Despite its efforts to promote peace and instil democracy in the region, America is viewed by many in the Middle East as a dishonest broker waging a 'dark crusade' against its enemies: in covert collaboration with Israel. The crucial hostility to Arab and Palestinian interests of the so-called 'Zionist lobby' in the US has long been recognised. But it is another less familiar element in US politics that increasingly calls the shots on Capitol Hill, directing the course of American foreign policy there: Christian Zionism.Christian Zionists now influence not only the Republican Party, but also the White House and Congress. Protestant fundamentalists anticipating the end of the world, they have long made common cause with the most extreme political elements in the state of Israel. But why? Jews and fundamentalist Christians hardly look like natural allies. Adhering to a feverish apocalyptic ideology, Christian Zionists nevertheless believe that restoration of the entire biblical Holy Land to the Jewish people will result the thousand-year reign of Christ. During his eleven years working in the Senate, the author observed at first hand the deep-seated influence of Christian Zionism on American foreign policy, and is uniquely qualified to assess its significance. "Dark Crusade" offers the most nuanced analysis yet written of this dangerous and complex phenomenon.
Hamas is best-known to outsiders as a military organisation. Its political wing has received less attention, and it is often assumed that the schools, hospitals and universities it runs are merely instruments for the dissemination of a jihadist ideology. Following its surprise victory in the 2006 Palestinian elections, it is more important than ever to understand its politics. How serious is its commitment to democracy? Did people vote for Hamas in spite of or because of its Islamic agenda? Drawing on extensive fieldwork in Gaza, Michael Irving Jensen addresses these questions, and offers the first multidimensional portrait of this complex organisation. Based on interviews with the leadership, the rank-and-file, and ordinary Palestinians, Jensen shows how Hamas's officially stated goals relate to the social and political realities of the West Bank and Gaza. In doing so he lays the groundwork for a more accurate way of understanding the organisation, and the direction in which its war with Israel is travelling.
The grave situation in the Middle East threatens the future of both Israelis and Palestinians, as well as the stability of the whole region. In this urgent new book, leading Jewish writers and commentators sweep aside the atmosphere of bigotry and vilification which stymies intelligent discussion at every turn, to deliver a bold and richly nuanced exploration of Israel and Zionism today. "A Time To Speak Out" covers the Holocaust, varieties of Zionism, self-hatred, the multiplicity of Jewish identities, human rights and anti-Zionist traditions. In doing so, it reflects the background and the complexities of the situation, as well as the range of voices, outside and within Israel, which are so rarely articulated in the mainstream media. At once sober and radical, "A Time To Speak Out" reclaims an often hysterical debate for people more interested in morally defensible solutions than empty "victories."
From reviews of the first edition:
"Brilliant, provocative . . . a great book." New Statesman
"An important book . . . It is a new starting line from which all subsequent discussions of nationalism will have to begin." New Society
"A better explanation than anyone has yet offered of why nationalism is such a prominent principle of political legitimacy today. This is a terse and forceful work . . . the product of great intellectual energy and an impressive range of knowledge." Times Literary Supplement
"Periodically, an important book emerges that makes us, through the uniqueness of its theory, perceive history as we have not seen it before. Ernest Gellner has written such a volume. Students of nationalism will have to come to grips with his interpretation of the causes for the emergence of nationalism, since he has declared that most of the previous explanations are largely mythical." American Historical Review
First published in 1983, Nations and Nationalism remains one of the most influential explanations of the emergence of nationalism ever written. This updated edition of Ernest Gellner's now-canonical work includes a new introductory essay from John Breuilly, tracing the way the field has evolved over the past two decades, and a bibliography of important work on nationalism since 1983."
Reza Zia-Ebrahimi revisits the work of Fath?ali Akhundzadeh and Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani, two Qajar-era intellectuals who founded modern Iranian nationalism. In their efforts to make sense of a difficult historical situation, these thinkers advanced an appealing ideology Zia-Ebrahimi calls "dislocative nationalism," in which pre-Islamic Iran is cast as a golden age, Islam is reinterpreted as an alien religion, and Arabs become implacable others. Dislodging Iran from its empirical reality and tying it to Europe and the Aryan race, this ideology remains the most politically potent form of identity in Iran. Akhundzadeh and Kermani's nationalist reading of Iranian history has been drilled into the minds of Iranians since its adoption by the Pahlavi state in the early twentieth century. Spread through mass schooling, historical narratives, and official statements of support, their ideological perspective has come to define Iranian culture and domestic and foreign policy. Zia-Ebrahimi follows the development of dislocative nationalism through a range of cultural and historical materials, and he captures its incorporation of European ideas about Iranian history, the Aryan race, and a primordial nation. His work emphasizes the agency of Iranian intellectuals in translating European ideas for Iranian audiences, impressing Western conceptions of race onto Iranian identity.
Identity Tourism: Imaging and Imagining the Nation examines the
role of tourism in the construction of national identity. To
???imagine??? a nation, nationalists must construct a national
???story??? about their history and culture that defines them as a
people, and counters the negative story circulated by their
enemies. One of the objectives of this book is to identify the
necessary historical and cultural components of a compelling
national story. Yet a story is of no use unless it is heard, so
nationalists need media through which the national narrative can be
told. The principal objective of this book is to show that
???identity tourism??? is a medium that can be used to tell the
national story, both to group members and outsiders. As such, it is
particularly useful in the construction of a sense of national
identity. Identity tourism, which incorporates both ethnic and
heritage tourism, includes museums, heritage centers, performances,
and other attractions in which collective identities are
represented, interpreted, and potentially constructed through the
use of history and culture.
"Tormented by History" is the first comparative study of nationalism in Greece and Turkey. Grounded in an extensive critical review of the popular and scholarly historiography and literature on Greek and Turkish nationalisms, it traces the emergence and development of the Greek and Turkish nationalist projects over the past two hundred years, challenging the received wisdom about the inevitability of the rise of a 'Greek' and a 'Turkish' nation.Acknowledging the complexity of the relationship between the two nationalisms, Ozkirimli and Sofos, one a Turk, the other a Greek, examine a complex terrain involving the politics of language, religion, memory and history, territory and landscape; processes of homogenization, marginalization and minoritization of populations and cultures as well as institutional support of Greek and Turkish nationalism. They also discuss the place of 'constitutive violence' - physical and symbolic - in the nationalist imagination and the ensuing trauma and sense of loss in the process of establishment and consolidation of Greek and Turkish identities.
This book examines the manner in which the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount has been appropriated by both Palestinians and Israelis as a nationalist symbol legitimizing respective claims to the land. From the late-nineteenth century onward, the site's significance became reconfigured within the context of modern nationalist discourses, yet, despite the originally secular nature of Palestinian and Israeli nationalisms, the holy site's importance to Islam and Judaism respectively has gradually altered the character of both in a manner blurring the line between religious and national identities.
For decades the British and Irish had 'got used to' a situation without parallel in Europe: a cold, ferocious, persistent campaign of bombing and terror of extraordinary duration and inventiveness. At the heart of that campaign lies one man: GerryAdams. From the outbreak of the troubles to the present day he has been an immensely influential figure. The most compelling question about the IRA is: how did a man who condoned atrocities that resulted in huge numbers of civilian deaths also become the guiding light behind the peace process? Moloney's book is now updated to encompass the anxious and uneasy peace that has prevailed to 2007.
Why have traditional views of national identity in South Korea - views that for years drove a demand for reunification - been challenged so dramatically in recent years? What explains the growing ambivalence and even antagonism of South Korean young people toward unification with North Korea? Emma Campbell addresses there related puzzles, exploring the emergence of a new kind of nationalism in South Korea and considering what this development means for the country's future.
The music of Johannes Brahms is deeply colored, Daniel Beller-McKenna shows, by nineteenth-century German nationalism and by Lutheran religion. Focusing on the composer's choral works, the author offers new insight on the cultural grounding for Brahms's music.
Music historians have been reluctant to address Brahms's Germanness, wary perhaps of fascist implications. Beller-McKenna counters this tendency; by giving an account of the intertwining of nationalism, politics, and religion that underlies major works, he restores Brahms to his place in nineteenth-century German culture. The author explores Brahms's interest in the folk element in old church music; the intense national pride expressed in works such as the Triumphlied; the ways Luther's Bible and Lutheranism are reflected in Brahms's music; and the composer's ideas about nation building. The final chapter looks at Brahms's nationalistic image as employed by the National Socialists, 1933-1945, and as witnessed earlier in the century (including the complication of rumors that Brahms was Jewish).
In comparison to the overtly nationalist element in Wagner's music, the German elements in Brahms's style have been easy to overlook. This nuanced study uncovers those nationalistic elements, enriching our understanding both of Brahms's art and of German culture.
Two radically different ideologies are currently competing for the
loyalties of the Hindu community. One of these ideologies, Hindu
nationalism, conceives of Hinduness as co-extensive with
Indianness. The other ideology, which has been articulated by such
figures as Sri Ramakrishna and Mahatma Gandhi, repesents Hinduism
as the 'eternal' or 'universal' religion. This is an idea of
Hinduism that is pluralistic and all-inclusive. Arguing that Hindu
nationalism is not only destructive of communal relations, but that
it also prevents Hinduism from emerging as a world religion in the
true sense of the term, the author here explores a reconfigured
version of the second of these two ideologies. He presents a vision
of Hinduism as a tradition capable of pointing the way towards a
future in which all the world's religions manifest complementary
visions of a larger reality - and in which they all, in various
ways, participate. This radical religious agenda puts a new and
exciting perspective on Hindu and South Asian studies alike.
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