This book takes a unique approach to explore the moral foundations of nationalism.
Drawing on nationalist writings and examining almost 200 years of nationalism in Ireland and Quebec, the author develops a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation.
The study of nationalism has tended towards the construction of dichotomies arguing, for example, that there are political and cultural, or civic and ethnic, versions of the phenomenon. However, as an object of moral scrutiny this bifurcation makes nationalism difficult to work with.
This book takes a unique approach to explore the moral foundations of nationalism. The author draws on nationalist writings to see how nationalists themselves argued for their cause and examines almost two hundred years of nationalism in two well-known cases, Ireland and Quebec. The author identifies which themes, if any, are common across the various forms that nationalism can take and then goes on to develop a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation. This representation-based approach provides both a basis for the moral claim of nationalism while at the same time identifying grounds on which this claim can be evaluated and limited.
It will be of strong interest to political theorists, especially those working on nationalism, multiculturalism and minority rights. The special focus in the book on the Irish and Quebec cases also makes it relevant reading for specialists in these fields as well as for other area studies where nationalism is an issue.

The book discusses the far right in the contemporary Portugal (1945-2015) within three different periods: the end of the authoritarian regime of Antonio de Oliveira Salazar (1945-1974), the transition to democracy after the coup d'etat of April 25th (1974-1982) and the democratic regime until the present (1982-2015). The analysis focuses on political groups and parties, social movements, ideologies, intellectuals and publications acting at the extreme right of the political spectrum of the Portuguese authoritarian regime and of the democratic regime, both on a national and international level. The book also contextualizes the Portuguese far right within the political thought and the organisational models of the wider European extreme right. A qualitative in-depth case study and the outcome of ten years of research, this book offers analysis of historical and contemporary primary sources, previously unexplored archives and in-depth interviews. Assessing the extent to which the behaviour of the far right is altered in different political environments and situations, this book makes an innovative and unique contribution to scholarship on the extreme right within southern Europe and will be of interest to students and scholars researching extreme right politics, as well as European history and politics more generally.

While liberal-democratic states like America, Britain and Australia claim to value freedom of expression and the right to dissent, they have always actually criminalized dissent. This disposition has worsened since 9/11 and the 2008 Great Recession. This ground-breaking study shows that just as dissent involves far more than protest marches, so too liberal-democratic states have expanded the criminalization of dissent. Drawing on political and social theorists like Arendt, Bourdieu and Isin, the book offers a new way of thinking about politics, dissent and its criminalization relationally. Using case studies like the Occupy movement, selective refusal by Israeli soldiers, urban squatters, democratic education and violence by anti-Apartheid activists, the book highlights the many forms dissent takes along with the many ways liberal-democratic states criminalize it. The book highlights the mix of fear and delusion in play when states privilege security to protect an imagined 'political order' from difference and disagreement. The book makes a major contribution to political theory, legal studies and sociology. Linking legal, political and normative studies in new ways, Watts shows that ultimately liberal-democracies rely more on sovereignty and the capacity for coercion and declarations of legal 'states of exception' than on liberal-democratic principles. In a time marked by a deepening crisis of democracy, the book argues dissent is increasingly valuable.

Ethnic democracy is a form of democratic ethnic conflict regulation in deeply divided societies. In The Challenge of Ethnic Democracy, Yoav Peled argues that ethnic democracy is constituted by the combination of two contradictory constitutional principles: liberal democracy and ethno-nationalism, and that its stability depends on the existence of a third, mediating constitutional principle of whatever kind. This central argument is supported by an analysis of the history of three ethnic democracies; Northern Ireland under Unionist rule, where ethnic democracy was stable for almost 50 years (1921-1969), then collapsed; The Second Polish republic (1918-1939), where ethnic democracy was written into the constitution but was never actualised; and Israel within its pre-1967 borders, where ethnic democracy was stable for 35 years (1966-2000) but may now be eroding. This book examines the different trajectories of the case studies, demonstrating that Poland lacked a third, mediating constitutional principle, while Israel and Northern Ireland did have such a principle - civic republicanism in Israel, and populism in Northern Ireland. The collapse of ethnic democracy in Northern Ireland resulted from the weakening of populism, that depended on British monetary subsidies for its implementation, whilst the erosion of ethnic democracy in Israel resulted from the decline of civic republicanism since the onset of economic liberalization in 1985. Dealing with ethnic democracy in a comparative framework, this book will appeal to students, scholars and researchers of Sociology, Political Science and Middle East Studies.

Nineteenth-century Russian intellectuals were faced with a dilemma. They had to choose between modernizing their country, thus imitating the West, or reaffirming what was perceived as their country's own values and thereby risk remaining socially underdeveloped and unable to compete with Western powers. Scholars have argued that this led to the emergence of an anti-Western, anti-modern ethnic nationalism. In this innovative book, Susanna Rabow-Edling shows that there was another solution to the conflicting agendas of modernization and cultural authenticity - a Russian liberal nationalism. This nationalism took various forms during the long nineteenth century, but aimed to promote reforms through a combination of liberalism, nationalism and imperialism.

This new collection of key authors on nationalism presents the latest thinking on this fundamental aspect of Politics, International Relations and Sociology. John Breuilly, Walker Connor, Steven Grosby, Eric Hobsbawm, Anthony D Smith and Pierre van den Berghe comprehensively explain and address the key contemporary question in nationalism studies of 'when is the nation?' , or what point in a nation's history is it born, with authority and freshness. Our world is still deeply imbedded in the language and practice of nations and nationalism and they remain central parts in understanding human society. This comparison and contrast of the main approaches reveals their strengths and weaknesses. This new text: * introduces the main schools of thought with clarity and concision * tackles the most pertinent questions in nationalism * delivers both theoretical and empirical perspectives * uses an innovative new interactive debate format with questions and answers * presents key case studies bringing theory to life The inclusion of case studies gives the reader fresh insight into specific nations and national groups, including The United States, Greece, England and Fiji. The accessible debate format puts main theories and thinkers to the test, enabling the reader to interact with the issues directly. This unique volume is an invaluable resource for students and scholars of nationalism, ethnicity and global conflict.

This new collection of key authors on nationalism presents the latest thinking on this fundamental aspect of Politics, International Relations and Sociology. John Breuilly, Walker Connor, Steven Grosby, Eric Hobsbawm, Anthony D Smith and Pierre van den Berghe comprehensively explain and address the key contemporary question in nationalism studies of 'when is the nation?' , or what point in a nation's history is it born, with authority and freshness. Our world is still deeply imbedded in the language and practice of nations and nationalism and they remain central parts in understanding human society. This comparison and contrast of the main approaches reveals their strengths and weaknesses. This new text: * introduces the main schools of thought with clarity and concision * tackles the most pertinent questions in nationalism * delivers both theoretical and empirical perspectives * uses an innovative new interactive debate format with questions and answers * presents key case studies bringing theory to life The inclusion of case studies gives the reader fresh insight into specific nations and national groups, including The United States, Greece, England and Fiji. The accessible debate format puts main theories and thinkers to the test, enabling the reader to interact with the issues directly. This unique volume is an invaluable resource for students and scholars of nationalism, ethnicity and global conflict.

In this sixtieth anniversary edition of "The Idea of Nationalism," Craig Calhoun probes the work of Hans Kohn and the world that first brought prominence to this unparalleled defense of the national ideal in the modern West. At its publication, Saturday Review called it "an enduring and definitive treatise.... Kohn] has written a book which is less a history of nationalism than it is a history of Western civilization from the standpoint of the national idea." This edition includes an extensive new introduction by Craig Calhoun, which in itself is a substantial contribution to the history of ideas. "The Idea of Nationalism" comprehensively analyzes the rise of nationalism, the idea's content, and its worldwide implications from the days of Hebrew and Greek antiquity to the eve of the French Revolution. As Calhoun explains, Kohn was particularly qualified to undertake this study. He grew up in Prague, the vigorous heart of Czech nationalism, participated in the Zionist student movement, studied the question of nationality in multinational cultures, spent the World War One years in Asian Russia, and later traveled extensively in the Near East studying the nationalist movements of western and southern Asia. The work itself is the product of Kohn's later years at Harvard University. In The Idea of Nationalism, Kohn presents the single most influential articulation of the distinction between civic and ethnic nationalism. This has shaped nearly all ensuing research and public discussion and deeply informed parallel oppositions of early and late, Western and Eastern varieties of nationalism. Kohn also argues that the age of nationalism represents the first period of universal history. Civilizations and continents are brought into ever closer contact; popular participation in politics is enormously increased; and the secular state is ever more significant. "The Idea of Nationalism" is important both in itself and because it so deeply shaped all the work that followed it. After sixty years his interpretations and analyses remain acute and instructive.

All Basque interpretations of national power have resulted in an uneasy mix of often fragmented and conflicting territorial identifications. Basques can identify themselves with France, Spain or an imagined Basque nation state. Territory and Terror confronts the imagined and actual territorial dimensions of nationalism, shedding new light on the Basque conflict.
The study provides a rich description of territoriality analyzed from a comparative perspective and explores the relation between territoriality and regional differences in conflict intensity. It supplies an account of the often-overlooked internal struggles between Basques, arguing that overestimation of Basque nationalism as the ideological force behind the conflict often leads to a disregard of the identification of many with France or Spain. In addition, the author investigates the conflicts between Basque nationalists themselves over key issues such as terrorist activity.
"Territory and Terror" will appeal to students and researchers of nationalism and territoriality, in particular to those with an interest in the Basque country.

Addressing how democracies can deal with plurality, Democracy, Nationalism and Multiculturalism looks at the political accommodation of national plurality in liberal democracies and in the European Union at the turn of the century. Democracy, Nationalism and Multiculturalism provides an up to date review of subnational and multicultural issues in Western multinational states. The book includes normative, institutional and comparative accounts of such key issues as: Politics and policies of accommodation Multiculturalism Recognition of group rights Federalist reforms and debates in Canada and European states The political construction of the European Union The volume builds bridges, and brings together, a number of debates that have often taken place separately. Its panel of international authorities examines this issue from a variety of perspectives, considering questions of citizenship, multiculturalism, immigration and equality. The contributors - many of whom have set the terms of this debate in international political science - include Will Kymlicka, and Wayne Norman.

Interpretations of manhood have unfolded in India within a middle class cultural milieu shaped by an assertive self-confidence fuelled by liberalisation, a process by which India has been integrated into the global political economy and the prominence of Hindutva or Hindu nationalist politics. This book unpacks a particular gendered vision of nation in the modern Indian context by drawing on popular films. This muscular nationalism is an intersection of a specific vision of masculinity with the political doctrine of nationalism. The idea of nation is animated by an idea of manhood associated with martial prowess, muscular strength and toughness, but coupled with the image and construct of virtuous woman - a gendered binary of martial man and chaste woman. The author skilfully and convincingly draws together issues of political economy, including globalization and neoliberalism with majoritarian politics and popular culture, thus showing how disparate strands intersect and build on each other. Using interpretive methodologies and popular media, the book presents new interpretations of Bollywood films through the lenses of gender, masculinity and nationalism. It will be of interest to scholars of South Asian politics and culture, in particular Indian nationalism, popular culture, media and gender studies.

The agenda of external actors often includes a number of objectives that do not necessarily and automatically go together. Fostering security and stability in semi-authoritarian regimes collides with policies aimed at the support of processes of democratization prone to conflict and destabilization. Meanwhile, the promotion of national self-determination and political empowerment might lead to forms of democracy, partially incompatible with liberal understandings. These conflicting objectives are often problematized as challenges to the effectiveness of international democracy promotion. This book presents systematic research about their emergence and effects. The contributing authors investigate (post-) conflict societies, developing countries, and authoritarian regimes in Southeast Europe, Latin America, Africa, and Asia. They identify the socio-economic and political conditions in the recipient country, the interaction between international and local actors, and the capacity of international and local actors as relevant for explaining the emergence of conflicting objectives. And they empirically show that faced with conflicting objectives donors either use a 'wait and see'-approach (i.e. not to act to overcome such conflicts), they prioritize security, state-building and development over democracy, or they compromise democracy promotion with other goals. However, convincing strategies for dealing with such conflicts still need to be devised. This book was published as a special issue of Democratization.

Scotland and Nationalism provides an authoritative survey of Scottish social and political history from 1707 to the present day. Focusing on political nationalism in Scotland, Christopher Harvie examines why this nationalism remained apparently in abeyance for two and a half centuries, and why it became so relevant in the second half of the twentieth century.
This fourth edition brings the story and historiography of Scottish society and politics up-to-date. Additions also include a brand new biographical index of key personalities, along with a glossary of nationalist groups.

'Independence in Europe', adopted by the Scottish National Party (SNP) as its core policy in 1988, has become part and parcel of contemporary Scottish nationalism. But is this not a contradiction in terms? Nationalistic logic dictates that one cannot demand independence while accepting the constraints that come with membership of the European Union. This book takes up that question and explores the conditions that have emerged and become integrated with Scottish society today. In this innovative study, Atsuko Ichijo argues that the idea of 'Independence in Europe' acquired coherence because of two factors: first, there are a variety of images of Europe that the people from that continent have developed over millennia; second, there is a large depository of images of Scotland that the people of Scotland have cultivated over centuries. The diversity of images available has made it possible for contemporary Scots to pick and choose the images of Scotland and Europe that reflect their aspirations and hence to create a coherent world-view. 'pro-European' dimension of Scottish nationalism and its implications for the UK. The book also argues for the necessity of examining the uses of history in seeking to understand the 'new' nationalisms of contemporary Europe. This book will be of great interest to students and researchers of British political history, nationalism and contemporary European politics.

Scotland and Nationalism provides an authoritative survey of Scottish social and political history from 1707 to the present day. Focusing on political nationalism in Scotland, Christopher Harvie examines why this nationalism remained apparently in abeyance for two and a half centuries, and why it became so relevant in the second half of the twentieth century.
This fourth edition brings the story and historiography of Scottish society and politics up-to-date. Additions also include a brand new biographical index of key personalities, along with a glossary of nationalist groups.

What is the relationship between sport and national identity? What can sport tell us about changing perceptions of national identity?
Bringing together the work of established historians and younger commentators, this illuminating text surveys the last half-century, giving due attention to the place of sport in our social and political history.
It Includes studies of:
. English football and British decline
. Englishness and sport
. Ethnicity and nationalism in Scotland
. Social change and national pride in Wales
. Irish international football and Irishness
. Sport and identity in South Africa
. Cricket and identity crisis in the Caribbean
. Baseball, exceptionalism and American Sport
. Popular mythology surrounding the sporting rivalry between New Zealand and Australia
Sport and National Identity in the Post-War World presents a wealth of original research into contemporary social history and provides illuminating material for historians and sociologists alike.

Contents:
1. An introduction to Golf Course Wars
2. Construction of Canadian Myths of Identity
3. Displacing the Native in Canadian Histories
4. Cultural Displays: Inside the Canadian Museum of Civilisation
5. At the Barricades
6. Interventions
Conclusion: Myths of Disappearance and Alternative Remembrance

This book traces the beginnings of democracy in the three Himalayan kingdoms of Sikkim, Nepal and Bhutan. Charting the mobilisations and political experimentations that took place in the former buffer states under monarchies to establish democratic regimes, this book investigates their varying degrees of success, and offers a critical commentary on the consequent socio-political histories of this region. The volume sheds light on the nuances of their different geo-political contexts of the three Himalayan states, while tracing the social origins of the movements. It also undertakes a close analysis of the political participation and leadership involved to understand their achievements and limitations. A comprehensive analysis of a hitherto unexplored chapter in South Asian history, it will be of an immense interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, modern history, sociology and social anthropology, politics, South Asian studies, area studies, especially Nepal and Himalayan studies, as well as policy makers and government think tanks.

This edited volume examines the relationship between the nation and the transnation, focusing on transnational communities in the Asia Pacific region. Setting the book within a theoretical framework, the authors explore a range of themes such as migration, identity and citizenship in chapters on China, the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam, Japan, Indonesia, Australia, Singapore and Cambodia.

What does it mean to be British? It is now recognized that being British is not innate, static or permanent, but that national identities within Britain are constantly constructed and reconstructed. Britishness since 1870 examines this definition and redefinition of the British national identity since the 1870s.

Paul Ward argues that British national identity is a resilient force, and looks at how Britishness has adapted to changing circumstances.

Taking a thematic approach, Britishness since 1870 examines the forces that have contributed to a sense of Britishness, and considers how Britishness has been mediated by other identities such as class, gender, region, ethnicity and the sense of belonging to England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland.

What is the relationship between sport and national identity? What can sport tell us about changing perceptions of national identity? Bringing together the work of established historians and younger commentators, this illuminating text surveys the last half-century, giving due attention to the place of sport in our social and political history. It Includes studies of: * English football and British decline * Englishness and sport * Ethnicity and nationalism in Scotland * Social change and national pride in Wales * Irish international football and Irishness * Sport and identity in South Africa * Cricket and identity crisis in the Caribbean * Baseball, exceptionalism and American Sport * Popular mythology surrounding the sporting rivalry between New Zealand and Australia Sport and National Identity in the Post-War World presents a wealth of original research into contemporary social history and provides illuminating material for historians and sociologists alike.

The death of Franco in 1975 signalled the transition of Catalan nationalism from a clandestine resistance movement to a movement demanding self-government for Catalonia. This book offers a socio-political analysis of Catalan nationalism during the Francoist regime (1939-1975) and the Spanish transition to democracy. Are the Catalans content with the outcome of the Spanish transition to democracy? Is there a future for Catalan nationalism within the EU? How does globalization impact upon the survival and development of nations without states such as Catalonia? Will increasing numbers of immigrants transform regional identities? Has devolution fostered secessionism in Catalonia? These are some of the key questions discussed in this book. Catalan Nationalism considers whether a nation without a state, such as Catalonia, is able to survive within larger political institutions such as Spain and the European Union. The author examines the different images of Catalonia presented by the main Catalan political parties. The book also provides a study of the role of intellectuals in the construction of nationalism and national identity in nations without states in for the study of devolution and its consequences, transitions to democracy and globalization and national identity. Based on a successful combination of theory and innovative empirical research, the scope and depth of the book's analysis should make it useful reading for students and academics in the fields of history and politics.

After the collapse of communism there was a widespread fear that nationalism would pose a serious threat to the development of liberal democracy in the countries of central Europe. This book examines the role of nationalism in post-communist development in central Europe, focusing in particular on Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. It argues that a certain type of nationalism, that is liberal nationalism, has positively influenced the process of postcommunist transition towards the emerging liberal democratic order.

In the vast majority of literature on 'Chinese Nationalism' the distinction between nation and state is rarely made, consequentially nationalism usually appears as loyalty to the state rather than identification with the nation. Yet, since 1989, both the official configuration of the nation and the state's monopolized right to name the nation have come under rigorous challenge. This book relocates the discussion of nationalism in a more contemporary framework, which explores the disjunction between the people and the state and the relationship of each to the nation.
Since the late nineteen eighties the Chinese Party-state has increasingly embraced a more Westernized way of life enabling the country to propel itself into a position of economic and political international importance. This revolutionary upheaval has led cultural nationalists to pose such controversial questions as, what constitutes Chineseness? And, is a Party-state that portrays itself as the sole representative of the nation a legitimate one? This revealing work not only suggests that the CCP is beginning to compromise, therefore highlighting that the state is aware that it is loosing its monopoly, but also that the cultural nationalists further seek to reform the Party-state in accordance with the nation's will, beliefs, values and concept of its own identity.
With its challenging exploration one of the most neglected aspects of identity in China, this book should appeal to Asianists, China watchers and all of those with an interest in cultural and sociological phenomena in East Asia.

Nationalism, the state of mind in which the individual's supreme loyalty is owed to the nation-state, remains the strongest of political emotions. As a historical phenomenon, it is always in flux, changing according to no preconceived pattern. In "The New Nationalism," Louis Snyder sees various forms of nationalism, and categorizes them as a force for unity; a force for the status quo; a force for independence; a force for fraternity; a force for colonial expansion; a force for aggression; a force for economic expansion; and a force for anti-colonialism.
In Snyder's opinion, nationalism should be differentiated from Theodore Roosevelt's "New Nationalism," a phrase he borrowed from Herbert D. Croly's "The Promise of American Life." Croly warned that giving too much power to big industry and finance would lead to the degradation of the masses, and that state and federal intervention must be pursued on all economic fronts. Roosevelt expanded upon this concept, and saw the flourishing of democratic government as a means of reviving the old pioneer sense of individualism and opportunity. Snyder, in contrast, extends the work of the two major pioneers in the study of modern nationalism, Carlton J. H. Hayes and Hans Kohn, in exploring this most powerful sentiment of modern times, and showing how it relates to the political, economic, and psychological tendencies of historical development.
"The book is the mature fruit of much research and much thought. It] will be an indispensable guide not only for the student of contemporary history and international relations but also for the statesman who has to deal with these problems and to learn that they are of an importance far beyond all divisions of ideology or civilization."--Hans Kohn