Saudi Arabia and Yemen are two countries of crucial importance in the Middle East and yet our knowledge about them is highly limited, while typical ways of looking at the histories of these countries have impeded understanding. Counter-Narratives brings together a group of leading scholars of the Middle East using new theoretical and methodological approaches to cross-examine standard stories, whether as told by Westerners or by Saudis and Yemenis, and these are found wanting. The authors assess how grand historical narratives such as those produced by states and colonial powers are currently challenged by multiple historical actors, a process which generates alternative narratives about identity, the state and society.

Dissident ethnic networks were a crucial independent institution in the Soviet Union. Voicing the discontent and resentment of the periphery at the policies of the center or metropole, the dissident writings, known as samizdat highlighted anger at deprivations imposed in the political, cultural, social, and economic spheres. Ethnic dissident writings drew on values both internal to the Soviet system and international as sources of legitimation; they met a divided reaction among Russians, with some privileging the unity of the Soviet Union and others sympathetic to the rhetoric of national rights. This focus on national, rather than individual rights, along with the appropriation of ethnonationalism by political elites, helps explain developments since the fall of the Soviet Union, including the prevalence of authoritarian governments in newly independent states of the former Soviet Union.

Lemco investigates those political, economic, and social conditions that theorists of federalism have associated with the stability or instability of federations. For many years, there have been pervasive arguments that federalism provides the best government possible for a nation of considerable ethnic and regional disparity. Students of federations have suggested that a centralized federal government that protects the national interest, and governments of the constituent units that protect local and regional interests, are the most responsive administrative forms for a society of great diversity.

Following a review of the theoretical literature concerning federalism and political stability, data pertaining to political, social, and economic conditions that are reputed to be related to federal political stability are collected and tested. These conditions include the structure of politics, the impact of political freedom, the importance of the party system, and the relevance of ethnically and territorially based cleavages. The associations among economic modernization, social mobilization, relative deprivation, and federal political stability are also investigated. The author concludes with a discussion of the most significant independent variables, the prospects for future research, and a focus on the extent to which federal and unitary structures can protect minority rights effectively. Lemco's provocative study will be of considerable interest to political theoreticians as well as to students of contemporary nationalist movements.

Why do so many people take-for-granted the idea that they live in and belong to a nation? Do national identities matter and, if so, to whom? To what extent are processes of globalisation undermining or reinforcing attachments to the nation? Drawing on insights from sociology, social psychology and anthropology, Michael Skey addresses these complex questions by examining the views and attitudes of a group that has been overlooked in much of the recent literature; the ethnic majority. Through a detailed analysis of the ways in which members of the majority in England discuss their own attachments, their anxieties about the future, and, in particular, their relations with minority groups, Skey demonstrates the link between a more settled sense of national belonging and claims to key material and psycho-social resources. By analysing what is at stake for the majority, the book offers a more complete understanding of recent controversies over immigration, multiculturalism and community cohesion in Western settings, as well as a framework for theorising the significance of nationhood in the contemporary era.

The "Russian Idea" in International Relations identifies different approaches within Russian Civilizational tradition - Russia's nationally distinctive way of thinking - by situating them within IR literature and connecting them to practices of the country's international relations. Civilizational ideas in IR theory express states' cultural identification and stress religious traditions, social customs, and economic and political values. This book defines Russian civilizational ideas by two criteria: the values they stress and their global ambitions. The author identifies leading voices among those positioning Russia as an exceptional and globally significant system of values and traces their arguments across several centuries of the country's development. In addition, the author explains how and why Russian civilizational ideas rise, fall, and are replaced by alternative ideas. The book identifies three schools of Russian civilizational thinking about international relations - Slavophiles, Communists, and Eurasianists. Each school focuses on Russia's distinctive spiritual, social, and geographic roots, respectively. Each one is internally divided between those claiming Russia's exceptionalism, potentially resulting in regional autarchy or imperial expansion, and those advocating the Russian Idea as global in its appeal. Those favoring the latter perspective have stressed Russia's unique capacity for understanding different cultures and guarding the world against extremes of nationalism and hegemony in international relations. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of Russian foreign policy, Russia-Western relations, IR theory, diplomatic studies, political science, and European history, including the history of ideas.

This is a unique study of how language politics and nationalisms interacted in the nineteenth century, shaping the European national movements which were to found nation-states in the century to follow. It includes: uniquely focussed study of language politics; comparative approach covering four key languages (Czech, Magyar Hungarian], Polish, and Slovak; and wide-ranging scope dealing with the political, social and cultural history of Central Europe.This work focuses on the ideological intertwining between Czech, Magyar, Polish and Slovak, and the corresponding nationalisms steeped in these languages. The analysis is set against the earlier political and ideological history of these languages, and the panorama of the emergence and political uses of other languages of the region.

Significant recent research on the German Right between 1918 and 1933 calls into question received narratives of Weimar political history. The German Right in the Weimar Republic examines the role that the German Right played in the destabilization and overthrow of the Weimar Republic, with particular emphasis on the political and organizational history of Rightist groups as well as on the many permutations of right-wing ideology during the period. In particular, antisemitism and the so-called "Jewish Question" played a prominent role in the self-definition and politics of the right-wing groups and ideologies explored by the contributors to this volume.

In examining the history of a 19th-century boundary dispute between Chile and Argentina, Dr. Rauch offers insights into the motivations and processes of governments vis-a-vis the rationale and support of national military power. As he shows, a military establishment brings enormous costs to developing economies, leads to the formation of military elites, and has profound implications for a geographical region.

Following a discussion of Spanish colonization in the southern cone of Latin America, Rauch moves to the intercountry dispute; each country's search for allies; internal development difficulties; economic progress and military investment; internal development of the armed forces in each country; and their relative prowess, which ultimately resulted in Argentina's armed forces being the best trained and equipped in the region. Of considerable interest to scholars and researchers of Latin American, military, and developmental studies.

Examining the evolving responses to immigration, migrant integration and diversity of substate governments in Quebec, Flanders and Brussels, and Scotland, Fiona Barker explores what happens when the 'new' diversity arising from immigration intersects with the 'old' politics of substate nationalism in decentralized, multinational societies.

This literary, cultural history examines imperial Russian tourism's entanglement in the vexed issue of cosmopolitanism understood as receptiveness to the foreign and pitted against provinciality and nationalist anxiety about the allure and the influence of Western Europe. The study maps the shift from Enlightenment cosmopolitanism to Byronic cosmopolitanism with special attention to the art pilgrimage abroad. For typically middle-class Russians daunted by the cultural riches of the West, vacationing in the North Caucasus, Georgia, and the Crimea afforded the compensatory opportunity to play colonizer kings and queens in "Asia." Drawing on Anna Karenina and other literary classics, travel writing, journalism, and guidebooks, the investigation engages with current debates in cosmopolitan studies, including the fuzzy paradigm of "colonial cosmopolitanism.

In When Nationalism Began to Hate, Brian Porter offers a new explanation for the emergence of xenophobic, authoritarian nationalism in Europe. Focusing on 19th-century Poland, he traces the transformation of revolutionary patriotism into a violent anti-Semitic ideology. Instead of deterministically attributing this charge to the "forces of modernization", Porter argues that the language of hatred and discipline was central to the way "modernity" itself was perceived.

This offers an alternative to the colonialist and nationalist explanations of the Mau Mau revolt, examining a widely studied period of Kenyan history from a new perspective.

In recent years, nationalism has reasserted itself globally as a potent, mobilizing political force. In Turkey, the perilous state of politics--indeed the crisis of identity in the state itself--is a symptom of the rift between the secular and Islamic nationalists, today the focus of intense and acrimonious debate.

In The Top Hat, the Grey Wolf, and the Crescent, Hugh Poulton traces the evolution of nationalism in Turkey since the days of the Ottoman empire, through the rule of Attatrk when secularism became the binding force of a new national identity, to the present when a Western liberal middle class battles an increasingly powerful Islamic movement. Starting with an examination of nationalism as a political ideology, Poulton profiles in detail the main contenders in the battle for Turkey's identity: the Top Hat (secular nationalism), the Grey Wolf (the pan-Turkist fringe), and the Crescent (pro- Islamic forces). Poulton also considers the effects of Turkish nationalism on various minority groups, including the Kurds and the Alevis, and sheds lights on the nationalist sentiments of Turks outside Turkey.

By critically addressing the tension between nationalism and human rights that is presumed in much of the existing literature, the essays in this volume confront the question of how we should construe human rights: as a normative challenge to the excesses of modernity, particularly those associated with the modern nation-state, or as an adjunct of globalization, with its attendant goal of constructing a universal civilization based on neoliberal economic principles and individual liberty.

The historic myths of a people/nation usually play an important role in the creation and consolidation of the basic concepts from which the self-image of that nation derives. These concepts include not only images of the nation itself, but also images of other peoples. Although the construction of ethnic stereotypes during the "long" nineteenth century initially had other functions than simply the homogenization of the particular culture and the exclusion of "others" from the public sphere, the evaluation of peoples according to criteria that included "level of civilization" yielded "rankings" of ethnic groups within the Habsburg Monarchy. That provided the basis for later, more divisive ethnic characterizations of exclusive nationalism, as addressed in this volume that examines the roots and results of ethnic, nationalist, and racial conflict in the region from a variety of historical and theoretical perspectives.

"The book claims that its primary aim is to reconcile unity and diversity by offering an interdisciplinary approach to questions of European identity/identities. Despite the variety of approaches and themes devel-oped, the book successfully bridges this interdisciplinarity and provides a coherent flow of analysis of European identity which, as the title best illustrates, still remains a puzzle to be explored. The book therefore highlights the complexity of constructing European identity from political and cultural means...Overall it intellectually alerts the reader to some of the most significant challenges facing European identity and will be very useful to experts in the field." . Political Studies Review

The twin concepts of "Culture" and "Identity" are inescapable in any discussion of European Integration and yet over the last ten years their meaning has become increasingly contested. By combining an anthropological and political perspective, the authors challenge the traditional boundaries within the issue of the construction of Europe. In the first part, historians and anthropologists from various national traditions discuss the process of the construction of Europe and its implications for cultural identities. The second section examines a number of topics at the core of the process of Europeanization and presents up-to-date information on each of these issues: political parties, regions, football, cities, the Euro, ethnicity, heritage and European cinema. Emphasis is be placed on the political structuring of cultural identities by contrasting top-down and bottom-up processes that define the tensions between the unity and diversity of the European Community.

Marion Demossier is a senior lecturer in French and Anthropology at the University of Bath. She is the co-ordinator of a postgraduate Euromasters and Trans-Atlantic Masters course on 'Culture and identity in Europe' which has provided the material for this book. She has published extensively on the Anthropology of rural France and has recently edited a book on Recollections of France: Memories, Identities and Heritage (Berghahn, 2001). Her first monograph Hommes et Vins, une anthropologie du vignoble bourguignon was published in 1999 (editions universitaires de Dijon) and won a prize. She is currently preparing a monograph on Wine Culture and Consumption in France.

insightful and informative .the essays in this volume contribute to a better understanding of nationalism and nation-building in multicultural East Central Europe. . German Studies Review The hundred years between the revolutions of 1848 and the population transfers of the mid-twentieth century saw the nationalization of culturally complex societies in East Central Europe. This fact has variously been explained in terms of modernization, state building and nation-building theories, each of which treats the process of nationalization as something inexorable, a necessary component of modernity. Although more recently social scientists gesture to the contingencies that may shape these larger developments, this structural approach makes scholars far less attentive to the hard work (ideological, political, social) undertaken by individuals and groups at every level of society who tried themselves to build national societies. The essays in this volume make us aware of how complex, multi-dimensional and often contradictory this nationalization process in East Central Europe actually was. The authors document attempts and failures by nationalist politicians, organizations, activists and regimes from 1848 through 1948 to give East-Central Europeans a strong sense of national self-identification. They remind us that only the use of dictatorial powers in the 20th century could actually transform the fantasy of nationalization into a reality, albeit a brutal one. Pieter M. Judson is Associate Professor and Chair of the History Department at Swarthmore College. His book Exclusive Revolutionaries: Liberal Politics, Social Experience and National Identity 1848-1914 (Michigan, 1996) won the Herbert Baxter Adams Prize of the American historical Association in 1997 and the Austrian Cultural institute's book prize in 1998. Marsha L. Rozenblit is the Harvey M. Meyerhoff Professor of Jewish History at the University of Maryland, College Park. She is the author of The Jews of Vienna, 1867-1914: Assimilation and Identity (State University of New York Press, 1983) and Reconstructing a National Identity: The Jews of Habsburg Austria during World War I (Oxford University Press, 2001).

This book provides a critical interpretation of the construction of Irish national identity in the longer perspective of history. Drawing on recent sociological theory, the authors demonstrate how national identity was invented and codified by a nationalist intelligentsia in the late nineteenth century. The trajectory of this national identity is traced as a process of crisis and contradiction. One of the central arguments is that the negative implications of Irish national identity have never been fully explored by social science.

Zionism, more than any other social and political movement in the modern era, has completely and fundamentally altered the self-image of the Jewish people and its relations with the non- Jewish world. As the dominant expression of Jewish nationalism, Zionism revolutionized the very concept of Jewish peoplehood, taking upon itself the transformation of the Jewish people from a minority into a majority, and from a diaspora community into a territorial one.

Bringing together for the first time the work of the most distinguished historians of Zionism and the Yishuv (pre-state Israeli society), many never before translated into English, this volume offers a comprehensive treatment of the history of Zionism. The contributions are diverse, examining such topics as the ideological development of the Jewish nationalist movement, Zionist trends in the Land of Israel, and relations between Jews, Arabs, and the British in Palestine. Contributors include: Jacob Katz, Shmuel Almog, Yosef Salmon, David Vital, Steven J. Zipperstein, Michael Heymann, Jonathan Frankel, George L. Berlin, Israel Oppenheim, Gershon Shaked, Joseph Heller, Hagit Lavsky, and Bernard Wasserstein.

This book looks at the past and present condition of Russian nationalism. Its chapters examine the influence of tsarist and Soviet official policies upon national identity, and seek to explain the broader political, social and cultural factors which helped or hindered the ambitions of rulers. The changeability of Russian national consciousness is exmphasised. Several chapters also highlight the various long-standing inhibitions to the emergence of a consolidated civic nationalism in a Russian Federation which gained its independence at the break-up of the USSR.

"Germany's New Right as Culture and Politics" is the first full-length study in English of the New Right in Germany and it breaks new ground by considering the New Right as both a political and a cultural movement. This approach reveals the problems that arise when a political movement seeks to embrace culture as the foundation for a political programme. The book examines the often contradictory motives that feed into New Right political pronouncements and explores the cultural thinking that feeds into extreme political commitment.

Beginning with an analysis of Catalonia's integration within the Spanish nation-building project between from 1770, and following the growing tensions between both the Spanish state and its allies and Catalan social, cultural and political elites, this book focuses on the reasons behind the rise of Catalan nationalism in the late nineteenth century.

This book analyses the role of the European Union in the process of institutional change in its Eastern neighbourhood and explains why EU policies arrive at contradictory outcomes at the sectoral level. Combining EU studies approaches with insights from the fields of new institutionalism, international development studies and transnationalisation, it explains how the EU policies contribute to rule persistence or lead to institutional change. Highlighting the importance of investigating how the policies of external intervention interact with domestic institutions, the book also provides a coherent presentation of the political and economic problems of Ukraine and Moldova and a comparative analysis in key areas at critical junctures of their development. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European Union politics and more broadly to International Relations, post-Soviet and Russian studies.