The Netherlands will be the first concise, authored introduction available on the topic. The Netherlands has been a key entrepot in the world capitalist system for centuries, but because of relatively recent demographic changes, it has become symbolic of the clash of European and Islamic cultures. Perhaps the most secular nation in the world, it now houses a very large Islamic population. That population is the fruit of globalization, and how the Dutch have responded to this broad cultural shift tells us a great deal about the changing nature of national identity in the age of globalization. In particular, Frank Lechner explains how globalization calls forth very particularistic and localist responses. Along with providing a broad overview of the contemporary Netherlands, Lechner will focus on how globalization is generating new discourses, cultures, and state policies. Among other topics, the book will feature chapters on soccer culture, religion (and the lack thereof), the media, the welfare state, multiculturalism, and the Netherlands place in the larger European Union.

How does ideology in some states radicalise to such an extent as to become genocidal? Can the causes of radicalisation be seen as internal or external? Examining the ideological evolution in the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust and during the break up of Yugoslavia, Elisabeth Hope Murray seeks to answer these questions in this comparative work.

Arab Patriotism presents the essential backstory to the formation of the modern nation-state and mass nationalism in the Middle East. While standard histories claim that the roots of Arab nationalism emerged in opposition to the Ottoman milieu, Adam Mestyan points to the patriotic sentiment that grew in the Egyptian province of the Ottoman Empire during the nineteenth century, arguing that it served as a pivotal way station on the path to the birth of Arab nationhood. Through extensive archival research, Mestyan examines the collusion of various Ottoman elites in creating this nascent sense of national belonging and finds that learned culture played a central role in this development. Mestyan investigates the experience of community during this period, engendered through participation in public rituals and being part of a theater audience. He describes the embodied and textual ways these experiences were produced through urban spaces, poetry, performances, and journals. From the Khedivial Opera House's staging of Verdi's Aida and the first Arabic magazine to the 'Urabi revolution and the restoration of the authority of Ottoman viceroys under British occupation, Mestyan illuminates the cultural dynamics of a regime that served as the precondition for nation-building in the Middle East. A wholly original exploration of Egypt in the context of the Ottoman Empire, Arab Patriotism sheds fresh light on the evolving sense of political belonging in the Arab world.

After the War of 1812, Americans belatedly realized that they lacked national identity. The subsequent campaign to articulate nationality transformed every facet of culture from architecture to painting, and in the realm of letters, literary jingoism embroiled American authors in the heated politics of nationalism. The age demanded stirring images of U.S. virtue, often achieved by contriving myths and obscuring brutalities. Between these sanitized narratives of the nation and U.S. social reality lay a grotesque discontinuity: vehement conflicts over slavery, Indian removal, immigration, and territorial expansion divided the country. Authors such as Washington Irving, James Fenimore Cooper, Catharine M. Sedgwick, William Gilmore Simms, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and Lydia Maria Child wrestled uneasily with the imperative to revise history to produce national fable. Counter-narratives by fugitive slaves, Native Americans, and defiant women subverted literary nationalism by exposing the plight of the unfree and dispossessed. And with them all, Edgar Allan Poe openly mocked literary nationalism and deplored the celebration of "stupid" books appealing to provincial self-congratulation. More than any other author, he personifies the contrary, alien perspective that discerns the weird operations at work behind the facade of American nation-building.

In this Very Short Introduction, Michael Stanislawski presents an impartial and disinterested history of Zionist ideology from its origins to the present. Sharp and accessible, he charts the crucial moments in the ideological development of Zionism, including the emergence of modern Jewish nationalism in early nineteenth century Europe, the founding of the Zionist movement by Theodor Herzl in 1897, right through to the rise of the aPeace Nowa movement, and the election of conservative prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Stanislawski's balanced analysis of these controversial events illuminates why, despite the undeniable success in its goal of creating a Jewish state, profound questions remain today about the long-term viability of Zionist ideology in a rapidly destabilizing Middle East. ABOUT THE SERIES: The Very Short Introductions series from Oxford University Press contains hundreds of titles in almost every subject area. These pocket-sized books are the perfect way to get ahead in a new subject quickly. Our expert authors combine facts, analysis, perspective, new ideas, and enthusiasm to make interesting and challenging topics highly readable.

Derry is the second largest city in Northern Ireland and has had a Catholic majority since 1850. It was witness to some of the most important events of the civil rights movement and the Troubles. Derry City examines Catholic Derry from the turn of the twentieth century to the end of the 1960s and the start of the Troubles. Plotting the relationships between community memory and historic change, Margo Shea provides a rich and nuanced account of the cultural, political, and social history of Derry using archival research, oral histories, landscape analysis, and public discourse. Looking through the lens of the memories Catholics cultivated and nurtured as well as those they contested, she illuminates Derry's Catholics' understandings of themselves and their Irish cultural and political identities through the decades that saw Home Rule, Partition, and four significant political redistricting schemes designed to maintain unionist political majorities in the largely Catholic and nationalist city. Shea weaves local history sources, community folklore, and political discourse together to demonstrate how people maintain their agency in the midst of political and cultural conflict. As a result, the book invites a reconsideration of the genesis of the Troubles and reframes discussions of the "problem" of Irish memory. It will be of interest to anyone interested in Derry and to students and scholars of memory, modern and contemporary British and Irish history, public history, the history of colonization, and popular cultural history.

Contents:
Introduction: The Slavophile Context.
1. Dostoevsky's Ideological Position with Regard to the Slavophile Movement.
2. The Dramatisation in Dostoevsky's Fiction of Themes Found in Slavophile Thought.
3. The Iranian Text: Slavophile Principles Applied to the Practice of Writing.
Concluding Remarks.

The extreme right wing is on the rise. And there are signs that part of the political mainstream in Europe, the US, and beyond is considering going along with far-right populist parties and their divisive, ethno-nationalist programmes. Europe at the Crossroads is an urgent scholarly response to the sociopolitical challenges that far-right programmes pose to the idea of a more egalitarian world. It offers an interdisciplinary explanation and critique of the dynamics of the far right in Europe from Poland to the UK, from Sweden to Greece. The authors present immediate alternatives when tackling the exclusionary rhetoric and the politics of resentment. In formulating alternatives for a social Europe, each contributor critically assesses the current advance of far-right populism and the threat to liberal democracy since the global financial crisis of 2008 and the European refugee movement of 2015. Each chapter addresses the historical roots and normalization of the extreme right, whether Orbanism in Central and Eastern Europe since 2014, the Brexit campaign and referendum in the UK in 2016. As the slogan Fortress Europe once a pejorative term now appeals to large numbers of voters, the authors also analyse the flash points in the run-up to the European Parliament elections in May 2019. Authors: Adam Balcer, European Council on Foreign Relations & University of Warsaw, Poland; Beint Magnus Aamodt Bentsen, Malmoe University, Sweden; Pieter Bevelander, Malmoe University, Sweden; Floris Biskamp, University of Tubingen, Germany; Salomi Boukala, Panteion University of Social & Political Sciences, Athens, Greece; Gianni DAmato, University of Neuchatel & Swiss Forum for Migration and Population Studies, Switzerland; Maureen Eger, Umea University, Sweden; Bernhard Forchtner, University of Leicester, UK; Matthew Feldman, Teesside University & American University in London, UK; Heather Grabbe, Open Society European Policy Institute, Belgium; Stefan Lehne, Carnegie Europe, Belgium & Diplomatic Academy of Vienna, Austria; Sabine Lehner, University of Vienna, Austria; Markus Rheindorf, University of Vienna, Austria; Sarah Valdez, Linkoeping University, Sweden; Ruth Wodak, Lancaster University, UK & University of Vienna, Austria.

Nation and Identity provides a concise and comprehensive account of the place of national identity in modern life. Ross Poole argues that the nation became a fundamental organising principle of social, political and moral life during the period of early modernity and that is has provided the organising principle of much liberal, republican and democratic thought.
Ross Poole offers us a new and urgently needed analysis of the concept of identity, arguing that we are now in a position to envisage the end of nationalism. We see that the impact of issues like multiculturalism, republicanism, and indigenous rights have made it very difficult to see how the possibility of a postnational cosmopolitanism could not degenerate into a nihilistic moral universe.
Nation and Identity will be a fascinating read for all those interested in issues of national identity, both politically and philosophically.

Hard right-wing politics is growing in popularity in America, marked by Donald Trump's success in the 2016 election, and it is worth questioning what this means for the American democratic system. This book seeks to explain the vulnerability of democracies to the appeal of right-wing politics through a contemporary case study of the US, and how democracies are possibly under threat from a conflict between popular attitudes and institutional paralysis. Various forms of American right-wing extremism are examined here, such as the alt-right, the radical right and the Religious right, but their perceived relevance to Trump's victory is questioned. Even still, this book asks the question: can the far-right prevail under the American way?

This book describes the twin evolutions of nation and state from the Middle Ages to the present and links them to stages in European cultural history. The author contrasts the development of the state in different parts of Europe and shows how the concept merged with the idea of the nation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The modern idea of the nation state, he argues, is rooted in the fundamental changes that took place during the industrial, political and cultural evolutions of this period.

Alongside the history of the nation the author charts successive stages in the development of nationalism, offering an explanation of why it was that in the decades preceding the twentieth century the concept of the nation began to take hold of the people at large. The identification of nation with state and the definition of its internal and external enemies laid the ground for the extreme developments of the twentieth century.

In the final part of the book the author traces the attempts in Western Europe since 1945 to come to terms with nationalism; and examines the implications of the rise of nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Peace in Europe is threatened, he suggests, not only by the resurgence of national interests in both East and West but also by the attempts to impose unity on the many unique ways of life that have evolved in the nations of Europe.

Women, Press, and Politics explores the literary and historical significance of women's writing for the most influential body of nationalist journalism during the Irish Revival, the advanced nationalist press. This work studies women's writings in the Irish nationalist tradition, focusing in particular on leading female voices in the cultural and political movements that helped launch the Easter Rising of 1916: Augusta Gregory, Alice Milligan, Maud Gonne, Constance Markievicz, Delia Larkin, Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, and Louise Bennett. Karen Steele argues that by examining the innovative work of these writers from the perspective of women's artistry and women's political investments, we can best appreciate the expansive range of their cultural productions and the influence these had on other nationalists, who went on to shape Irish politics and culture in the decades to come.

Socialists Don't Sleep is about all the sneaky ways the secular left has pressed Socialism into American politics and life - AND WHY CHRISTIANS ARE THE ONLY ONES WHO CAN STOP IT! "Socialists Don't Sleep is one of those timely books that just points out the roots of what's gone wrong in America, how we can get our country back on track to what founders envisioned and the Judeo-Christian community that holds the key to America's long-term successes." - Gov. Mike Huckabee, New York Times Bestselling author & Host of Huckabee "Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez - when it comes to socialism in America, these two aren't the problem. Per se. They're simply symptoms of the real problems that usher in Socialism: a dysfunctional entitlement-minded society, a propaganda-pushing school system, a decayed culture, a sieve-like border. As Cheryl Chumley points out in Socialists Don't Sleep, we can't root out socialism unless we first address the real problems." - Michael Savage, New York Times Bestselling author & host of The Savage Nation Socialists Don't Sleep: Christians Must Rise or America Will Fall tells how America has gone from a country of rights coming from God - NOT government - to a country that embraces Socialism - where the US government is now expected to pretty much provide from cradle to the grave. Cheryl K. Chumley, an award-winning journalist and contributing editor to The Washington Times, explains how to return the country to its glory days of God-given, and why Christians, more than any other group, are best equipped to lead the way. "What is it about the founding principles of America that the secular progressive left would make better? The answer is: Nothing. In her new book, Cheryl Chumley reminds us of those principles and calls on those who still believe in them to engage the failed policies and ideology of Socialism and atheism and to fight back." - Cal Thomas, Nationally-syndicated Conservative Columnist "If you think socialism will inevitably lose at the polls, think again! As Cheryl shows in Socialists Don't Sleep, the far Left - in both political parties - has been eroding our freedoms for decades. The long-term solution must come from the Judeo-Christian community. If the churches don't rise, America is sunk." - Sam & Kevin Sorbo, Writer-Producer-Director Team for Let There Be Light "An important book that shows just how close our country is from losing its freedoms - and why the younger generations need to learn truthful history about capitalism, freedom, and socialism." - Will Witt, PragerU Personality "Socialists Don't Sleep exposes the flawed thinking of the socialist left." - Phil Robertson, New York Times Bestselling author & Star of Duck Dynasty

Who Speaks for Wales? is the first collection of Raymond Williams' writings on Welsh culture, literature, history and politics. It brings together material that has long been overlooked by commentators on his work, and emphasises both the centrality of his Welshness to his work as a whole, and the continuing relevance of his thought for post-devolution Wales. Daniel Williams's introduction offers an original reading of Raymond Williams's career from a Welsh perspective and underlines the ways in which his engagement with Welsh issues makes a significant contribution to contemporary debates on nation, race and class. Who Speaks for Wales? will be essential reading for everyone interested in questions of identity, nationhood and ethnicity in Britain and beyond.

A particular dark triumph of modern nationalism has been its ability to persuade citizens to sacrifice their lives for a political vision forged by emotional ties to a common identity. Both men and women can respond to nationalistic calls to fight that portray muscular warriors defending their nation against an easily recognizable enemy. This "us versus them" mentality can be seen in sectarian violence between Hindus and Muslims, Tamils and Sinhalas, Serbs and Kosovars, and Protestants and Catholics. In Muscular Nationalism, Sikata Banerjee takes a comparative look at India and Ireland and the relationship among gender, violence, and nationalism. Exploring key texts and events from 1914-2004, Banerjee explores how women negotiate "muscular nationalisms" as they seek to be recognized as legitimate nationalists and equal stakeholders in their national struggles. Banerjee argues that the gendered manner in which dominant nationalism has been imagined in most states in the world has had important implications for women's lived experiences. Drawing on a specific intersection of gender and nationalism, she discusses the manner in which women negotiate a political and social terrain infused with a masculinized dream of nation-building. India and Ireland-two states shaped by the legacy of British imperialism and forced to deal with modern political/social conflict centering on competing nationalisms-provide two provocative case studies that illuminate the complex interaction between gender and nation.

The Politics of Self-Determination examines the territorial restructuring of Europe between 1917 and 1923, when a radically new and highly fragile peace order was established. It opens with an exploration of the peace planning efforts of Great Britain, France, and the United States in the final phase of the First World War. It then provides an in-depth view on the practice of Allied border drawing at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, focussing on a new factor in foreign policymaking-academic experts employed by the three Allied states to aid in peace planning and border drawing. This examination of the international level is juxtaposed with two case studies of disputed regions where the newly drawn borders caused ethnic violence, albeit with different results: the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France in 1918-19, and the Greek-Turkish War between 1919 and 1922. A final chapter investigates the approach of the League of Nations to territorial revisionism and minority rights, thereby assessing the chances and dangers of the Paris peace order over the course of the 1920s and 1930s. Volker Prott argues that at both the international and the local levels, the 'temptation of violence' drove key actors to simplify the acclaimed principle of national self-determination and use ethnic definitions of national identity. While the Allies thus hoped to avoid uncomfortable decisions and painstaking efforts to establish an elusive popular will, local elites, administrations, and paramilitary leaders soon used ethnic notions of identity to mobilise popular support under the guise of international legitimacy. Henceforth, national self-determination ceased to be a tool of peace-making and instead became an ideology of violent resistance.

Modern-day Europeans by the millions proudly trace back their national identities to the Celts, Franks, Gauls, Goths, Huns, or Serbs--or some combination of the various peoples who inhabited, traversed, or pillaged their continent more than a thousand years ago. According to Patrick Geary, this is historical nonsense. The idea that national character is fixed for all time in a simpler, distant past is groundless, he argues in this unflinching reconsideration of European nationhood. Few of the peoples that many Europeans honor as sharing their sense of ''nation'' had comparably homogeneous identities; even the Huns, he points out, were firmly united only under Attila's ten-year reign.

Geary dismantles the nationalist myths about how the nations of Europe were born. Through rigorous analysis set in lucid prose, he contrasts the myths with the actual history of Europe's transformation between the fourth and ninth centuries--the period of grand migrations that nationalists hold dear. The nationalist sentiments today increasingly taken for granted in Europe emerged, he argues, only in the nineteenth century. Ironically, this phenomenon was kept alive not just by responsive populations--but by complicit scholars.

Ultimately, Geary concludes, the actual formation of European peoples must be seen as an extended process that began in antiquity and continues in the present. The resulting image is a challenge to those who anchor contemporary antagonisms in ancient myths--to those who claim that immigration and tolerance toward minorities despoil ''nationhood.'' As Geary shows, such ideologues--whether Le Pens who champion ''the French people born with the baptism of Clovis in 496'' or Milosevics who cite early Serbian history to claim rebellious regions--know their myths but not their history.

"The Myth of Nations" will be intensely debated by all who understood that a history that does not change, that reduces the complexities of many centuries to a single, eternal moment, isn't history at all.

"Prague Panoramas" examines the creation of Czech nationalism through monuments, buildings, festivals, and protests in the public spaces of the city during the twentieth century. These "sites of memory" were attempts by civic, religious, cultural, and political forces to create a cohesive sense of self for a country and a people torn by war, foreign occupation, and internal strife.
The Czechs struggled to define their national identity throughout the modern era. Prague, the capital of a diverse area comprising Czechs, Slovaks, Germans, Poles, Ruthenians, and Romany as well as various religious groups including Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, became central to the Czech domination of the region and its identity. These struggles have often played out in violent acts, such as the destruction of religious monuments, or the forced segregation and near extermination of Jews.
During the twentieth century, Prague grew increasingly secular, yet leaders continued to look to religious figures such as Jan Hus and Saint Wenceslas as symbols of Czech heritage. Hus, in particular, became a paladin in the struggle for Czech independence from the Habsburg Empire and Austrian Catholicism.
Through her extensive archival research and personal fieldwork, Cynthia Paces offers a panoramic view of Prague as the cradle of Czech national identity, seen through a vast array of memory sites and objects. From the Gothic Saint Vitus Cathedral, to the Communist Party's reconstruction of Jan Hus's Bethlehem Chapel, to the 1969 self-immolation of student Jan Palach in protest of Soviet occupation, to the Hoskova plaque commemorating the deportation of Jews from Josefov during the Holocaust, Paces reveals the iconography intrinsic to forming a collective memory and the meaning of being a Czech. As her study discerns, that meaning has yet to be clearly defined, and the search for identity continues today.

This book considers the ways that representations of Africa have contributed to the changing nature of British national identity. Using interviews, photo archives, media coverage, advertisements, and web material, the book focuses on major Africa campaigns: the abolition of slavery, anti-apartheid, 'Drop the Debt', and 'Make Poverty History'. Using a hybrid theoretical framework, the book argues that the representation of Africa has been mainly about imagining virtuous Britishness rather than generating detailed understandings of Africa. The book develops this argument through a historical review of 200 years of Africa campaigning. It also looks more closely at recent and contemporary campaigning, opening up new issues and possibilities for campaigning: the increasing use of consumer identities, electronic media, and aspects of globalisation. This book will be of interest to anyone interested in postcolonial politics, relations between Britain and Africa, and development studies. -- .

At a moment when nationalism is resurgent and stubbornly refuses to obey past predictions of its imminent demise, a scholarly return to the inaugurating eighteenth-century debates about nationalism, nations and the nation state seems not only desirable but necessary. This collection of essays surveys the issues under eight headings, with the French Revolution as a recurring reference point - not least because of the tension within the Revolution between national interests and universal aspirations, a tension that arguably continues to beset modern ideas of the nation. The volume offers a broad survey of current thinking on the eighteenth-century nation and the emerging nationalisms of the age. Clusters of essays provide extended treatment of the certain major topics, while others give unexpected sidelights involving figures as diverse as John Toland (Irish philosopher) and Brillat-Savarin (French gastronome and cosmopolitan nationalist). All combine to provide a clear focus on an area of eighteenth-century studies of continuing relevance to the modern reader in Europe and beyond.

What does 'masculinity' mean today? On Being a Man brings together four men to consider the condition of Scottish men, reflect on their own backgrounds and experiences, and confront some of the most difficult issues men face. These include the changing roles of men in Scottish society, the role of work and employment. What it means to be a man is very different from forty years ago: in terms of expectations, relationships, how men relate to partners, bring up children and what constitutes a modern family. However, there is a dark side of Scottish masculinity - seen in the drinking, violent, abusive behaviour of some Scots men, and this book addresses this directly, getting into issues many of us often shy away from confronting. Draws on the wide-ranging voices of: journalist, writer and broadcaster, David Torrance; founder of a youth employment and mentoring charity, Sandy Campbell; public health researcher, Pete Seaman; and former policeman and head of the violence reduction unit, John Carnochan.

This book explores how the multiplicity of nationalist parties across the European Union have embraced or refused the process of European integration and made it a platform for transnational coordination in the European arena. The author analyzes how opposing pro-European minority nationalist parties and Eurosceptic populist nationalist parties have diversely politicized European integration over the past three decades and engage in different patterns of Europeanization. Tracing their divergent trajectories of transnational coordination, the book examines the common challenges these opposing nationalist party families face and their systematic fragmentation in the European arena. The book offers a novel approach to understanding the conditions for the emergence of truly European nationalist party families, based on the interaction of ideological, strategic and institutional variables that underpin the Europeanization of heterogeneous nationalisms. Nationalisms in the European Arena will be of interest to students and scholars across a range of disciplines including sociology and political science. It contributes to the increasing literature on identity politics in the European Union and reveals the mechanisms behind why the European arena is adverse to the political translation and organization of domestic nationalisms as distinctive European actors.