This collection argues that although constitutionalism has traditionally been the primary mechanism for facilitating the mutual accommodation of sub-state and state national societies in plurinational states.

This book brings together essays by leading political, legal, and educational theorists to re-examine the requirements of citizenship education in liberal-democratic societies. The chapters in the book evaluate demands by minority groups for cultural recognition through education, and also examine arguments for and against citizenship education as a means of fostering a shared national identity.

This book focuses on ethnic nationalism and its universality as a phenomenon in world politics. By employing case studies, the essays demonstrate the past, current, and future persistence of this fragmenting tendency and its implications for various regional and world-wide political dynamics. By its very comprehensiveness and geographic case diversity, the study provides evidence that there are two simultaneous (and sometimes contradictory) dynamics taking place in the international political arena--integration and fragmentation. This collection of essays analyzes fragmentation. There are significant implications for description, analysis, evaluation, and prescriptive policy in international relations. This book challenges the bias in post-war America (and the West overall) that the preeminent, if not exclusive, political behavior tendency in regional and world politics is integration of actors and their behavior. While not seeking to refute or deny integration, it suggests balancing the analysis of international politics by upgrading the fragmentation tendencies based upon a very basic phenomenon--ethnic nationalism.

This work rejects the view that the growth of Irish nationalism, Afrikaner nationalism and Zionism was due primarily to issues of race, religion or language. Instead, drawing on an analytical framework and close historical analysis, it shows how their ultimate success was the result of political, economic and organizational factors conditioned by sustained conflict with the existing state and other ethnic groups.

With Eyes Toward Zion II is a collection of papers by distinguished scholars who have set out to rediscover the Holy Land and what it means to America. They delve into the hundreds of books and pamphlets that have been written by archaeologists, historians, scientists, Biblical scholars, American consuls, novelists, missionaries, tourists, and, above all, settlers and builders of the land. What results is an overview of the relationship between the American people and the Holy Land until the birth of the State of Israel in 1948.

The established theories and debates on nationalism were formed in the twin crucibles of Eighteenth-century Europe and America, and continue to be informed by that heritage. Reconstructing the Nation in Africa challenges some of the key principles that underlie the current debates on nationalism by exploring in depth the experience of multinational states in Africa. Taking Ghana as a case study, Michael Amoah introduces and develops two important new contributions to the theoretical tapestry of nationalism --the Rationalisation of Nationalism and Reconstructing the Nation, concepts that should have wide use and currency in the broader discussion of the national phenomenon. Reconstructing the Nation in Africa argues that the nationhood of Ghana is not rooted in modernity as is generally thought, and attempts to show by analysis of the microbehavior of its population that traditional views on the viability of the multinational state do not necessarily hold true for modern-day Africa.

In this illuminating comparative study, three generations of leading American and German scholars explore the phenomenon of nationalism in Germany and the United States, from the Declaration of Independence to the fall of the Berlin Wall. The book identifies and defines the similarities and differences between American nationalism, based on an ideology of inherent rights and faith in the 'American dream', and the 'blood and soil' nationalism of Germany. In the process, contributors encounter striking differences between the role of national symbols and the representation of the nation in both countries, and equally revealing parallels regarding the role of political and social movements, as well as the way in which colonial aggression has been related to a nationalistic discourse at home.
This interdisciplinary book focuses on five areas:
politics (American republicanism and German monarchism)
culture (art, architecture, and the arts)
warfare and militarism
the writing of national history
the role of political and social movements
This book not only represents a major contribution to studies of German and American history, but, through the uniqueness of its comparative approach, provides profound insights into the concept of nationalism and signals the way for future comparative research.

Many nations--groups sharing linguistic and cultural bonds--still have not found a true homeland. This phenomenon is examined in a scholarly study: Global Mini-Nationalisms. This book--the work of noted historian Louis L. Snyder--provides a comparative examination of the forces of mini-nationalism at work all over the world. Several sections consider the resurgence of nationalist tendencies in the various republics of the Soviet Union, nationalist movements within African countries, and those in the Middle East.

As violence and turmoil continue to define the former Yugoslavia, basic questions remain unanswered: What are the forces behind the Serbian expansionist drive that has brought death and destruction to Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo? How did the Serbs rationalize, and rally support for, this genocidal activity?

Heavenly Serbia traces Serbia's nationalist and expansionist impulses to the legendary battle of Kosovo in 1389. Anzulovic shows how the myth of "Heavenly Serbia" developed to help the Serbs endure foreign domination, explaining their military defeat and the loss of their medieval state by emphasizing their own moral superiority over military victory. Heavenly Serbia shows how this myth resulted in an aggressive nationalist ideology which has triumphed in the late twentieth century and marginalized those Serbs who strive for the establishment of a civil society.

"Modern Serbian nationalism...and its contradictory connections...have been sources of considerable scholarly interest...Branimir Anzulovic's compendium is a good example of the genre, made all the more useful by Anzulovic's excellent command of the literature."
--Ivo Banac, "History of Religions"

Author interview with CNN: http: //www.cnn.com/chat/transcripts/branimir_chat.html

In 1806 an anonymous Greek book called for a republican government, patterned upon that of the young United States, to be established in Greece, then long the rule of the Ottoman Empire. The “Americanization” of Greece presupposed independence. The book’s author, Count John Capo d'Istria, was carried away by his own version of the “American Dream,” but was also in touch with another inspirational power, Russia, which made him its foreign minister despite his attraction to the ideas of revolutionaries, Russia’s Decembrists, who wanted democratic government in their country. Capo d’Istria was only identified as the early author of calls for a Greek Republic in the 2010s. In this revelatory new book, Dimitris Michalopoulos follows his career and that of Alexander Hypsilantis, a Greek who became a general of the Russian army and tried to attract Russia’s interest in a democratic revolution for Greece.

This volume presents a broad survey of the Republikaner Party, its program and ideology, its organization, and the composition of its voters and sympathizers. The authors maintain that any analysis of the Republikaners must distinguish between the party as represented by its platform and party officials, and the party as seen by its voters. Republikaners draw potential voters from two very differently motivated groups: (1) a small, ideologically oriented segment dominated by right-wing conservative and right-fringe extremist attitudes, and (2) a larger, flucating pool of sympathizers less committed to the REP and primarily concerned with economic and social issues. Until recently, the Republikaners were mainly able to exploit narrowly focused, pent-up resentments. The "foreigner problem" is at the center of Republikaners' propaganda and serves as a catalyst that adroitly combines numerous related social problems such as housing shortage, unemployment, and the widespread fear of being shunted aside by "interlopers." Although the Republikaners still lack the social foundation and ideological consensus necessary to build a stable core constituency, the organization serves as a vehicle for diverse protest. The authors warn that the Republikaners potentially comprise a base for organizing a party on the far right of the German political spectrum.

The on-going crisis in Syria has not only affected those caught within the country's borders, but with the deluge of refugees fleeing the violence, it has also had an impact on the surrounding countries. Lebanon, together with the province of Hatay in Turkey (containing Antakya) and the Golan Heights were all originally part of French Mandate Syria, but are now all outside the boundaries of the modern Syrian state. The policies and reactions of Syria both to the loss of these territories and to the states that have either emerged from, absorbed or annexed them (Lebanon, Turkey and Israel) are the focus of Emma Lundgren Jorum's book. Beyond Syria's Borders highlights the differences between actual policy on the one hand and rhetoric and discourse on the other when it comes to each of these three cases. It does so in order to understand the nature of not only territorial dispute in the region, but also the processes of state-building and nationalism more generally.Covering the formation of the Syrian Arab Republic from the fall of the Ottoman Empire through to the twenty-y rst century, Lundgren Jorum examines the ways in which Syrian views of these lost territories have changed over time. Through the examination of Syria's foreign policies towards these lost territories, Lundgren Jorum sets out and analyses Syrian-Turkish, Syrian-Lebanese and Syrian-Israeli relations. In doing so, she advances particular conceptions of nationalism to explain why Syria views certain lost territories as more valuable than others and why some losses have been pushed to one side and others remain at the forefront in Syria's international relations and diplomacy efforts, despite, and sometimes because of, the current con ict. Lundgren Jorum's examination of Syria's responses to the loss of territory is thus vital for any reader attempting to understand the workings of Syrian foreign policy, impacting everything from Syria's role in the Middle East to the wider Arab-Israeli con ict. This makes it vital for those researching both the history of border conflicts in the region as well as the current crisis.

For migrant communities residing outside of their home countries, various transnational media have played a key role in maintaining, reviving and transforming ethnic and religious identities. A vital element is how media outlets report and represent ethno-national conflict in the home country. Janroj Yilmaz Keles here examines how this plays out among Kurdish and Turkish communities in Europe. He offers an analysis of how Turkish and Kurdish migrants in Europe react to the myriad mediated narratives. A vital element is how media outlets report and represent the ethno-national conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdish PKK.Janroj Yilmaz Keles here offers an examination of how Turkish and Kurdish migrants in Europe react to the myriad narratives that arise. Taking as his starting point an analysis of the nature of nationalisms in the modern age, Keles shows how language is often a central element in the struggle for hegemony within a state. The media has become a site for the clash of representations in both Turkish and Kurdish languages, especially for those based in the diaspora in Europe. These 'virtual communities', connected by television and the internet, in turn influence and are influenced by the way the conflict between the Turkish state and subaltern Kurds is played out, both in the media and on the ground.By looking at first, second and third generations of Turkish and Kurdish populations in Europe, Keles highlights the dynamics of migration, settlement and integration that often depend on the policies of each settlement country. Since these settlement states often see the proliferation of such media as an impediment to integration, Media, Diaspora and Conflict offers timely analysis concerning the nature of diasporas and the construction of identity.

The activities of pro-Israel pressure groups and lobbyists in the US are well-known. But the pro-Israel lobby in Europe is less prominent in both academic and media accounts. In a unique account, Elvira King identifies the pro-Israeli groups which attempt to influence policy-makers and implementers in the EU, specifically examining Christian Zionist groups. Through a detailed study of the European Coalition for Israel (ECI), the only Christian Zionist lobby in Brussels, Elvira King analyses whether and how a religious group can (and can fail to) influence decision-makers in the EU. By exploring the context of European relations with Israel as well as the mechanisms through which pressure groups are able to influence EU-wide policies, King offers an analysis which demonstrates how the EU can be a site where religion and politics meet, rather than just being a secular institution. It therefore contains vital primary research for both those interested in the pro-Israel lobby as well as those examining the role of religion in politics more generally.

This work, completed by Neubauer on the very eve of his death in 2015, complements both his benchmark The Emancipation of Music from Language (Yale UP, 1986) and his History of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe (John Benjamins, 2004-10). It thematizes Romantic interest in oral speech, its poetical usage in music and musical discourse, and its political usage in the national-communitarian cult of the vernacular community. Subtly and with great erudition, Neubauer traces in different genres and fields the many transnational cross-currents around Romantic cultural criticism and writings on music and language, offering not only fresh analytical insights but also a rich account of the interaction between Romantic aesthetics and cultural nationalism.

The Turkish Republic was formed out of immense bloodshed and carnage. During the decade leading up to the end of the Ottoman Empire and the ascendancy of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, virtually every town and village throughout Anatolia was wracked by intercommunal violence. Sorrowful Shores presents a unique, on-the-ground history of these bloody years of social and political transformation.
Challenging the determinism associated with nationalist interpretations of Turkish history between 1912 and 1923, Ryan Gingeras delves deeper into this period of transition between empire and nation-state. Looking closely at a corner of territory immediately south of the old Ottoman capital of Istanbul, he traces the evolution of various communities of native Christians and immigrant Muslims against the backdrop of the Balkan Wars, the First World War, the Armenian Genocide, the Turkish War of Independence, and the Greek occupation of the region.
Drawing on new sources from the Ottoman archives, Gingeras demonstrates how violence was organised at the local level. Arguing against the prevailing view of the conflict as a war between monolithic ethnic groups driven by fanaticism and ancient hatreds, he reveals instead the culpability of several competing states in fanning successive waves of bloodshed.

The French revolution had an electrifying impact on Irish society. The 1970s saw the birth of modern Irish republicanism and Orangeism, whose antagonism remains a defining feature of Irish political life. The 1970s also saw the birth of a new approach to Ireland within important elements of the British political elite, men like Pitt and Castlereagh. Strongly influenced by Edmund Burke, they argued that Britain's strategic interests were best served by a policy of catholic emancipation and political integration in Ireland. Britain's failure to achieve this objective, dramatised by the horrifying tragedy of the Irish famine of 1846-50, in which a million Irish died, set the context for the emergence of a popular mass nationalism, expressed in the Fenian, Parnell, and Sinn Fein movements, which eventually expelled Britain from the greater part of the island.
This book reassesses all the key leaders of Irish nationalism - Tone, O'Connell, Butt, Parnell, Collins, and de Valera - alongside key British political leaders such as Peel and Gladstone in the nineteenth century, or Winston Churchill and Tony Blair in the twentieth century. A study of the changing ideological passions of the modern Irish question, this analysis is, however, firmly placed in the context of changing social and economic realities.
Using a vast range of original sources, Paul Bew holds together the worlds of political class in London, Dublin, and Belfast in one coherent analysis which takes the reader all the way from the society of the United Irishman to the crisis of the Good Friday Agreement.

Cities have emerged as the epicentres for many of today's ethno-national and religious conflicts. In twelve multidisciplinary essays, Locating Urban Conflicts: Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Everyday brings together key themes that dominate our current political, social and cultural attention: emerging areas of contestation in rapidly changing and modernising cities, the resulting forms of habitation and spatial practice, and the effects of extreme and/or enduring conflicts upon ordinary civilian life. Such problems may be generated by larger state and regional issues to do with national identity, borders and territory, but in all cases, everyday life is regularly affected, with strong consequences for the urban arena. Section themes on Spatial Horizons, Reassessing Divisions, and Being Modern, cross-cut the research on cities in Europe and the Middle East, identifying common concerns against which the examples in this volume can be considered. Together the chapters reveal critical issues affecting ethno-national conflict in cities today.

For more than forty years, Western policymakers defined communism as the central threat to international peace and stability. They responded by confronting it with a counterbalancing threat of force, and pursuing a strategy of containment. With the collapse of communism, the challenge to peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic community has changed. Soviet expansionism has been supplanted by powerful, internal forces arising out of the clash of competing ethnic nationalisms. This challenge, argues Steven L. Burg, cannot be met by force alone, or neutralized through a strategy of containment. It requires Western states to act decisively to influence the internal political development of the post- communist states themselves.

Burg surveys the challenges that the ethnic diversity in Eastern Europe present to domestic stability, international peace, and American interests, and suggests policies and practices by which the United States and its allies might contribute to the consolidation of peace in the region. He provides a concise explanation and analysis of the issues, evaluates the usefulness of scholarly approaches to the resolution of ethnic conflicts, and offers a strategy of what he calls preventive engagement by which policymakers may prevent conflicts such as the one that destroyed the former Yugoslavia.

War or Peace? offers clear and direct recommendations to guide both interested citizens and national policymakers as they attempt to grapple with the complexities of ethnic and nationalist politics in Europe.

In the post-communist era it has become evident that the emerging democracies in Eastern Europe will be determined by many factors, only some of them political. Throughout the region, the Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Greek Catholic churches have tried to impose their views on democracy through direct political engagement. Moreover, surveys show that the churches (and the army) enjoy more popular confidence than elected political bodies such as parliaments. These results reflect widespread disenchantment with a democratization process that has allowed politicians to advance their own agendas rather than work to solve the urgent socio-economic problems these countries face. In this penetrating study, Lavinia Stan and Lucian Turcescu investigate the interaction of religion and politics in one such country, Romania. Facing internal challenges and external competitions from other religions old and new, the Orthodox Church in Romania has sought to consolidate its position and ensure Romania's version of democracy recognizes its privileged position of "national Church," enforcing the Church's stances on issues such as homosexuality and abortion. The post-communist state and political elite in turn rely on the Church for compliance with educational and cultural policies and to quell the insistent demands of the Hungarian minority for autonomy.
Stan and Turcescu examine the complex relationship between church and state in this new Romania, providing analysis in key areas: church collaboration with communist authorities, post-communist electoral politics, nationalism and ethno-politics, restitution of Greek Catholic property, religious education, and sexual behavior and reproduction. As thefirst scholars to be given access to confidential materials from the archives of the communist political police, the notorious Securitate, Stan and Turcescu also examine church archives, legislation, news reports, and interviews with politicians and church leaders. This study will move the debate from common analyses of nationalism in isolation to more comprehensive investigations which consider the impact of religious actors on a multitude of other issues relevant to the political and social life of the country.

Kecmanovic deals with the phenomenon of ethnonationalism, both as a broad, worldwide concern and as a key ingredient to the struggles in the former Yugoslavia. As in the former Yugoslavia, the rise of ethnonationalistic sentiments and attitudes coincided with the transition from a state-and party-run affair to a new, post-communist type of government and society. Drawing upon his personal experiences in Sarajevo, Kecmanovic provides a unique view of the conflict.

In a style accessible to students and general readers, he traces the transformations of leading principles, value systems, behavioral patterns, and views of people in times of severe ethnic tensions. At times nearly novelistic, the book examines epidemic ethnonationalism and individual manifestations such as violence toward members of other groups, beliefs that ethnic differences are genetic, a need to aggrandize and even manufacture differences between communities.

The New Nationalism and the First World War is an edited volume dedicated to a transnational study of the features of the turn-of-the-century nationalism, its manifestations in social and political arenas and the arts, and its influence on the development of the global-scale conflict that was the First World War.

Nationalism was regarded as a positive force shaping "modern" societies and states but in Europe it has been overshadowed by the disasters of two world wars. Outside Europe it has continued to enjoy a heyday throughout the 20th century. Covering Turkey, Iran, Abghazia, Uzbekistan, Tajikstan, Afganistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, this study lays bare the counter-forces unleashed by the project of nationalist modernization, and the stimulation of identity politics as the result of ruthless repression of minority languages, culture, traditions and religion - the life-blood of minority ethnicity. This study examines how these policies, which include Islam as the basis of nation-building in, for example, Pakistan and the post-Pahlavi Iran, have strengthened identity politics and the movements for opting out of the nation.