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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political ideologies > Nationalism
This book intervenes in discussions of the fate of nationalism and national identity by exploring the relationship between state appropriation of marketing and branding strategies on the one hand, and, on the other, the commercial mobilization of nationalist discourses.
Internationalism is generally considered to be a major feature of the labour movement, and to hold a far more powerful appeal for workers' organizations than national identity. However, this revisionist book argues that, in fact, it is the national dimension which is of utmost importance to workers' organizations, and that national questions have often compelled workers to engage in struggles on different levels. Through detailed case studies of trade union involvement in Northern Ireland, Italy, Spain, Belgium, Austria and Europe generally, contributors tackle subjects long neglected by labour historians and overturn the accepted wisdom that nationalism and the labour movement are irreconcilably opposed. This analysis of how international agendas are influenced by nationalist politics is unique, and the case-studies offer a dynamic description of the different ways in which nationalist values meet with trade union ideas and practices.The high standard of scholarship and the combination of historical and contemporary material make this book essential reading for students and researchers of labour history, politics, political theory and area studies.
This annotated bibliography concentrates upon readily available secondary sources in the field of Scottish studies. It introduces readers, whether scholar or generalist, to the key names, ideas, and works of Scottish nationalism in the twentieth century. It also provides information on the cultural manifestations of this nationalism in poetry, language, and the arts. The bibliography guides the researcher to convenient sources for subjects such as language revival, the cultural dimension of Scottish nationalism, the work of Hugh MacDiarmid, the Scottish Nationalist party, the Scottish renaissance, and much more. 894 annotated items cover articles, pamphlets, books, and chapters in books that have appeared in Britain and the United States between 1900 and 1983. The citations provide the information necessary to purchase these items, to find them in libraries, or to acquire them through interlibrary loan.
This collection argues that although constitutionalism has traditionally been the primary mechanism for facilitating the mutual accommodation of sub-state and state national societies in plurinational states.
In the second haft of the nineteenth century, Jewish nationalism developed in Europe. One vital form of this nationalism that took root at the beginning of the twentieth century in Eastern Europe was the Yiddishist movement, which held that the Yiddish language and culture should be at the center of any Jewish nationalist efforts. As with most European concepts of folklore, the romantic-nationalist ideas of J. G. Herder on the volk were crucial in the formulation of the study and collection of Yiddish folklore. Herder's volk, however, denoted the peasantry, whereas Polish Jewry were an urban population. This difference determined the focus and pioneering work that this group of collectors accomplished. Defining the Yiddish Nation examines how these folklorists sought to connect their identity with the Jewish past but simultaneously develop Yiddishism, a movement whose eventual outcome would be an autonomous Jewish national culture and a break with the biblical past. Itzik Nakhmen Gottesman analyzes the evolution of Yiddish folklore and its role in the creation of Yiddish nationalism in Poland between the two world wars. Gottesman studies three important folklore circles in Poland: the Warsaw group led by Noyekh Prilutski, the S. Ansky Vilne Jewish Historic-Ethnographic Society, and the Ethnographic Commission d the Yivo Institute in Vilne. This book is much more than a study of the evolution of one particular folklore tradition, it is a look into the formation of a nationalist movement. Defining the Yiddish Nation will prove invaluable for scholars of Jewish studies and Yiddish folklore.
This book brings together essays by leading political, legal, and educational theorists to re-examine the requirements of citizenship education in liberal-democratic societies. The chapters in the book evaluate demands by minority groups for cultural recognition through education, and also examine arguments for and against citizenship education as a means of fostering a shared national identity.
This work rejects the view that the growth of Irish nationalism, Afrikaner nationalism and Zionism was due primarily to issues of race, religion or language. Instead, drawing on an analytical framework and close historical analysis, it shows how their ultimate success was the result of political, economic and organizational factors conditioned by sustained conflict with the existing state and other ethnic groups.
This book focuses on ethnic nationalism and its universality as a phenomenon in world politics. By employing case studies, the essays demonstrate the past, current, and future persistence of this fragmenting tendency and its implications for various regional and world-wide political dynamics. By its very comprehensiveness and geographic case diversity, the study provides evidence that there are two simultaneous (and sometimes contradictory) dynamics taking place in the international political arena--integration and fragmentation. This collection of essays analyzes fragmentation. There are significant implications for description, analysis, evaluation, and prescriptive policy in international relations. This book challenges the bias in post-war America (and the West overall) that the preeminent, if not exclusive, political behavior tendency in regional and world politics is integration of actors and their behavior. While not seeking to refute or deny integration, it suggests balancing the analysis of international politics by upgrading the fragmentation tendencies based upon a very basic phenomenon--ethnic nationalism.
With Eyes Toward Zion II is a collection of papers by distinguished scholars who have set out to rediscover the Holy Land and what it means to America. They delve into the hundreds of books and pamphlets that have been written by archaeologists, historians, scientists, Biblical scholars, American consuls, novelists, missionaries, tourists, and, above all, settlers and builders of the land. What results is an overview of the relationship between the American people and the Holy Land until the birth of the State of Israel in 1948.
The established theories and debates on nationalism were formed in the twin crucibles of Eighteenth-century Europe and America, and continue to be informed by that heritage. Reconstructing the Nation in Africa challenges some of the key principles that underlie the current debates on nationalism by exploring in depth the experience of multinational states in Africa. Taking Ghana as a case study, Michael Amoah introduces and develops two important new contributions to the theoretical tapestry of nationalism --the Rationalisation of Nationalism and Reconstructing the Nation, concepts that should have wide use and currency in the broader discussion of the national phenomenon. Reconstructing the Nation in Africa argues that the nationhood of Ghana is not rooted in modernity as is generally thought, and attempts to show by analysis of the microbehavior of its population that traditional views on the viability of the multinational state do not necessarily hold true for modern-day Africa.
In this illuminating comparative study, three generations of
leading American and German scholars explore the phenomenon of
nationalism in Germany and the United States, from the Declaration
of Independence to the fall of the Berlin Wall. The book identifies
and defines the similarities and differences between American
nationalism, based on an ideology of inherent rights and faith in
the 'American dream', and the 'blood and soil' nationalism of
Germany. In the process, contributors encounter striking
differences between the role of national symbols and the
representation of the nation in both countries, and equally
revealing parallels regarding the role of political and social
movements, as well as the way in which colonial aggression has been
related to a nationalistic discourse at home.
This interdisciplinary volume explains the phenomenon of nationalism in nineteenth-century Europe through the prism of Graeco-Roman antiquity. Through a series of case studies covering a broad range of source material, it demonstrates the different purposes the heritage of the classical world was put to during a turbulent period in European history. Contributors include classicists, historians, archaeologists, art historians and others.
Many nations--groups sharing linguistic and cultural bonds--still have not found a true homeland. This phenomenon is examined in a scholarly study: Global Mini-Nationalisms. This book--the work of noted historian Louis L. Snyder--provides a comparative examination of the forces of mini-nationalism at work all over the world. Several sections consider the resurgence of nationalist tendencies in the various republics of the Soviet Union, nationalist movements within African countries, and those in the Middle East.
As violence and turmoil continue to define the former Yugoslavia, basic questions remain unanswered: What are the forces behind the Serbian expansionist drive that has brought death and destruction to Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo? How did the Serbs rationalize, and rally support for, this genocidal activity? Heavenly Serbia traces Serbia's nationalist and expansionist impulses to the legendary battle of Kosovo in 1389. Anzulovic shows how the myth of "Heavenly Serbia" developed to help the Serbs endure foreign domination, explaining their military defeat and the loss of their medieval state by emphasizing their own moral superiority over military victory. Heavenly Serbia shows how this myth resulted in an aggressive nationalist ideology which has triumphed in the late twentieth century and marginalized those Serbs who strive for the establishment of a civil society. "Modern Serbian nationalism...and its contradictory
connections...have been sources of considerable scholarly
interest...Branimir Anzulovic's compendium is a good example of the
genre, made all the more useful by Anzulovic's excellent command of
the literature." Author interview with CNN: http: //www.cnn.com/chat/transcripts/branimir_chat.html
This volume presents a broad survey of the Republikaner Party, its program and ideology, its organization, and the composition of its voters and sympathizers. The authors maintain that any analysis of the Republikaners must distinguish between the party as represented by its platform and party officials, and the party as seen by its voters. Republikaners draw potential voters from two very differently motivated groups: (1) a small, ideologically oriented segment dominated by right-wing conservative and right-fringe extremist attitudes, and (2) a larger, flucating pool of sympathizers less committed to the REP and primarily concerned with economic and social issues. Until recently, the Republikaners were mainly able to exploit narrowly focused, pent-up resentments. The "foreigner problem" is at the center of Republikaners' propaganda and serves as a catalyst that adroitly combines numerous related social problems such as housing shortage, unemployment, and the widespread fear of being shunted aside by "interlopers." Although the Republikaners still lack the social foundation and ideological consensus necessary to build a stable core constituency, the organization serves as a vehicle for diverse protest. The authors warn that the Republikaners potentially comprise a base for organizing a party on the far right of the German political spectrum.
The on-going crisis in Syria has not only affected those caught within the country's borders, but with the deluge of refugees fleeing the violence, it has also had an impact on the surrounding countries. Lebanon, together with the province of Hatay in Turkey (containing Antakya) and the Golan Heights were all originally part of French Mandate Syria, but are now all outside the boundaries of the modern Syrian state. The policies and reactions of Syria both to the loss of these territories and to the states that have either emerged from, absorbed or annexed them (Lebanon, Turkey and Israel) are the focus of Emma Lundgren Jorum's book. Beyond Syria's Borders highlights the differences between actual policy on the one hand and rhetoric and discourse on the other when it comes to each of these three cases. It does so in order to understand the nature of not only territorial dispute in the region, but also the processes of state-building and nationalism more generally.Covering the formation of the Syrian Arab Republic from the fall of the Ottoman Empire through to the twenty-y rst century, Lundgren Jorum examines the ways in which Syrian views of these lost territories have changed over time. Through the examination of Syria's foreign policies towards these lost territories, Lundgren Jorum sets out and analyses Syrian-Turkish, Syrian-Lebanese and Syrian-Israeli relations. In doing so, she advances particular conceptions of nationalism to explain why Syria views certain lost territories as more valuable than others and why some losses have been pushed to one side and others remain at the forefront in Syria's international relations and diplomacy efforts, despite, and sometimes because of, the current con ict. Lundgren Jorum's examination of Syria's responses to the loss of territory is thus vital for any reader attempting to understand the workings of Syrian foreign policy, impacting everything from Syria's role in the Middle East to the wider Arab-Israeli con ict. This makes it vital for those researching both the history of border conflicts in the region as well as the current crisis.
For migrant communities residing outside of their home countries, various transnational media have played a key role in maintaining, reviving and transforming ethnic and religious identities. A vital element is how media outlets report and represent ethno-national conflict in the home country. Janroj Yilmaz Keles here examines how this plays out among Kurdish and Turkish communities in Europe. He offers an analysis of how Turkish and Kurdish migrants in Europe react to the myriad mediated narratives. A vital element is how media outlets report and represent the ethno-national conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdish PKK.Janroj Yilmaz Keles here offers an examination of how Turkish and Kurdish migrants in Europe react to the myriad narratives that arise. Taking as his starting point an analysis of the nature of nationalisms in the modern age, Keles shows how language is often a central element in the struggle for hegemony within a state. The media has become a site for the clash of representations in both Turkish and Kurdish languages, especially for those based in the diaspora in Europe. These 'virtual communities', connected by television and the internet, in turn influence and are influenced by the way the conflict between the Turkish state and subaltern Kurds is played out, both in the media and on the ground.By looking at first, second and third generations of Turkish and Kurdish populations in Europe, Keles highlights the dynamics of migration, settlement and integration that often depend on the policies of each settlement country. Since these settlement states often see the proliferation of such media as an impediment to integration, Media, Diaspora and Conflict offers timely analysis concerning the nature of diasporas and the construction of identity.
The activities of pro-Israel pressure groups and lobbyists in the US are well-known. But the pro-Israel lobby in Europe is less prominent in both academic and media accounts. In a unique account, Elvira King identifies the pro-Israeli groups which attempt to influence policy-makers and implementers in the EU, specifically examining Christian Zionist groups. Through a detailed study of the European Coalition for Israel (ECI), the only Christian Zionist lobby in Brussels, Elvira King analyses whether and how a religious group can (and can fail to) influence decision-makers in the EU. By exploring the context of European relations with Israel as well as the mechanisms through which pressure groups are able to influence EU-wide policies, King offers an analysis which demonstrates how the EU can be a site where religion and politics meet, rather than just being a secular institution. It therefore contains vital primary research for both those interested in the pro-Israel lobby as well as those examining the role of religion in politics more generally.
Nationalism was declared dead too early. At the end of the Cold War, the postnational age was announced and liberalism claimed to have been victorious. Simultaneously, a postnational order was proclaimed. Transnational alliances like the European Union were thought to become much more important in international relations. Instead, we witnessed the rise of various forms of strong nationalisms all over the globe during the early twenty-first century and right-wing parties gaining more and more votes in elections often characterized by heavily nationalist agendas. This volume shows how nationalist dreams and fears determine politics in an age that was supposed to witness a rather peaceful coexistence amongst nations by those who consider transnational ideas more valuable than national demands. The case studies in the book offer explanations of how and why nationalism made its way back to the common consciousness and which elements stimulated the re-establishment of the aggressive nation-state. Continuities of empire, actual or imagined, as well as the role of "foreign-" and "otherness" for nationalist narratives, are key in order to explain how, among other factors, globalization stimulated the rise of twenty-first century nationalisms.
This work, completed by Neubauer on the very eve of his death in 2015, complements both his benchmark The Emancipation of Music from Language (Yale UP, 1986) and his History of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe (John Benjamins, 2004-10). It thematizes Romantic interest in oral speech, its poetical usage in music and musical discourse, and its political usage in the national-communitarian cult of the vernacular community. Subtly and with great erudition, Neubauer traces in different genres and fields the many transnational cross-currents around Romantic cultural criticism and writings on music and language, offering not only fresh analytical insights but also a rich account of the interaction between Romantic aesthetics and cultural nationalism.
"Tribal Worlds" considers the emergence and general project of indigenous nationhood in several geographical and historical settings in Native North America. Ethnographers and historians address issues of belonging, peoplehood, sovereignty, conflict, economy, identity, and colonialism among the Northern Cheyenne and Kiowa on the Plains, several groups of the Ojibwe, the Makah of the Northwest, and two groups of Iroquois. Featuring a new essay by the eminent senior scholar Anthony F. C. Wallace on recent ethnographic work he has done in the Tuscarora community, as well as provocative essays by junior scholars, "Tribal Worlds" explores how indigenous nationhood has emerged and been maintained in the face of aggressive efforts to assimilate Native peoples. |
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