This local study of Borneo's borderlands has global meaning. It explores how states materialize their territoriality and how people define themselves as a community, nation and ethnic group. Scholars across the humanities and social sciences will learn much from this masterful linking of history and ethnography, and of macro and micro perspectives. It reassesses the concept of nationalism by placing it in a real frontier situation. It is a study located in Borneo but of wide relevance across the humanities and social sciences.

'Independence in Europe', adopted by the Scottish National Party (SNP) as its core policy in 1988, has become part and parcel of contemporary Scottish nationalism. But is this not a contradiction in terms? Nationalistic logic dictates that one cannot demand independence while accepting the constraints that come with membership of the European Union. This book takes up that question and explores the conditions that have emerged and become integrated with Scottish society today. In this innovative study, Atsuko Ichijo argues that the idea of 'Independence in Europe' acquired coherence because of two factors: first, there are a variety of images of Europe that the people from that continent have developed over millennia; second, there is a large depository of images of Scotland that the people of Scotland have cultivated over centuries. The diversity of images available has made it possible for contemporary Scots to pick and choose the images of Scotland and Europe that reflect their aspirations and hence to create a coherent world-view. 'pro-European' dimension of Scottish nationalism and its implications for the UK. The book also argues for the necessity of examining the uses of history in seeking to understand the 'new' nationalisms of contemporary Europe. This book will be of great interest to students and researchers of British political history, nationalism and contemporary European politics.

In Europe today, staunchly nationalist parties such as France's National Front and the Austrian Freedom Party are identified as far-right movements, though supporters seldom embrace that label. More often, "far right" is pejorative, used by liberals to tar these groups with the taint of Fascism, Nazism, and other discredited ideologies. Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg's critical look at the far right throughout Europe-from the United Kingdom to France, Germany, Poland, Italy, and elsewhere-reveals a prehistory and politics more complex than the stereotypes suggest and warns of the challenges these movements pose to the EU's liberal-democratic order. The European far right represents a confluence of many ideologies: nationalism, socialism, anti-Semitism, authoritarianism. In the first half of the twentieth century, the radical far right achieved its apotheosis in the regimes of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. But these movements have evolved significantly since 1945, as Far-Right Politics in Europe makes clear. The 1980s marked a turning point in political fortunes, as national-populist parties began winning seats in European parliaments. Since the terrorist attacks of 9/11 in the United States, a new wave has unfurled, one that is explicitly anti-immigrant and Islamophobic in outlook. Though Europe's far-right parties differ in important respects, they are motivated by a common sense of mission: to save their homelands from what they view as the corrosive effects of multiculturalism and globalization by creating a closed-off, ethnically homogeneous society. Members of these movements are increasingly determined to gain power through legitimate electoral means. In democracies across Europe, they are succeeding.

Despite many predictions made over the last two hundred years that nation-states and nationalism are transient phenomena that will eventually fade away, the historical record and contemporary events show otherwise. Nationalism still remains the most popular, potent and resilient ideological discourse and the nation-state the only legitimate mode of territorial rule. This innovative and concise book provides an in-depth analysis of the processes involved in the emergence, formation, expansion and transformation of nation-states and nationalisms as they are understood today. Sinisa Malesevic examines the historical predecessors of nation-states (from hunting and gathering bands, through city-states, to modernizing empires) and explores the historical rise of organizational and ideological powers that eventually gave birth to the modern nation-state. The book also investigates the ways in which nationalist ideologies were able to envelop the microcosm of family, kin, residential and friendship networks. Other important topics covered along the way include: the relationships between nationalism and violence; the routine character of nationalist experience; and the impacts of globalization and religious revivals on the transformation of nationalisms and nation-states. This insightful analysis of nationalisms and nation-states through time and space will appeal to scholars and students in sociology, politics, history, anthropology, international relations and geography.

From Rick Wilson-longtime Republican strategist, political commentator, Daily Beast contributor-the #1 New York Times bestseller about the disease that is destroying the conservative movement and burning down the GOP: Trumpism. Includes an all-new chapter analyzing Trump's impact on the 2018 elections. In the #1 New York Times bestselling Everything Trump Touches Dies, political campaign strategist and commentator Rick Wilson delivers "a searingly honest, bitingly funny, comprehensive answer to the question we find ourselves asking most mornings: 'What the hell is going on?' (Chicago Tribune). The Guardian hails Everything Trump Touches Dies, saying it gives, "more unvarnished truths about Donald Trump than anyone else in the American political establishment has offered. Wilson never holds back." Rick mercilessly exposes the damage Trump has done to the country, to the Republican Party, and to the conservative movement that has abandoned its principles for the worst President in American history. Wilson unblinkingly dismantles Trump's deceptions and the illusions to which his supporters cling, shedding light on the guilty parties who empower and enable Trump in Washington and in the media. He calls out the race-war dead-enders who hitched a ride with Trump, the alt-right basement dwellers who worship him, and the social conservatives who looked the other way. Publishers Weekly calls it, "a scathing, profane, unflinching, and laugh-out-loud funny rebuke of Donald Trump and his presidency." No left-winger, Wilson is a lifelong conservative who delivers his withering critique of Trump from the right. A leader of the Never Trump movement, he warned from the start that Trump would destroy the lives and reputations of everyone in his orbit, and Everything Trump Touches Dies is a deft chronicle the tragicomic political story of our time. From the early campaign days through the shock of election night, to the inconceivable train-wreck of Trump's first year. Rick Wilson provides not only an insightful analysis of the Trump administration, but also an optimistic path forward for the GOP, the conservative movement, and the country. "Hilarious, smartly written, and usually spot-on" (Kirkus Reviews), Everything Trump Touches Dies is perfect for those on either side of the aisle who need a dose of unvarnished reality, a good laugh, a strong cocktail, and a return to sanity in American politics.

Elgar Advanced Introductions are stimulating and thoughtful introductions to major fields in the social sciences and law, expertly written by the world's leading scholars. Designed to be accessible yet rigorous, they offer concise and lucid surveys of the substantive and policy issues associated with discrete subject areas. This original Introduction presents nationalism as the most important social force shaping the ways modern people live their lives. It explains the formative influence of nationalism in the public spheres of politics and the economy, as well as the most private ones of emotional wellbeing and mental illness. Along the way, it illuminates widely used but rarely clarified concepts, such as social institution, revolution, ideology, and totalitarianism, and introduces new ones, like dignity capital, and nationalism as the double-helix of modern politics. Basing its conclusions on over 25 years of original comparative historical research, this book bears the characteristic Liah Greenfeld imprint: fact-based discussion, logical rigor, unexpected connections, and an exceptionally wide range of issues woven together to explain the way we live now. Key features include: * discusses nationalism as an empirical phenomenon, not an object of speculation * distils findings of over 25 years of original comparative historical research * introduces original concepts of dignity capital and nationalism as the double-helix of modern politics.

This book is a comparative study of masculinity and white racial identity in Irish nationalism and Zionism. It analyses how both national movements sought to refute widespread anti-Irish or anti-Jewish stereotypes and create more prideful (and highly gendered) images of their respective nations. Drawing on English-, Irish-, and Hebrew-language archival sources, Aidan Beatty traces how male Irish nationalists sought to remake themselves as a proudly Gaelic-speaking race, rooted both in their national past as well as in the spaces and agricultural soil of Ireland. On the one hand, this was an attempt to refute contemporary British colonial notions that they were somehow a racially inferior or uncomfortably hybridised people. But this is also presented in the light of the general history of European nationalism; nationalist movements across Europe often crafted romanticised images of the nation's past and Irish nationalism was thus simultaneously European and postcolonial. It is this that makes Irish nationalism similar to Zionism, a movement that sought to create a more idealized image of the Jewish past that would disprove contemporary anti-Semitic stereotypes.

Through an analysis of the discourse practices of populist Far Right groups in France, Italy and Belgian Flanders, this book makes a ground-breaking contribution to our understanding of the ways in which homophobic discourse functions. It proposes an innovative heuristic for the conceiving of the interplay of language, context and culture: discourse ecology. The author brings linguistic theories, methods and ways of understanding and thinking about language to a study of the overt and covert homophobic discourses of three non-Anglophone populist movements, and grounds the interpretation of such practices in observable data. In doing so the book encourages us all to reconsider the power we give language in our activism and scholarship, as well as in our private lives.

What is national identity? What are the main challenges posed to national identity by the strengthening of regional identities and the growth of cultural diversity? How is right-wing nationalism connected to the desire to preserve a traditional image of national identity? Can we forge a new kind of national identity that responds to the challenges of globalization and other deep-seated changes?
In this important new book, Montserrat Guibernau answers these and other compelling questions about the future of national identity. For Guibernau, the nation-states traditional project to unify its otherwise diverse population by generating a shared sense of national identity among them was always contested, and was accomplished with various degrees of success in Europe and North America.
Such processes involved the cultural and linguistic homogenization of an otherwise diverse citizenry and were pursued by different means according to the specific contexts within which they were applied. At present, the impact of strong structural socio-political and economic transformations has resulted in greater challenges being posed to the idea that all citizens of a state should share a homogeneous national identity.
Diversity is increasing, and plans for further European integration contain the potential to generate significant tensions, casting greater doubt on the classical concept of national identity.
As a result, we are faced with a set of new dilemmas concerning the way in which national identity is constructed and defined. The book offers a theoretical as well as a comparative approach, with case studies involving Austria, Britain, Canada and Spain, as well as the European Union and the United States of America.
The Identity of Nations will be essential reading for advanced students and professional scholars in sociology, politics and international relations.

The Lebanese have always lacked a common vision of their past. From the beginning Muslims and Christians have disagreed fundamentally over their country's historical legitimacy: Christians on the whole have affirmed it, Muslims have tended to emphasize Lebanon's place in a broader Arab history. Both groups have used nationalist ideas in a destructive game, which at a deeper level involves archaic loyalties and tribal rivalries. But Lebanon cannot afford these conflicting visions if it is to develop and maintain a sense of political community. In the course of his lively exposition, Salibi offers a major reinterpretation of Lebanese history and provides insights into the dynamic of Lebanon's recent conflict. He also gives an account of how the images of communities which underlie modern nationalism are created.

What is the story behind the paradoxical survival of small and weak states in a world of great powers and crude power politics? And what explains the dramatic rise and fall in the number of states overtime, following no consistent trend and not showing an immediately obvious direction or pattern? The answers lie at the system-level: Small states survival is shaped by the international states system. Small state survival and proliferation is determined first and foremost by features of and dynamics created at the states system. As the states system changes and evolves the chances for small states to survive or proliferate change as well. In fact, a quantitive investigation confirms this, showing that over the course of more than 31/2 centuries, the number of small states did fluctuate widely and at times dramatically. -- .

Origins of Pan-Africanism: Henry Sylvester Williams, Africa, and the African Diaspora recounts the life story of the pioneering Henry Sylvester Williams, an unknown Trinidadian son of an immigrant carpenter in the late-19th and early 20th century. Williams, then a student in Britain, organized the African Association in 1897, and the first-ever Pan-African Conference in 1900. He is thus the progenitor of the OAU/AU. Some of those who attended went on to work in various pan-African organizations in their homelands. He became not only a qualified barrister, but the first Black man admitted to the Bar in Cape Town, and one of the first two elected Black borough councilors in London. These are remarkable achievements for anyone, especially for a Black man of working-class origins in an era of gross racial discrimination and social class hierarchies. Williams died in 1911, soon after his return to his homeland, Trinidad. Through original research, Origins of Pan-Africanism: Henry Sylvester Williams, Africa, and the African Diaspora is set in the social context of the times, providing insight not only into a remarkable man who has been heretofore virtually written out of history, but also into the African Diaspora in the UK a century ago.

In 2015, the magnitude of the migration crisis was such that the future of Sweden, the country that had welcomed more migrants than any other country (on a per capita basis) and that is frequently described by the UN as the 'best country to live in in the world', looked less than certain. Its neighbour, Norway, began preparing for its collapse. And yet, the majority of Swedes approved apparently of the changes imposed on their model society. The essays in this book attempt to deconstruct the ideology of this liberalist multiculturalism. However, the essays' thematic focus reaches far beyond Sweden, addressing topics as diverse as political correctness, the psycho-cultural problem of groupthink, the threat of Islamism, infringements on the freedom of speech and the flawed democracy of a federalist Europe. What ties all the essays together is an urgent need for a new kind of green conservative thinking that can more effectively challenge the discourse of globalisation, the ideology of liberalism and that can prioritise the local over the global. There is some evidence that the tide is beginning to change. In one of the most momentous events in living history, Britain voted to leave the European Union. Political parties that wish to preserve national sovereignty have gained in support. With the referendum result, Britain can perhaps begin to look 'over the brow of the hill' to a more independent, outward-looking and free future. But for countries like Germany and Sweden which struggle with a liberal guilt complex, it is not yet clear whether their people will break free from the liberalist ideology, and grasp once again basic common-sense. Or whether they will become in the name of 'multiculturalism', the new failed States of the European Continent.

Nationalism has reasserted itself as the political force of our times, remaking European politics wherever one looks. Britain is no exception, and in the midst of Brexit, it has even become a vanguard of nationalism's confident return to the mainstream. Intellectual attempts to account for nationalism's resurgence have however floundered. Desperately trying to read nationalism through one overarching cause - as capitalist crisis, as cultural backlash, or as social-media-led anti-establishment politics - these accounts have proven woefully inadequate. This book argues that the only way to understand nationalism is through nationalism itself: the key force of modernity that calls upon all existing ideological traditions in asserting its appeal, whether liberal, conservative, neoliberal or left-wing. The ideological clamour that characterises today's British nationalism requires both recognition and theorisation. A meaningful understanding of new nationalism must reckon with the ideological range animating it and the deeply hostile aversion to different racial minorities that pervades its respective ideologies. -- .

When President of the Irish Republic Michael Collins signed the Anglo-Irish Treaty in December 1921, he remarked to Lord Birkenhead, 'I may have signed my actual death warrant.' And in August 1922 during the Irish Civil War, that prophecy came true - Collins was shot and killed by a fellow Irishman in a shocking political assassination. So ended the life of the greatest of all Irish nationalists, but his visions and legacy lived on. This authorative and comprehensive biography presents the life of a man who became a legend in his own lifetime, whose idealistic vigour and determination were matched only by his political realism and supreme organisational abilities. Coogan's biography provides a fascinating insight into a great political leader, whilst vividly portraying the political unrest in a divided Ireland, that can help to shape our understanding of Ireland's recent tumultuous socio-political history.

In 2016, the striking electoral success of the UK Vote Leave campaign and Donald Trump's presidential bid defied conventional expectations and transformed the political landscape. Considered together, these two largely unpredicted events constitute a defining moment in the process of the incorporation of far-right populist discourse in mainstream politics. This timely book argues that there has been a change in the fundamental dynamic of the mainstreaming of far-right populist discourse. In recent elections, anti-establishment actors have rewritten the playbook, defeated the establishment and redefined political norms. They have effectively outplayed, overtaken and trumped mainstream parties and policies. As fringe discourse becomes mainstream, how we conceive of the political landscape and indeed the very distinction between a political centre and periphery has been challenged. This book provides new theoretical tools and empirical analyses to understand the ongoing mainstreaming of far-right populism. Offering case studies and comparative research, it analyses recent political events in the US, UK, France and Belgium. This book is essential reading for scholars and students of populism and far-right politics who seek to make sense of recent world-altering events.

Is American Jewish support for Israel waning?

As a mobilized diaspora, American Jews played a key role in the establishment and early survival of the modern state of Israel. They created a centralized framework to raise funds, and a powerful, consensus‑oriented political lobby to promote strong U.S. diplomatic, military, and economic support. But now, as federation fundraising declines and sharp differences over the Israeli-Palestinian peace process divide the community, many fear that American Jews are distancing themselves from Israel. In The New American Zionism, Theodore Sasson argues that at the core, we are fundamentally misunderstanding the new relationship between American Jews and Israel. Sasson shows that we are in the midst of a shift from a "mobilization" approach, which first emerged with the new state and focused on supporting Israel through big, centralized organizations, to an "engagement" approach marked by direct and personal relations with the Jewish state as growing numbers of American Jews travel to Israel, consume Israeli news and culture, and connect with their Israeli peers via cyberspace and through formal exchange programs. American Jews have not abandoned their support for Israel, Sasson contends, but they now focus their philanthropy and lobbying in line with their own political viewpoints for the region and they reach out directly to players in Israel, rather than going through centralized institutions. As a result, American Jews may find Israel more personally meaningful than ever before. Yet, at the same time, their ability to impact policy will diminish as they no longer speak with a unified voice.

Theodore Sasson is Professor of International Studies at Middlebury College and Senior Research Scientist at the Cohen Center for Modern Jewish Studies. He is also Visiting Research Professor of Sociology at Brandeis University and a consultant to the Mandel Foundation.

This book takes a unique approach to explore the moral foundations of nationalism. Drawing on nationalist writings and examining almost 200 years of nationalism in Ireland and Quebec, the author develops a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation. The study of nationalism has tended towards the construction of dichotomies - arguing, for example, that there are political and cultural, or civic and ethnic, versions of the phenomenon. However, as an object of moral scrutiny this bifurcation makes nationalism difficult to work with. The author draws on primary sources to see how nationalists themselves argued for their cause and examines almost two hundred years of nationalism in two well-known cases, Ireland and Quebec. The author identifies which themes, if any, are common across the various forms that nationalism can take and then goes on to develop a theory of nationalism based on its role in representation. This representation-based approach provides both a basis for the moral claim of nationalism while at the same time identifying grounds on which this claim can be evaluated and limited. It will be of strong interest to political theorists, especially those working on nationalism, multiculturalism and minority rights. The special focus in the book on the Irish and Quebec cases also makes it relevant reading for specialists in these fields as well as for other area studies where nationalism is an issue.

For the last two centuries, nationalism has been a central feature of society and politics. Few ideologies can match its power and resonance, and no other political movement and symbolic language has such worldwide appeal and resilience. But nationalism is also a form of public culture and political religion, which draws on much older cultural and symbolic forms.

Seeking to do justice to these different facets of nationalism, the second edition of this popular and respected overview has been revised and updated with contemporary developments and the latest scholarly work. It aims to provide a concise and accessible introduction to the core concepts and varieties of nationalist ideology; a clear analysis of the major competing paradigms and theories of nations and nationalism; a critical account of the often opposed histories and periodization of the nation and nationalism; and an assessment of the prospects of nationalism and its continued global power and persistence.

Broad and comparative in scope, the book is strongly interdisciplinary, drawing on ideas and insights from history, political science, sociology and anthropology. The focus is theoretical, but it also includes a fresh examination of some of the main historical and contemporary empirical contributions to the literature on the subject. It will continue to be an invaluable resource for students of nationalism across the social sciences.

Placing the Nation examines the importance of place in shaping nationalism. Rather than viewing nationalism as something that exists purely at a national scale, it argues for the need to explore how various people - embedded within particular places and operating across different scales - contribute to its reproduction. Placing the Nation explores these themes through a case study of the contribution made by people in Aberystwyth to the reproduction of Welsh nationalism since the 1960s. The varied and detailed empirical themes explored in this book show how nationalist discourses and practices are generated within places and communicated through scalar connections to the broader membership of the nation. Placing the Nation, thus, seeks to re-energise both geographical and social constructivist understandings of nationalism.

In 1993 Ewen Southby-Tailyour joined the British Foreign Office for duties with the European Community Monitoring Mission. He was also tasked, informally, by MI6 to report on a few characters. Monitoring the cease-fire violations along the Confrontation Line between Croatia and the Republic of Serbian Krajina plus the humanitarian and economic issues for the regeneration of Dalmatia were professionally satisfying; as were a covert beach reconnaissance, interviewing war criminals and pacing the length of a 'secret' airfield that was eventually used by US Predator unmanned surveillance aircraft to support Croatia's ethnic cleansing of all Serbs from Krajina. Closing in on hard evidence that Germany and the US were breaking UN Arms Embargo 713 the author was caught in the diplomatic cross-fire between the Greeks, who supported Serbia and the French who supported Croatia. To prevent the French knowing of any illicit arms embargo he was order by the Greeks to falsify his reports. He resigned from the mission. This is a thought-provoking, disturbing tale of deceit and duplicity between European countries (and, notably, the US) all supposedly supporting a common cause-peace in the Balkans-but, in effect, helping to ethnically cleanse 200,000 Serbs from their 500 year-old homeland.

In September of 2010, the Daily Mail Reporter announced "Anti-immigration party formed from skinhead movement seizes balance of power in Sweden." A politics of skinhead protest, expressed through White Power Music and an explicitly nationalistic subgenre known as Viking Rock, has relied on its music to voice opposition to immigration and multiculturism. Often labeled "neo-Nazis" or "right-wing extremists," these actors shook political establishments throughout Sweden, Denmark, and Norway during the 1980s and 1990s by rallying around white power music and skinhead subculture. More recently, however, these groups methodically revised their presentation in an effort to refashion themselves as upstanding, intelligent champions of love and human diversity, and once again using music to do so. In Lions of the North: Sounds of the New Nordic Radical Nationalism, author Benjamin Teitelbaum explores this transformation of anti-immigrant, anti-liberal activism in the Nordic countries as it manifests in thought and sound. As his fieldwork in Sweden overlapped with Anders Behring Breivik's attacks in 2011, Teitelbaum observed the radical nationalist movement at a particularly sensitive moment. Offering a rare ethnographic glimpse into controversial and secretive political movements, Lions of the North investigates changes in the music nationalists make and patronize, reading their surprising new music styles as attempts to escape stereotypes and fashion a new image for themselves. Teitelbaum's work reveals organized opposition to immigration and multiculturalism in Scandinavia to be a scene in flux, populated by individuals with diverse understandings of themselves, their cause, and the significance of music. Ultimately, he uncovers the ways in which nationalists use music to frame themselves as agents of justice, an image that is helping to propel these actors to unprecedented success in societies often considered the most tolerant in the world. A timely and powerful work of interdisciplinary ethnomusicology, Lions of the North will appeal to a wide audience, from scholars in the humanities to those in political science.