This new book explores the changing world of pressure group politics in Britain.

Pressure groups have become an integral part of the Western democratic political tradition since 1945. The 1960s saw a proliferation of social movements and single issue groups and recent environmental protests, from professional Greenpeace activists to middle-class women picketing veal exporters, have demonstrated that it is increasingly single issues that people feel strongly about as opposed to political parties. Bill Coxall examines these changes in terms of the historical development of pressure groups, their expansion into European Union lobbying and their changing strategies and responses to ideological thrusts from government.

Why are some transnational public-private partnerships (PPPs) highly effective, while others are not? The contributors compare 21 transnational PPPs that seek to provide collective goods in the field of sustainable development.

In this exciting new work, David Boucher and Gary Browning explore Bob Dylan's radical and changing engagement with the "political." The contributions deal with various aspects and periods of Dylan's career, including the early protest ballads, the artistic high-point of his mid-sixties electric period in which his songs question the very notion of ordered collective politics, and present alternative disturbing images of a counter-reality. Finally the book explores the more personal and religious songs on issues of identity, alienation and ethical striving. Whereas in the early protest songs the diagnosis and prognosis did not always give rise to answers, the later religious analyses of the world gone wrong appeared to generate a very clear and simple remedy in Jesus.

The American Settlement Movement was one of the most significant, broadly based reform efforts in the history of the United States, yet surprisingly few people are even aware of its existence. "American Settlement Houses and Progressive Social Reform" documents, for the first time, the history of the American Settlement Movement in an A to Z format. Included in the Encyclopedia's 230 entries are biographies of key individuals, descriptions of settlement houses and reform committees, synopses of influential writings and reports, and articles on major issues affecting the movement

Condemned as a fascist putsch in the East and praised as a 'people's uprising' in the West, the uprising of 17 June 1953 shook East Germany. Drawing on interviews and archive research, this book examines East German citizens' memories of the unrest and reflects on the nature of state power in the GDR.

Histories of Portugal's transition to democracy have long focused on the 1974 military coup that toppled the authoritarian Estado Novo regime and set in motion the divestment of the nation's colonial holdings. However, the events of this "Carnation Revolution" were in many ways the culmination of a much longer process of resistance and protest originating in universities and other sectors of society. Combining careful research in police, government, and student archives with insights from social movement theory, The Revolution before the Revolution broadens our understanding of Portuguese democratization by tracing the societal convulsions that preceded it over the course of the "long 1960s."

It is universally accepted that there has been a huge growth in EU lobbying over the past few decades. There is now a dense EU interest group system. This entirely new volume, inspired by Mazey & Richardson's 1993 book Lobbying in the European Community, seeks to understand the role of interest groups in the policy process from agenda-setting to implementation. Specifically, the book is interested in observing how interest groups organize to influence the EU institutions and how they select different coalitions along the policy process and in different policy domains.
In looking at 20 years of change, the book captures processes of institutional and actor learning, professionalization of lobbying, and the possible emergence of a distinct EU public policy style. More specifically, from the actors' perspective, the editors are interested in assessing how the rise of direct lobbying and the emergence of fluid issue-based coalitions has changed the logic of collective action, and what is the potential impact of 'venue-shopping' on reputation and influence. From an institutional perspective, the contributors explore resource and legitimacy demands, and the practical impact of consultation processes on the emergence of a distinct EU lobbying relationship. It will be essential reading for academics and practitioners alike.

In this work, Carl Anthony shares his perspectives as an African-American child in post-World War II Philadelphia; a student and civil rights activist in 1960s Harlem; a traveling student of West African architecture; and an architect, planner, and environmental justice advocate in Berkeley. He contextualizes this within American urbanism and human origins, making profoundly personal both African American and American urban histories as well as planetary origins and environmental issues, to not only bring a new worldview to people of color, but to set forth a truly inclusive vision of our shared planetary future. The Earth, the City, and the Hidden Narrative of Race connects the logics behind slavery, community disinvestment, and environmental exploitation to address the most pressing issues of our time in a cohesive and foundational manner. Most books dealing with these topics and periods silo issues apart from one another, but this book contextualizes the connections between social movements and issues, providing tremendous insight into successful movement building. Anthony's rich narrative describes both being at the mercy of racism, urban disinvestment, and environmental injustice as well as fighting against these forces with a variety of strategies. Because this work is both a personal memoir and an exposition of ideas, it will appeal to those who appreciate thoughtful and unique writing on issues of race, including individuals exploring their own African American identity, as well as progressive audiences of organizations and community leaders and professionals interested in democratizing power and advancing equitable policies for low-income communities and historically disenfranchised communities.

In one of the most politically volatile and dynamic regions of the world, new media technologies are profoundly influencing the course of events. Satellite television and the Internet are affecting how the people and states of the Middle East function individually and in a global context. In "New Media and the New Middle East, " topics ranging from women's rights to terrorism and countries from Israel to Saudi Arabia are examined in terms of how new media are reshaping lives and politics. Leading international scholars examine the global and regional ramifications of the proliferation of communication technologies and the information that they disseminate.

Decision making is the oil that greases the wheel of social movement organizing. Done poorly, it derails organizations and coalitions; done well, it advances the movement and may model those changes movements seek to effect in society. Despite its importance, movement decision making has been little studied. Section One makes a singular contribution to the study of social movement decision making through seven focused case studies, followed by a critical commentary. The case studies on decision making cut across a wide breadth of social movement contexts, including Peace Brigades International teams, a feminist bakery collective, Earth First, the NGO Forum on Women, Friends of the Earth, the Tlapanec indigenous movement in Mexico, an on-line strategic voting campaign, and Korean labor movements. The section concludes with Jane Mansbridge's synthesis and critical commentary on the papers, wherein she continues to make her own substantive contributions to the literature on consensus decision making. The three papers in Section Two focus on Northern Ireland, where frustration with inter-community conflict resolution spawned a movement promoting intra-community or 'single tradition' programs. Two chapters provide invaluable comparative studies of the benefits and shortcomings of these counter-movements, while the third paper applies constructive conflict and nonviolent action theories to recent developments in the annual parades disputes. The volume closes with two papers on Native American issues. The first examines an initiative to teach conflict history and build conflict analysis and resolution skills among the Seneca Nation. The final case study of two Native American women's organizations demonstrates how socially constructed identities are critical to movement framing processes and collective actions. With this volume, RSMCC continues its long-standing tradition of publishing cutting edge studies in social movements, conflict resolution, and social change.

The impact of political lobbyists remains highly controversial. No-one has explored when they matter. This book tells readers when lobbyists count and analyzes the relationship between lobbying, policy outcomes and the impact of external factors to reveal the professional lobbyist's limited effect on policy. On most policy issues lobbyists simply do not matter. But, on rare occasions lobbyists can make a difference and this book explains when they matter and why.

This book will systematically examine how Supreme Court detainee cases have been implemented over time with an emphasis on the role of the president in this process. More specifically, it will test the hypothesis that an active, energetic executive branch has the ability to powerfully shape the implementation process of judicial decisions in a policy area it has deemed important. It concludes that the President, though just one of many actors in the implementation process, wields considerable influence and has a variety of tools that can be used to shape the manner in which judicial decisions are implemented and achieve his policy goals. It also explores why presidents seem to have the upper hand in the implementation process when compared with the power and influence of Congress and the courts.

Bringing together over forty established and emerging scholars, this landmark volume is the first to comprehensively examine the evolution and current practice of social movement studies in a specifically European context. While its first half offers comparative approaches to an array of significant issues and movements, its second half assembles focused national studies that include most major European states. Throughout, these contributions are guided by a shared set of historical and social-scientific questions with a particular emphasis on political sociology, thus offering a bold and uncommonly unified survey that will be essential for scholars and students of European social movements.

Protest is a ubiquitous and richly varied social phenomenon, one that finds expression not only in modern social movements and political organizations but also in grassroots initiatives, individual action, and creative works. It constitutes a distinct cultural domain, one whose symbolic content is regularly deployed by media and advertisers, among other actors. Yet within social movement scholarship, such cultural considerations have been comparatively neglected. Protest Cultures: A Companion dramatically expands the analytical perspective on protest beyond its political and sociological aspects. It combines cutting-edge synthetic essays with concise, accessible case studies on a remarkable array of protest cultures, outlining key literature and future lines of inquiry.

In his heyday, Carlo Tresca ranked among the most important radicals and labour activists in the United States, often sharing the spotlight with Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, 'Big Bill' Haywood, and Emma Goldman. A charismatic Italian anarchist who became a folk hero to immigrant and native-born workers alike, Tresca was described by comrades as a 'freelance revolutionary' because of his independent spirit and militant activism. During his wild and adventurous career spanning nearly forty years (1904-1943), Tresca pursued a range of activities unmatched by any of his radical contemporaries: independent newspaper editor, labour agitator and organizer, civil libertarian, foremost leader of the Italian American anti-fascist resistance, and an indomitable foe of Stalinism. Culminating over a decade of research, this fast-paced and vivid biography brings to life the volatile world of radical politics in early twentieth-century America through one of its foremost figures.

The Movimiento Autonomo de Mujeres (Women's Autonomous Movement) in Nicaragua - birthed in part from the Sandinista Revolution of the 1980s - represents one of the largest, most diverse, and most autonomous women's movements in all of Latin America. While it's true that scholars across a wide range of disciplines have written invariably about this social movement (and have been instrumental in arguing that these women are not mere victims, but individuals who have worked hard to resist oppression and fight injustice for decades) what remains missing from this body of work is scholarship aimed at understanding, specifically, the psychology of resistance; in other words, what are the psychological mechanisms and methodologies that emerge from the margins that determine the kind of social action that revolutionizes societies? Investigating the psychosocial processes behind resistance is critical to understanding a commitment to justice and the development of subjectivity necessary for enacting the political activity required for social transformation. Psychology, in particular, as author Shelly Grabe argues, is positioned to engage in a systematic exploration of the links between social and political conditions that determine how, why, and under what circumstances resistance emerges. Narrating a Psychology of Resistance documents the first-hand accounts of the Nicaraguan women's Movimiento: a coordinated mobilization of women that has weathered unremitting power differentials characterized by patriarchy and capitalism. In this collection of testimonios, Grabe gives voice to these extraordinary women and closely examines how psychological processes that emerge in response to sociopolitical oppression can lead to gendered justice and the revolutionizing of societies at large.

James Walker Fannin. Illegitimate son. Southern gentleman. Failed businessman. Devoted family man. Illegal slave trader. Courageous martyr. Tarnished hero of the revolution. But what is the rest of the story?
Author Gary Brown brings to life a thorough and insightful analysis of this controversial and sometimes misunderstood historical figure, whom most remember as the commander who lost twice as many men as were killed at the Alamo and San Jacinto combined.
Now the story can be completely examined with the help of all Fannin's known correspondence during the campaign at Goliad. Read and judge for yourself if history has been fair to James Walker Fannin.
Gary Brown lives in Friendswood, Texas, and is also the author of "Volunteers in the Texas Revolution: The New Orleans Grays".

Behind India's high recent growth rates lies a story of societal conflict that is scarcely talked about. Across its villages and production sites, state institutions and civil society organisations, the dominant and less well-off sections of society are engaged in antagonistic relations that determine the material conditions of one quarter of the world's 'poor'. Increasingly mobile and often with several jobs in multiple locations, India's 'classes of labour' are highly segmented but far from passive in the face of ongoing exploitation and domination. Drawing on over a decade of fieldwork in rural South India, the book uses a 'class-relational' approach to analyse continuity and change in processes of accumulation, exploitation and domination. By focusing on the three interrelated arenas of labour relations, the state and civil society, it explores how improvements can be made in the conditions of labourers working 'at the margins' of global production networks, primarily as agricultural labourers and construction workers. Elements of social policy can improve the poor's material conditions and expand their political space where such ends are actively pursued by labouring class organisations. More fundamental change, though, requires stronger organisation of the informal workers who make up the majority of India's population. -- .

Faced with injustice, what can a concerned citizen do? In 1933, when Hitler blamed Communists for setting the Reichstag on fire, European and American lawyers responded by staging a countertrial, which proved them innocent and eventually led to their release, launching a new unofficial way of advancing human rights. This book is the first full account of citizens' tribunals. It tells the history of such tribunals from this first success to the mixed record of subsequent efforts: the Moscow show trials, the American war in Vietnam, Japanese sexual slavery, the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, and the excesses of “global capitalism.”

Terrorist violence can often seem both irrational and indiscriminate. This book is an attempt to describe why terrorists attack particular targets. Looking at terrorist groups from around the world, and over the past 100 years, it examines the nature of terrorism and the various factors which influence terrorists' target selection. In particular it looks at the influence of the ideologies, strategies and tactics of terrorist groups, and describes how these are restricted by the terrorists' resources, by security and anti-terrorist measures, and by society within which the terrorists operate. The book also shows how target selection can be affected by the nature of the terrorists themselves and by their supporters. Overall it concludes that apparently irrational and indiscriminate terrorist attacks are frequently the result of factors which are both explicable and logical.

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Read the Introduction.

aDrawing on comprehensive interviews and archival research, Andrew E. Hunt has written a highly informative account of one of the twentieth centuryas leading figures of American radicalism.a
&$151;"The Journal of American History"

"The story of David Dellinger's half century of leadership in the struggle for peace and social justice in the United States challenges the conventional narrative of recent American political history. Instead of the familiar history-by-decade, in which the radical thirties are followed by the conservative forties and fifties, to be succeeded again by the radical sixties, and so on, Hunt's biography of Dellinger provides readers with a sense of important and underlying continuities in the history of American radicalism."
--Maurice Isserman, author of "If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left"

"Meticulously researched and gracefully written, Andrew Hunt's splendid biography of David Dellinger follows the courageous revolutionary through six decades of activism while contributing new insights into the colorful history and interactions of pacifist, antiwar, and progressive organizations that shook the American establishment."
--Melvin Small, Wayne State University

"In this valuable biography, Hunt offers an outstanding description of Dellinger's political thought and activities over a sixty year period. Particularly interesting, because so little has been written about the subject, is the detailed discussion of Dellinger's antiwar activities during WWII. At the same time, Hunt is careful to portray a comprehensive view of Dellinger's career and placeshim in relation to the work of others in the American left."
--David J. Langum, author of "William M. Kunstler: The Most Hated Lawyer in America"

The year was 1969. In a Chicago courthouse, David Dellinger, one of the Chicago Eight, stood trial for conspiring to disrupt the National Democratic Convention. Dellinger, a long-time but relatively unknown activist, was suddenly, at fifty-three, catapulted into the limelight for his part in this intense courtroom drama.

From obscurity to leader of the antiwar movement, David Dellinger is the first full biography of a man who bridged the gap between the Old Left and the New Left. Born in 1915 in the upscale Boston suburb of Wakefield to privilege, Dellinger attended Yale during the Depression, where he became an ardent pacifist and antiwar activist. Rejecting his parentsa affluent lifestyle, he endured lengthy prison sentences as a conscientious objector to World War II and created a commune in northern New Jersey in the 1940s, a prototype for those to follow twenty years later.

His instrumental role in the creation of "Liberation" magazine in 1956 launched him onto the national stage. Writing regular essays for the influential radical monthly on the arms race and the Civil Rights movement, he earned an audience among the New Left radicals. As anti-Vietnam sentiment grew, he became, in Abbie Hoffmanas words, the father of the antiwar movement and the architect of the 1968 demonstrations in Chicago. He remained active in anti-war causes until his death on May 25, 2004 at age 88.

Vilified by critics and glorified by supporters, Dellinger was a man of contradictions: a rigid Ghandian who nonetheless supported violent revolutionarymovements; a radical thinker and gifted writer forced to work as a baker to feed his large family; and a charismatic leader who taught his followers to distrust all leaders. Along the way, he encountered Eleanor Roosevelt, Ho Chi Minh, Martin Luther King, Jr., the Black Panthers and all the other major figures of the American Left.

The remarkable story of a stubborn visionary torn between revolution and compromise, David Dellinger reveals the perils of dissent in America through the struggles of one of our most important dissenters.

Politicizing Islam is a comparative ethnographic study of Islamic revival movements in France and India, home to the largest Muslim minority populations in Europe and Asia respectively. Both diverse secular democracies, France and India pursue divergent policies toward their religious and other minorities. Yet they face similar struggles over Islam that challenge the substance of national identity and the core of each country's secular doctrine. After 9/11, debates about the role of Islamic madrasas and practices like the headscarf became prominent. How is it that Islam, as an object of debate, is politicized across disparate contexts at the very moment when many Muslim communities have withdrawn from the state? Why exactly is a movement deemed "communitarian" or a threatening form of "political Islam"? Why is the issue of gender central to politicization, even while women are increasingly active agents in Islamic revivals? This book seeks to answer these questions by examining the relationship between religion and politics and showing how it is created and lived by Muslim communities in both countries. Z. Fareen Parvez conducted her fieldwork over the course of two years in the French city of Lyon, and its outer banlieues, and the Indian city of Hyderabad. She immersed herself in mosque communities, women's welfare centers, Islamic study circles, and philanthropic associations, to provide an in-depth view of middle-class and elite Muslims, as well poor and subaltern Muslims in stigmatized neighborhoods. She illuminates how Muslims across class divisions make claims on the secular state and struggle to improve their lives as denigrated minorities. In Hyderabad, Muslim elites fight for redistribution to the poor, who then use their patronage to practice autonomy from the state and build vibrant political communities. In Lyon, middle-class Muslims face widespread discrimination and negotiate with the state for religious recognition. But they remain estranged from Muslims in the working-class banlieues who have embraced a sectarian form of Islam and retreated into the private sphere. Parvez shows how these diverse movements originated in either a flexible or militant secularism, and how Muslim class relations are ultimately tied to other debates within the Islamic tradition-Muslim women's struggle for equal rights, and the potential for minority democratic participation. The book shows how Islam is politicized top-down by the state and then re-politicized by revival movements on the ground. But this re-politicization is highly dependent on Muslim class relations-and it masks an array of practices, social relations, potentialities, and ultimately, different conceptions of politics as rooted in either community or the state.

This is a study of the Ford Foundation's support and of funding of human rights projects and NGOs, illuminating its extraordinary role in helping undermine and destroy major repressive authoritarian and totalitarian regimes during the latter part of the twentieth century.

There is a growing tendency in all of the developing countries to see the right to employment, education, and other basic rights as adjuncts to basic political rights. Also, in many African countries there have been movements for expansive rights that should include children's rights and women's rights in addition to the basic civil and political rights. Most current sources have selectively taken into consideration the work of politically oriented groups. This volume includes the status and work of human rights groups in Africa currently working to uphold both the basic as well as the expansive rights.

One possible way of resolving the conflict between relativism and universalism is to project commonalities of norms and values through examinations of many advocacy groups in Africa that highlight the plight of refugees, women, and children as well as civil and political rights. This dictionary lists the current advocacy groups working in Africa to uphold and protect both the basic political rights and the expansive rights of previously unacknowledged segments of the population from governmental infringements. Advocacy groups are listed A to Z with additional resource information following each entry. This book will be a useful reference to students and scholars of African history, Third World Studies, International Human Rights, and Political Science, and Academic libraries.

That Hitler's Gestapo harshly suppressed any signs of opposition inside the Third Reich is a common misconception. This book presents studies of public dissent that prove this was not always the case. It examines circumstances under which "racial" Germans were motivated to protest, as well as the conditions determining the regime's response. Workers, women, and religious groups all convinced the Nazis to appease rather than repress "racial" Germans. Expressions of discontent actually increased during the war, and Hitler remained willing to compromise in governing the German Volk as long as he thought the Reich could salvage victory.