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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Political activism
Outlines common terrorist and extremist activities in prison using relevant real-world examples Instructs on how to detect and recognize such efforts as recruitment and radicalization and how to curtail and prevent such activity Provides guidance on establishing de-radicalization programs within prison facilities Presents recommendations on collecting, analyzing, and disseminating intelligence to correctional, law-enforcement, and intelligence agencies on potential terrorist activities and recruitment efforts
Outlines common terrorist and extremist activities in prison using relevant real-world examples Instructs on how to detect and recognize such efforts as recruitment and radicalization and how to curtail and prevent such activity Provides guidance on establishing de-radicalization programs within prison facilities Presents recommendations on collecting, analyzing, and disseminating intelligence to correctional, law-enforcement, and intelligence agencies on potential terrorist activities and recruitment efforts
The fall of the Bastille on July 14, 1789 has become the commemorative symbol of the French Revolution. But this violent and random act was unrepresentative of the real work of the early revolution, which was taking place ten miles west of Paris, in Versailles. There, the nobles, clergy and commoners of France had just declared themselves a republic, toppling a rotten system of aristocratic privilege and altering the course of history forever. The Revolution was led not by angry mobs, but by the best and brightest of France's growing bourgeoisie: young, educated, ambitious. Their aim was not to destroy, but to build a better state. In just three months they drew up a Declaration of the Rights of Man, which was to become the archetype of all subsequent Declarations worldwide, and they instituted a system of locally elected administration for France which still survives today. They were determined to create an entirely new system of government, based on rights, equality and the rule of law. In the first three years of the Revolution they went a long way toward doing so. Then came Robespierre, the Terror and unspeakable acts of barbarism. In a clear, dispassionate and fast-moving narrative, Ian Davidson shows how and why the Revolutionaries, in just five years, spiralled from the best of the Enlightenment to tyranny and the Terror. The book reminds us that the Revolution was both an inspiration of the finest principles of a new democracy and an awful warning of what can happen when idealism goes wrong.
This book represents a pioneering interdisciplinary effort to analyze Asian civil society under authoritarianism, a regime type that is re-appearing or deepening after several decades of increased political liberalization. By organizing its approach into four main themes, this volume succinctly reveals the challenges facing civil society in authoritarian regimes, including: actions under political repression, transitions to democracy, uncivil society, political capture and legal control. It features in-depth analyses of a variety of Asian nations, from 'hard' authoritarian regimes, like China, to 'electoral' authoritarian regimes, like Cambodia, whilst also addressing countries experiencing democratic regression, such as the Philippines. By highlighting concrete responses and initiatives taken by civil society under authoritarianism, it advances the intellectual mandate of redefining Asia as a dynamic and interconnected formation and, moreover, as a space for the production of new theoretical insight. Contributing to our understanding of the tensions, dynamics, and potentialities that animate state-society relations in authoritarian regimes, this will be essential reading for students and scholars of civil society, authoritarianism, and Asian politics more generally.
This book provides a comprehensive analysis of female terrorism in America, both past and present. The volume takes a fresh look at women's actions of left-wing political violence, right-wing political violence, and religious extremist violence (among others). It also examines the multitude of roles that women have played over the past few decades in such organizations (including leadership positions and more passive roles)-not to mention the diverse methods of recruitment, radicalization, and propaganda. The objective of this book is to examine-using a wide range of case studies, facts, statistics, and theoretical methodologies-how collective or personal factors have influenced or reinforced the actions that these women take. Government agencies continue to underestimate the ability of women to support and perpetrate terrorism. As such, the United States is facing a wholly inaccurate and incomplete picture of the complexities of domestic terrorism, and this is contributing to a serious neglect of the issue at the national level. This volume ultimately aims to offer policy-relevant solutions to decrease the threat of domestic female political violence in the United States. Female Terrorism in America will be of much interest to students of terrorism and political violence, American politics, gender studies, and sociology.
As Bolivia reels from the collapse of the government in November 2019, a wave of social protests, and now the impact of Covid-19, this book asks: where next for Bolivia? After almost 14 years in power, the government of Bolivia's first indigenous president collapsed in 2019 amidst widescale protest and allegations of electoral fraud. The contested transitional government that emerged was quickly struck by the impacts of the Covid-19 public health crisis. This book reflects on this critical moment in Bolivia's development from the perspectives of politics, the economy, the judiciary and the environment. It asks what key issues emerged during Evo Morales's administration and what are the main challenges awaiting the next government in order to steer the country through a new and uncertain road ahead. As the world considers what the ultimate legacy of Morales's left-wing social experiment will be, this book will be of great interest to researchers across the fields of Latin American studies, development, politics, and economics, as well as to professionals active in the promotion of development in the country and the region.
This book examines how states justify the domestic use of military force to foreign audiences. By deploying a sociological approach to legitimacy and drawing on conceptual tools which deal directly with the dynamics of justification, it offers a novel framework for understanding the politics of international legitimacy and domestic armed action. The framework is grounded in detailed qualitative analyses of civil wars in Sri Lanka (2006-2009), and Aceh, Indonesia (2003-2005). The book shows that the meaning of legitimacy in a particular context does not flow directly from a menu of relevant rules, norms and ideas. Rather, legitimacy is always politically contested. When states justify fighting at home, the success of their claims is determined by their capacity to appeal to rules and norms but also to frame their action in ways that their audiences find compelling. Therefore, the framework offered in this book draws attention to the crucial but largely neglected role of audiences in the constitution of legitimacy. This book will be of interest to students of security studies, law, human rights and international relations.
Important topics discussed in the book- 1. Impact of Gandhian Ideology on the Tribal Movements of Chota Nagpur in Twentieth Century. 2. Adivasi Movements after Gandhi: The Relevance of Gandhism in Twenty-first-Century Adivasi Movement. 3. Gandhi in Adivasi Folk Traditions.
This book analyses securitization processes outside of the West, with a focus on Africa. The aim of the volume is to develop an original analytical framework to explain the securitization-neo-patrimonialism dynamics in West Africa, drawing upon insights from securitization theory, sociology and psychology. Among critical voices, securitization has become the gold standard for analysing emerging challenges, such as migration, terrorism, and human security. Yet, despite its broadening agenda, the framework has also been accused of bias, with a Western political context and democratic governance structure at its heart. This book aims to re-conceptualise the framework in a way that suits non-Western contexts better, notably by re-conceptualising the securitization-neopatrimonialism nexus in Africa, which gives us significant new insights into non-Western political contexts. It analyses the securitization processes among the political elites under neo-patrimonial statehood, and further stretches the conceptualisation of securitization into African statehood, which is characterised by a blurred line between the leader and the state. The volume explores the processes of securitizing threats in Liberia, Sierra Leone and wider West Africa, as well as the neo-patrimonial regimes of these states. In doing so, it explores the influence these states' neo-patrimonial regimes have on the processes of threat securitization. This book will be of much interest to students of critical security studies, African politics and International Relations. The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.
* Includes primary source documents to illustrate major themes and provoke discussion * Covers the most recent scholarship on the social, cultural, gendered and subaltern histories of the period * Incorporates the voices of women, indigenous people, and Afro-Latinos
SMS Uprising provides a unique insight into how activists and social change advocates are addressing Africa's many challenges from within, and how they are using mobile telephone technologies to facilitate these changes. This collection of essays by those engaged in using mobile phone technologies for social change provides an analysis of the socio-economic, political and media contexts faced by activists in Africa today. The essays address a broad range of issues including inequalities in access to technology based on gender, rural and urban usage, as well as offering practical examples of how activists are using mobile technology to organise and document their experiences. They provide an overview of the lessons learned in making effective use of mobile phone technologies without any of the romanticism so often associated with the use of new technologies for social change. The examples are shared in a way that makes them easy to replicate - 'Try this idea in your campaign.' The intention is that the experiences described within the book will lead to greater reflection about the real potential and limitations of mobile technologies. Edited by Nigerian activist Sokari Ekine, who runs the prize-winning blog Black Looks, the book brings together some of the best known and experienced developers and users of mobile phone technologies in Africa, including Juliana Rotich from Ushahidi in Kenya, Ken Banks of Kiwanja.net, and Berna Ngolobe of WOUGNET in Uganda.
In perhaps his most important literary feat, Norman Mailer fashions
an unprecedented portrait of one of the great villains--and
enigmas--in United States history. Here is Lee Harvey Oswald--his
family background, troubled marriage, controversial journey to
Russia, and return to an "America waiting] for him like an angry
relative whose eyes glare in the heat." Based on KGB and FBI
transcripts, government reports, letters and diaries, and Mailer's
own international research, this is an epic account of a man whose
cunning, duplicity, and self-invention were both at home in and at
odds with the country he forever altered.
This book, first published in 1986, is a major study of semialignment and a review of the individual nations within NATO to which the model could be applied. Towards the end of the Cold War, there arose within NATO this intermediate category between alignment and nonalignment, whereby a member state enjoyed the status and facilities of NATO membership while disassociating itself from certain NATO programmes. This book analyses the phenomenon, and the possibility that it weakened the credibility of NATO deterrence and the defence posture versus the Soviet Union.
This book, first published in 1985, is the first full-length study of the Soviet Armed Forces as a social institution. Using military manpower as a substantive focus, it identifies those characteristics that the Soviet military shared with counterparts in non-communist systems and those that were unique to the society and political culture in which it was embedded. The discussion encompasses defence policy-making as a whole and focuses on conscription policy, the characteristics of the professional military, the role of the political officer, the mechanics of political socialization within the Red Army, and the experience of ethnic minorities in the armed forces. This analysis provides a window through which we can observe the broader military system at work; how that system affects, and in turn is affected by, the economic, social and political life of the Soviet Union. It contributes to our understanding of civil-military relations in communist systems and to our knowledge of Soviet political and social trends.
This book, first published in 1982, examines the crisis of detente in Europe and between the superpowers, the crisis in arms control, and the heightening of tensions within NATO, and analyses the central precepts of Western policy and thought in these areas. These crises are examined in terms of the trends, thought and action in the area of Western security. In particular, the concept of strategic stability, the assumptions behind arms control, and between arms control and security policy, are critically analysed.
This book, first published in 1984, analyses the contribution of the American military presence to the security of Western Europe; examines the advantages and shortcomings of proposals for strengthening NATO's conventional capacity; and considers the consequences to the Cold War balance of power of a reduction in the American troop contingent.
This book, first published in 1994, analyses the changing world order at the end of the Cold War. As the East-West military axis was replaced by North-South economic polarization and global insecurity, it became clear that future wars were likely to stem from resource and environmental conflict and from the effects of mass movements of displaced people. Using case studies from around the world, the authors diagnose the problems caused by increasing militarism, and analyse the links between conflict, poverty, development and the environment.
This book, first published in 1989, explores the ideas, proposals and counterproposals surrounding the thorny issue of Cold War conventional force disarmament in Europe. European nations acknowledged the need to reduce military tensions, but divergences remained as to the concrete ways and means for the attainment of the security objectives on the basis of mutually acceptable reductions of their respective forces. A UNIDIR-organized conference examined these issues, and presented here are the conference reports and findings, together with speaker responses.
This book, first published in 1978, examines the military use of space - around 60 per cent of US and Soviet satellites were military ones. The satellites were for military communications, weather prediction, navigation, photographic and electronic reconnaissance, targeting, early warning, and satellites capable of destroying enemy satellites. This book analyses the capabilities of military satellites as part of the debate around the encroachment of military technology and purposes into space.
This book, first published in 1985, examines thinking around chemical weapons from the standpoint of national policy-making in a manner that integrates both defence and arms-control aspects. The process of multilateral negotiations on chemical warfare arms control is not simple, nor are the issues involved and their associated technical questions. Constraints, standards and verification are needed. This book analyses these issues, and the interplay of domestic issues and specific security requirements. This book offers an analytical framework within which a wide spread of different considerations may be located and assessed.
This book, first published in 1980, is a close analysis of Britain's defence policy in the latter years of the Cold War. It examines the factors that limited the choices available to the governments of the day, including technological advances, costs, changes in the balance of power, strategic thinking in both West and East, and the consequent implications for the development of forces and arms.
This book, first published in 1991, provides a major analysis of the prelude to the US's Cold War maritime strategy, showing how NATO's maritime forces were organised in the period. It examines how the United States Navy and allied navies, particularly the Royal Navy, were incorporated into the Alliance's nuclear and conventional deterrent forces. It looks at the structure of the main naval commands, the growth of Soviet maritime forces and the impact of the flexible response strategy on NATO's naval posture in the 1970s. Drawing upon many declassified documents, this account fills an important gap in postwar literature on American seapower and its relation to European security. It also addresses important aspects of NATO strategy and organisation.
This book, first published in 1956, analyses the Red Army's strategic planning for a war involving nuclear weapons - whereby the front line is thinned out to protect it from nuclear attack and replaced by large-scale offensive operations in NATO's rear. This new warfare technique had been successfully practised in WWII by Soviet partisan and guerrilla forces, and this book examines these foundations of Soviet secret services doctrine, and the principles by which they would operate.
This book, first published in 1983, examines weapons standardisation as one aspect of NATO's efficiency. It analyses the economic arguments for weapons standardisation, the limitations of the analysis and the available evidence. A political economy or public choice approach is used, with its emphasis on policy developments in the political market place of voters, political parties, bureaucracies and interest groups. These agents are central to understanding the function of weapons procurement policy within the Alliance. |
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