This book examines the relationship between total war, state-organized genocide, and the emergence of modern identity. The Holocaust, Bartov argues, can only be understood within the context of the century's predilection to apply systematic and destructive methods to resolve conflicts over identity.

Howard Dean s campaign for president changed the way in which campaigns are run today. With an unlikely collection of highly talented and motivated staffers drawn from a variety of backgrounds, the Dean campaign transformed the way in which money was raised and supporters galvanized by using the Internet. Surprisingly, many of the campaign staff members were neither computer whizzes nor practiced political operatives, even though that is how some of them are identified today. This book allows key individuals in the campaign the chance to tell their stories with an eye to documenting the Internet campaign revolution and providing lessons to future campaigns. Howard Dean s inspirational statement of what it took for his campaign to get as far as it did mousepads, shoe leather, and hope holds great wisdom for anyone campaigning today, especially the 2008 presidential candidates. Includes an interview with Howard Dean.Visit the companion website for "Mousepads."Watch an interview with Larry Biddle on YouTube at: http: //www.youtube.comZephyr Teachout was interviewed on NOW discussing the similarities between Howard Dean's use of the internet and Ron Paul's internet campaign. Read the full transcript here: http: //www.pbs.org"

State-sponsored torture and peacebuilding encapsulate the essence of many of the current conflicts in Indonesia. Papua in particular provides a thought-provoking example of the intricacy and complexity of building peace amidst enduring conflict and violence. This book examines the complex power relations that have constructed the gruesome picture of the fifty-year practice of torture in Papua, as well as the ongoing Papuan peacebuilding movements that resist the domineering power of the Indonesian state over Papuans. Conceptualising 'theatres of torture and peace', the book argues that torture in Papua is performed in public by the Indonesian state in order to communicate its policy of terror towards Papuans - it is not meant for extracting information, gaining confessions or exacting punishment. A Torture Dataset is provided, codifying evidence from a broad range of cases, collected through sensitive interviews. In examining the data, the author crafts a new, more holistic framework for analyzing cases of torture and employs an interdisciplinary approach integrating three different theories: Foucault's theory of governmentality and sovereignty, Kristeva's theory of abjection and Metz's theory of memoria passionis (the memory of suffering). The book successfully establishes a new understanding of torture as 'public theatre' and offers a new perspective of strengthening the existing Papuan peacebuilding framework of Papua Land of Peace. It will be of interest to academics working on Southeast Asian Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Transitional Justice, Peacebuilding, Human Rights and Anthropology of Violence.

This step-by-step guide to lobbying covers it all?from the basics for beginners to specific techniques for experienced lobbyists"?You and I may never achieve major public office, but we do not need to in order to affect public policy. Author Willard C. Richan"To effect social change, any lobbyistOCOs case must be presented with skill, knowledge, and confidence. This reader-friendly book shows the way. It assumes no prior knowledge of the subject and provides the nuts and bolts of public policy advocacy (lobbying) in non-technical language. Lobbying for Social Change, Third Edition is organized in a way that easily lends itself to use in the classroom as well as by individual or group advocates, and it is packed with clearly presented case material that illustrates the lobbying process in action. This new edition provides updated case material, expanded coverage of electronic media, and two new chapters; one focusing on direct action for fundamental change, and the other presenting a case history of a grassroots lobbying campaign.Part I of Lobbying for Social Change, Third Edition, entitled ?The Basics, ? will show you how to: assess your political resources set an agenda for action understand whom to lobby?and how to gauge their power, motivation, and ability to effect or impede social change gather and use evidence to support your positionPart II, ?Practical Applications, ? gives you nuts-and-bolts information about how lobbying is done. YouOCOll learn: how to work directly with policymakers-face-to-face, by mail, by telephone, etc. effective rules for to testifying in a public hearing how to make use of the mass media-writing news releases, participating in panel discussions, what to do when being interviewed (and how to increase your chances of being a repeat guest on talk and news shows), and how to effectively work with print and electronic media, including the Internet ways to take on the system through direct actionPart III, ?Case History of a Grassroots Lobbying Campaign, ? takes you inside an actual campaign (in this case, to amend the impending?at the time?welfare reform bill). YouOCOll see how a group of five Philadelphia area social workers and one feminist activist started the Delaware County Coalition to Save Our Safety Net?a coalition that would make a substantial impact on the specifics of welfare in the state of Pennsylvania.This new edition of the classic manual for lobbyists is packed with vital information for lobbying in the new millennium. We urge you to consider making it a part of your personal or teaching collection today "

An innovative study that examines how peaceful, domestic tactics by individual human rights activists and organizational activists, with public support, can force an authoritarian regime to make key concessions. Robert Press explores the creation and impact of a culture of resistance. He examines how domestic pressure can be more important than foreign pressure for political reform, especially in underdeveloped, authoritarian states. This study of contemporary Kenya fills a gap in traditional social movement theory to show how a resistance movement actually starts. Contrary to long-dominant theory, the book shows how the initiative for such a movement can come from activists themselves in the face of severe obstacles in society. With its unique findings on the effects of individual activism and peaceful resistance, this book will attract a broad audience in the study and practice of international relations, comparative politics, sociology, interest groups, peace and conflict, and human rights.

There is currently widespread and growing interest in the Chinese economy, its huge and rapid growth, and the consequent impact on world business and economic affairs. At the same time, there are concerns about China's political system, the Chinese communist party, China's human rights record and the degree to which reform - the development of 'socialism with Chinese characteristics' - represents real liberalization. This book provides full details of economic and political developments in China, focusing in particular on events since 1978. It includes coverage of Hong Kong, Macao, Tibet and Taiwan, together with China's relations, including international trade, with its neighbors and with the international community. It considers the evolution of China's 'open-door' policy in economic affairs, the impact of entry into the WTO and effects of the Asian financial crisis. All the key topics - the growth of the market, the reform of state owned enterprises, foreign investment, human rights, SARS and bird 'flu - are comprehensively covered. Overall, this book provides a full account of economic and political developments in China, and will be of importance to all who are interested in this country's affairs, not only scholars but also those within the business and policy-making communities.

Find out the real impact political marketing has on the democratic process Winning Elections with Political Marketing is a unique look at the election process on both sides of the Atlantic, providing rare insight into how modern political communication and marketing strategies are used in the United States and the United Kingdom. The leading political researchers present a cross-section of their latest findings, augmented with easy-to-read tables, charts, and figures, and reinforced with extensive references and bibliographies. The book addresses the key issues that define the interplay between political marketing and the electorate in both countries, including advertising, research methods and cross-cultural research results, political choice behavior, imagery management, the integration of business and social science theory, and the impact of political marketing on democracy. While the national election cycles of the two countries may be fundamentally different, their election processes share one thing in common-a trend toward permanent campaigning through embedded marketing tactics that's becoming standard practice in the United States and the United Kingdom. Winning Elections with Political Marketing examines the theoretical underpinnings of policy development, the characteristics of a successful political candidate, political marketing from the perspective of the voters, campaign finance regulations, and the effects of technological changes on political communication. Winning Elections with Political Marketing looks at: The Political Triangle determining market intelligence class, rhetoric, and candidate portrayal voter perceptions the role of President as party leader lobbying constituent communication voter behavior grass roots campaigns political consulting the Internet and e-newsletters the advantages of public funding and a study of the United States presidential primaries from 1976 to 2004 Winning Elections with Political Marketing is an essential resource for political practitioners, researchers, and scholars, candidates seeking political office, lobbyists, political action groups, public relations professionals, journalists, fundraisers, advertising specialists, and anyone with an interest in the political process.

Find out the real impact political marketing has on the democratic process Winning Elections with Political Marketing is a unique look at the election process on both sides of the Atlantic, providing rare insight into how modern political communication and marketing strategies are used in the United States and the United Kingdom. The leading political researchers present a cross-section of their latest findings, augmented with easy-to-read tables, charts, and figures, and reinforced with extensive references and bibliographies. The book addresses the key issues that define the interplay between political marketing and the electorate in both countries, including advertising, research methods and cross-cultural research results, political choice behavior, imagery management, the integration of business and social science theory, and the impact of political marketing on democracy. While the national election cycles of the two countries may be fundamentally different, their election processes share one thing in common-a trend toward permanent campaigning through embedded marketing tactics that's becoming standard practice in the United States and the United Kingdom. Winning Elections with Political Marketing examines the theoretical underpinnings of policy development, the characteristics of a successful political candidate, political marketing from the perspective of the voters, campaign finance regulations, and the effects of technological changes on political communication. Winning Elections with Political Marketing looks at: The Political Triangle determining market intelligence class, rhetoric, and candidate portrayal voter perceptions the role of President as party leader lobbying constituent communication voter behavior grass roots campaigns political consulting the Internet and e-newsletters the advantages of public funding and a study of the United States presidential primaries from 1976 to 2004 Winning Elections with Political Marketing is an essential resource for political practitioners, researchers, and scholars, candidates seeking political office, lobbyists, political action groups, public relations professionals, journalists, fundraisers, advertising specialists, and anyone with an interest in the political process.

This book explores why, how, and under what conditions a single-party regime uses formal democratic institutions to strengthen its rule. Zhongyuan Wang challenges the traditional perceptions that the Chinese congress acts either as mere window dressing or as an immediate catalyst for democratization. He argues that managed elections and mobilized representation are two strategic cards of China's one-party regime. By downplaying input electoral competition but promoting output congressional representation, the Chinese Communist Party has been committed to remodeling its unique brand of "socialist democracy" as an alternative to liberal democracy. Such a model of democracy with Chinese characteristics features the "Leninist trinity" of the Party's leadership, the rule of law, and people's sovereignty, as well as a new form of mobilized representation that relies heavily on non-electoral accountability from the top down. Remodeling democracy enables China's one-party regime to enhance its resilience and consolidate and sustain its rule.

Election Day, as it was once known, is no more. In 2020, with COVID-19 raging, over 60% of American voters cast early ballots. Even before the pandemic, more than one-third of voters routinely did so. Early voting represents a radical change in American elections. It means new options for voters, a new set of procedures and responsibilities for election clerks, and new challenges for political candidates and operatives. In Tuesday's Gone, Elliott Fullmer explores the effects of this new reality. Applying new data and innovative methods, he reports that early voting is bringing new citizens to the polls and enhancing the quality of American democracy. Examining four recent elections, he finds that both early in-person and absentee options increase turnout by several points when aggressively implemented by state and local officials. Like any new public policy, however, early voting does come with some notable side effects. Fullmer cautions that early voting increases down-ballot roll-off, widens racial disparities in voting access, and alters the competitive environment in presidential nomination contests. He argues that these complications can (and should) be addressed so that early voting can fully deliver upon its promise.

When President Dwight Eisenhower spoke of waging "total cold war," he was proposing nothing less than a global, all-embracing battle for hearts and minds. His wide-ranging propaganda campaign challenged world communism at every turn and left a lasting mark on the American psyche.

Kenneth Osgood now chronicles the secret psychological warfare programs America developed at the height of the Cold War. These programs-which were often indistinguishable from CIA covert operations-went well beyond campaigns to foment unrest behind the Iron Curtain. The effort was global: U.S. propaganda campaigns targeted virtually every country in the free world.

"Total Cold War" also shows that Eisenhower waged his propaganda war not just abroad, but also at home. U.S. psychological warfare programs blurred the lines between foreign and domestic propaganda with campaigns that both targeted the American people and enlisted them as active participants in global contest for public opinion.

Osgood focuses on major campaigns such as Atoms for Peace, People-to-People, and cultural exchange programs. Drawing on recently declassified documents that record U.S. psychological operations in some three dozen countries, he tells how U.S. propaganda agencies presented everyday life in America to the world: its citizens living full, happy lives in a classless society where economic bounty was shared by all. Osgood further investigates the ways in which superpower disarmament negotiations were used as propaganda maneuvers in the battle for international public opinion. He also reexamines the early years of the space race, focusing especially on the challenge to American propagandists posed by the Soviet launch of Sputnik.

Perhaps most telling, Osgood takes a new look at President Eisenhower's leadership. Believing that psychological warfare was a potent weapon in America's arsenal, Ike appears in these pages not as a disinterested figurehead, as he's often been portrayed, but as an activist president who left a profound mark on national security affairs.

Osgood's distinctive interpretation places Cold War propaganda campaigns in the context of an international arena drastically changed by the communications revolution and the age of mass politics and total war. It provides a new perspective on the conduct of public diplomacy, even as Americans today continue to grapple with the challenges of winning other hearts and minds in another global struggle.

From 1952 to 1981, South Africa's apartheid government ran a school for the training of African art teachers at Indaleni, in what is today KwaZulu-Natal. The Art Of Life In South Africa is about the students, teachers, art, ideas, and politics that led to the school's founding, and which circulated during the years of its existence at a remote former mission station. It is a story of creativity, beauty, and community in twentieth-century South Africa.

Daniel Magaziner radically reframes apartheid-era South African history. Against the dominant narrative of apartheid oppression and black resistance, this book focuses instead on a small group's efforts to fashion more fulfilling lives through the ironic medium of an apartheid-era school.

Lushly illustrated with almost 100 images, this book gives us fully formed lives and remarkable insights into life under segregation and apartheid.

China's mistreatment of its Uyghur minority has drawn international condemnation and sanctions. The repression gripping Xinjiang is also hugely costly to China in Renminbi, personnel, and stifled economic productivity. Despite this, the Chinese Communist Party persists in its policies. Why? Drawing on extensive original data, Potter and Wang demonstrate insecurities about the stability of the regime and its claim to legitimacy motivate Chinese policies. These perceived threats to core interests drive the ferocity of the official response to Uyghur nationalism. The result is harsh repression, sophisticated media control, and selective international military cooperation. China's growing economic and military power means that the country's policies in Xinjiang and Central Asia have global implications. Zero Tolerance sheds light on this problem, informing policymakers, scholars, and students about an emerging global hotspot destined to play a central role in international politics in years to come.

China's mistreatment of its Uyghur minority has drawn international condemnation and sanctions. The repression gripping Xinjiang is also hugely costly to China in Renminbi, personnel, and stifled economic productivity. Despite this, the Chinese Communist Party persists in its policies. Why? Drawing on extensive original data, Potter and Wang demonstrate insecurities about the stability of the regime and its claim to legitimacy motivate Chinese policies. These perceived threats to core interests drive the ferocity of the official response to Uyghur nationalism. The result is harsh repression, sophisticated media control, and selective international military cooperation. China's growing economic and military power means that the country's policies in Xinjiang and Central Asia have global implications. Zero Tolerance sheds light on this problem, informing policymakers, scholars, and students about an emerging global hotspot destined to play a central role in international politics in years to come.

This collection of prison writings straddles two continents, and compares and contrasts the political struggles that gave birth to two vibrant new democracies of the twenty-first century: South Africa and the Czech Republic. The triumph over decades of suffering endured by the ordinary citizens of these two countries is symbolized by their leaders, Nelson Mandela and Vaclav Havel.

While the moral stature of these two men continues to act as a beacon for other political aspirants in a new century, they call upon us all to acknowledge the role played by ordinary men and women in effecting freedom and justice. For this reason, Fallen Walls focuses on the experiences of ordinary prisoners of conscience. It records three voices from the apartheid-era cells of Robben Island--Joseph Mati, Johnson Mgabela, Monde Mkunqwana--and three voices from communist-era prisons in Czechoslovakia--Jiri Mesicki, Lola Skodova, and Jiri Stransky. There are striking similarities as well as differences between the two sets of stories. On a personal level, the tales from Robben Island are characterized by an absence of bitterness and thoughts of revenge, while a sense of bleak isolation and lingering bitterness pervades accounts from the Czechoslovakian prisons and labor camps. The buoyant tone of triumph of the South Africans is balanced by the darker, more skeptical mood of the Czechs. In an age that teeters so precariously between hope and despair, the narratives of these six prisoners of conscience remind us not only of what we are, but also of what we may become.

In a timely warning against complacency, Vaclav Havel notes in his foreword that "the authors remind us anew of the price that is so often paid for freedom and democracy." Fallen Walls will be of interest to historians, sociologists, human rights activists, and political scientists.

The English civil wars radically altered many aspects of mid-seventeenth century life, simultaneously creating a period of intense uncertainty and unheralded opportunity. Nowhere was this more apparent than in the printing and publishing industry, which between 1640 and 1660 produced a vast number of tracts and pamphlets on a bewildering variety of subjects. Many of these where of a highly political nature, the publication of which would have been unthinkable just a few years before. Whilst scholars have long recognised the importance of these publications, and have studied in depth what was written in them, much less work has been done on why they were produced. In this book Dr Peacey first highlights the different dynamics at work in the conception, publication and distribution of polemical works, and then pulls the strands together to study them against the wider political context. In so doing he provides a more complete understanding of the relationship between political events and literary and intellectual prose in an era of unrest and upheaval. By incorporating into the political history of the period some of the approaches utilized by scholars of book history, this study reveals the heightened importance of print in both the lives of members of the political nation and the minds of the political elite in the civil wars and Interregnum. Furthermore, it demonstrates both the existence and prevalence of print propaganda with which politicians became associated, and traces the processes by which it came to be produced, the means of detecting its existence, the ways in which politicians involved themselves in its production, the uses to which it was put, and the relationships between politicians and propagandists.

A half century of research shows that most citizens are shockingly uninformed about public affairs, liberal-conservative ideologies, and the issues of the day. This has led most scholars to condemn typical American voters as politically brainless and to conclude that policy voting lies beyond their reach. On Voter Competence breaks sharply from this view. According to Paul Goren, people vote based on abstract policy principles, a practice that has escaped scholars because they have searched for evidence of policy voting in the wrong places. Once we turn away from liberal-conservative predispositions and issue preferences, we find that nearly everyone holds genuine policy principles and uses these to guide their votes on election day.
Three key principles divide the Democratic and Republican parties: limited government, traditional morality, and military strength. Deftly integrating research in social and political history, social and political psychology, and electoral behavior, Goren argues that nearly all citizens keep these principles in mind. The principles function as central heuristics in their belief systems, are rooted deeply in basic human values, and guide presidential choice to a similar degree for voters across the sophistication spectrum. Goren's comprehensive analysis of opinion data from the past six presidential elections and several new national surveys yields unequivocal support for these claims.
Contrary to the indictment leveled by most of the scholarly community and political pundits more generally, ordinary citizens who are neither deeply knowledgeable nor engaged with the world of public affairs prove as adept as their more sophisticated counterparts in grounding presidential votes in abstract views about public policy. Insofar as citizen competence can be equated with the development and use of bedrock principles, the American voter performs far better than has been recognized in the past.

Over the course of American political history, political elites and organizations have often updated their political communications strategies in order to achieve longstanding political communicaiton goals in more efficient or effective ways. But why do successful innovations occur when they do, and what motivates political actors to make choices about how to innovate their communication tactics? Covering over 300 years of political communication innovations, Ben Epstein shows how this process of change happens and why. To do this, Epstein, following an interdisciplinary approach, proposes a new model called "the political communication cycle" that accounts for the technological, behavioral, and political factors that lead to revolutionary political communication changes over time.These changes (at least the successful ones) have been far from gradual, as long periods of relatively stable political communication activities have been disrupted by brief periods of dramatic and permanent transformation. These transformations are driven by political actors and organizations, and tend to follow predictable patterns. Epstein moves beyond the technological determinism that characterizes communication history scholarship and the medium-specific focus of much political communication work. The book identifies the political communication revolutions that have, in the United States, led to four, relatively stable political communication orders over history: the elite, mass, broadcast, and (the current) information orders. It identifies and tests three phases of each revolutionary cycle, ultimately sketching possible paths for the future. The Only Constant is Change offers readers and scholars a model and vocabulary to compare political communication changes across time and between different types of political organizations. This provides greater understanding of where we are currently in the recurring political communication cycle, and where we might be headed.

Strikes, protests, and riots by Chinese workers have been rising over the past decade. The state has addressed a number of grievances, yet has also come down increasingly hard on civil society groups pushing for reform. Why are these two seemingly clashing developments occurring simultaneously? Manfred Elfstrom uses extensive fieldwork and statistical analysis to examine both the causes and consequences of protest. The book adopts a holistic approach, encompassing national trends in worker-state relations, local policymaking processes and the dilemmas of individual officials and activists. Instead of taking sides in the old debate over whether non-democracies like China's are on the verge of collapse or have instead found ways of maintaining their power indefinitely, it explores the daily evolution of autocratic rule. While providing a uniquely comprehensive picture of change in China, this important study proposes a new model of bottom-up change within authoritarian systems more generally.

Concerns about unaccountable executive power have featured recurrently in political debates from the American founding to today. For many, presidents' use of unilateral power threatens American democracy. No Blank Check advances a new perspective: Instead of finding Americans apathetic towards how presidents exercise power, it shows the public is deeply concerned with core democratic values. Drawing on data from original surveys, innovative experiments, historical polls, and contexts outside the United States, the book highlights Americans' skepticism towards presidential power. This skepticism results in a public that punishes unilaterally minded presidents and the policies they pursue. By departing from existing theories of presidential power which acknowledge only institutional constraints, this timely and revealing book demonstrates the public's capacity to tame the unilateral impulses of even the most ambitious presidents. Ultimately, when it comes to exercising power, the public does not hand the president a blank check.

Concerns about unaccountable executive power have featured recurrently in political debates from the American founding to today. For many, presidents' use of unilateral power threatens American democracy. No Blank Check advances a new perspective: Instead of finding Americans apathetic towards how presidents exercise power, it shows the public is deeply concerned with core democratic values. Drawing on data from original surveys, innovative experiments, historical polls, and contexts outside the United States, the book highlights Americans' skepticism towards presidential power. This skepticism results in a public that punishes unilaterally minded presidents and the policies they pursue. By departing from existing theories of presidential power which acknowledge only institutional constraints, this timely and revealing book demonstrates the public's capacity to tame the unilateral impulses of even the most ambitious presidents. Ultimately, when it comes to exercising power, the public does not hand the president a blank check.

Illustrated with prints from a unique archive of glass and celluloid negatives from the Aegean island of Anafi, this book deals with the life of people who were sent into internal exile under the Metaxas dictatorship (1936-1942). Like others before and after, this regime used imprisonment, internal deportation and exile as a means of containing and isolating a wide variety of people who were thought to be 'public dangers'. Drawing on published and unpublished memoirs and on firsthand accounts of former exiles, it gives a vivid picture of a by no means unified collection of people, facing a common set of problems on an island at the borders of the Greek State. During the Occupation, the Anafi exiles faced privation, hunger and finally the dissolution of the commune. This is a human drama which will interest a wide range of readers.

Covering 10 years of post-communist political change in eastern Europe, this work examines the capacity of the former ruling parties to attract contemporary voters and their role in contributing to the consolidation of the new democratic regimes. Attention is paid to the comparative processes of party development in terms of party activity becoming more professional, aspects of party system institutionalization, major dimensions of institutional and electoral development, and party finances. A range of countries are surveyed to throw light on these processes, and broad analysis conducted on the nature of conservatism in post-communist Europe and the role of transnational party cooperation in fostering processes of Europeanization.