This book is in equal parts a treatise on morality and economics, a critique of neoclassical orthodoxy, a brief for replacing mainstream economics with a radical political economics, and an argument for the abandonment of neoliberal capitalism in favor of democratic socialism. It includes a detailed proposal for a "demand and cost" alternative to "supply and demand" analysis and an in-depth technical critique of both neoclassical "high theory" and "applied microeconomic analysis" demonstrating that these are not only infeasible or immoral, but have directly contributed to public policy disasters. Further, the book suggests that only a moral economics in the form of radical political economy can address the looming economic and environmental crises of today's world. Baiman begins with an introduction to morality and ethics in both general sciences and in economics in particular. He then guides readers through evidence of how neoclassical economics has not only failed to remain objective and value-free, but has become an ideology of apologetics protecting an immoral system. In addition to breaking down real-world examples to demonstrate his assertions, Baiman analyzes a theoretical Utopia design exercise. He concludes by arguing that the only form of economics that supports widely shared human values-such as social equity, democracy, and solidarity-is so-called "radical economics", and that all true economics science should be directed toward achieving more socially productive economic activity. An invaluable guide to morality and economics, this book will appeal to researchers and teachers looking to change the way we think about economics, policy, and society.

This book examines the relationship between development economics, social protection and democratization in the specific context of Sub-Saharan Africa. Moving existing theories of transformation into a new terrain, it sheds light on the exclusive origins of dictatorship and democracy. The book explains how development, social protection and democracy-enhancing policies have been produced by existing institutional frameworks and contingent responses to emergency events, and that these have themselves been shaped by the actions of actors and by their embeddedness in the surrounding political, economic, cultural and social environment. The book also draws attention to the most relevant institutional and social mechanisms, with associated elite strategies and power politics relations in the creation of politically-induced conflicts. In doing so, it highlights the important role of welfare institutions in the reduction and reproduction of vertical and horizontal inequalities as well as their repercussion in the emergence of social conflicts.

This book analyses how key 'systems integration' technical pressures, and the increasing use of collaborative alliances for market and product development are impacting on the socio technical policy directives of Chinese State leaders and the strategic behaviour of key Chinese high technology firms operating in the global wireless sector.

This book explores the reliability of official statistical data in the ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations), and the benefits of a better vocabulary to discuss the quality of publicly available data to address the needs of all users. It introduces a rigorous method to disaggregate and rate data quality into principal factors containing a total of ten dimensions, which serves as the basis for a discussion on the opportunities and challenges for data quality, capacity building programs and data policy in Southeast Asia. Tools to standardize and monitor statistical capacity and data quality are presented, as well as methods and data sources to analyse data quality. The book analyses data quality in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, Brunei, Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar, before concluding with thoughts on Open Data and the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC).

After over 30 years of reform and opening up, China's aggregate economic volume is now the second largest in the world. Over the past decade many provinces in the western region of China have implemented ecological migration projects of different scales, which have attracted considerable attention both in China and abroad. The projects indicate, first, that there is an urgent need for this type of endeavor: whether the goal is to reduce poverty or to protect the environment, we need to move the poor populations out of the ecologically fragile regions. Secondly, the projects indicate that the Chinese government is capable of meeting this need. Migration projects are complex and costly and without sufficient financial resources and systematic planning, migration may fail to reduce poverty, and could even aggravate it. The rapid economic growth in China, however, makes such migration projects viable.

This book investigates why Austrian economists fail to apply the spontaneous order framework to cooperative relationships - such as a dynamic and evolving public sector - that might complement a thriving market. In direct response to Israel Kirzner's The Driving Force of the Market, Nell challenges traditional Austrian economics by proposing "democratic process theory" as a parallel to market process theory, highlighting the possibilities for an economic organization that harnesses the power of transparent and effective democracy. Keeping in mind the central problems experienced in socialist and capitalist countries due to self-interested political and economic actors, The Driving Force of the Collective highlights the public sector advantages of allowing culture and institutions to evolve endogenously as a spontaneous public sector order.

This contributed volume is the first book in English to offer a current and critical vision of regional problems and policies in the countries of Latin America. The book is in three main parts: a general overview of regional processes and trends in Latin America as a whole; country-level coverage of seven individual countries; and comparative analyses of common major problems such as migration, education, labor, poverty, decentralization, exports and foreign direct investments. Written by renowned academics and experts from the region, the book seeks to provide a better understanding of regional challenges and trends, regional disparities that exist in many Latin American countries and the increasing importance of metropolitan areas.

U.S. and German export control policies are compared, showing how these policies have responded to the changes in the international environment, including the end of the Cold War. The policy differences are explained through an analysis of differences in state interests and external constraints, state strategies, domestic support for export controls, and institutional constraints on policy change. The conclusion put forward is that despite a partial convergence of U.S. and German export control policies in the 1990s, diplomatic conflicts between the U.S. and European governments over export control issues will continue to erupt.

In light of new global challenges for international cooperation and coordination, such as the revival of protectionism, surge of populism, or energy-related issues, this volume highlights possible scenarios for the future of Global Economic Governance (GEG). The contributing authors analyze the substance of GEG as a normative framework for resolving collective action issues and promoting cross-border co-ordination and co-operation in the provision or exchange of goods, money, services and technical expertise in the world economy. Furthermore, the book examines drivers of fundamental shifts in global economic steering and covers topics such as power and authority shifts in the global governance architecture, technological and energy-related challenges, and the role of the G20 and BRICS in shaping global economic governance. "This book provides a very timely and nuanced account of the challenges facing the established global order." Andrew F. Cooper (Professor of Political Science at the University of Waterloo) "This valuable collection from a new generation of innovative scholars of global economic governance offers insights from a broad range of theoretical approaches to the central policy issues of the day" John Kirton (Director of the Global Governance Program, Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto)

This book examines the politics of cancer, explains how our government is intrinsically tied to cancer research efforts, and documents how major political actors make cancer policy and are influenced in their decision making by political, social, scientific, and economic variables. Is whether we contract cancer—and whether we survive the disease, if we get it—largely just a result of good versus bad luck, or are these outcomes regarding cancer tied to the policies and actions of our federal government? Cancer-treating drug development and approval is overseen by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, billions of dollars of federal money are devoted towards cancer research, and exposure of citizens to potentially cancer-causing environments or chemicals is regulated by the Environmental Protection Agency. Additionally, all of these factors can be affected by the political motivations of our most powerful politicians. The Politics of Cancer: Malignant Indifference analyzes the policy environment of cancer in America: the actors, the political institutions, the money, and the disease itself, identifying how haphazard U.S. government policy toward cancer research has been and how the president, Congress, government bureaucracies, and even the cancer industry have failed to meet timelines and make the expected discoveries. Whitman Cobb examines funding for the National Cancer Institute and the roles of the executive, Congress, policy entrepreneurs, and the bureaucracy as well as that of the state of cancer science. She argues that despite the so-called "war on cancer," no strategic, comprehensive government policy has been imposed—leading to an indecisive cancer policy that has significantly impeded cancer research. Written from a political science perspective, the book enables readers to gain insight into the realities of science policy and the ways in which the federal government is both the source of funding for much of cancer research and often deficient in setting comprehensive and consistent anti-cancer policy. Readers will also come to understand how Congress, the president, the bureaucracy, and the cancer industry all share responsibility for the current state of cancer policy confusion and consider whether pharmaceutical companies, for-profit cancer treatment hospitals, and interest groups like the American Cancer Society have a personal incentive to keep the fight alive.

This book presents the development of a theory of social goal-objective formation and its relationship to national interest and social vision under a democratic decision-choice system with imperfect information structure. It provides a framework for the application of fuzzy logic and its mathematics to the analysis in resolving conflicts in individual preferences in the collective decision-choice space without violence. The book demonstrates how to use fuzzy logic and its mathematics in the study of economics, social sciences and other complex systems. It also presents the use of collaborative tools of opposites, duality, polarity, continuum in fuzzy paradigm with its logic, laws of thought and mathematics in developing a new approach to the theory of political economy in order to enhance the constructs of social decision-choice theory.

This forcefully argued book offers a provocative picture of the political, intellectual, and economic forces that have shaped the history of the United States from its founding to the present day. Offering an extensive and in-depth critique of laissez-faire doctrine and a novel reformulation of the work of American System writers such as Daniel Raymond, Henry Carey, and Thorstein Veblen, author Donald Gibson traces America's rise to global supremacy. He examines how free-market ideology and the "establishment" networks exemplified by Wall Street and the Council for Foreign Relations combined to lead us to the political and economic crises that America faces at the dawn of the twenty-first century.

Rosa Luxemburg, Oskar Lange and Michal Kalecki made important contributions to twentieth century political economy that guided the thinking of their student Tadeusz Kowalik. A wide range of contributors to this volume, including Alberto Chilosi, Gary Dymski, John King, Mario Nuti, Alessandro Vercelli, Kazimierz Laski, Leon Podkaminer, Edwin Le Heron, Malcolm Sawyer, Janusz Tomidajewicz, Pat Devine, Paul Mattick, Marc Lavoie, Paul Auerbach and Dimitris Sotiropoulos, examine how the ideas of Luxemburg, Lange, Kalecki and Kowalik, from finance to macroeconomics, the business cycle and the possibilities of Keynesian stabilisation, to illuminate our understanding of the crisis in twenty-first century capitalism.

This volume examines the impact of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) on Africa's development post-2015. It assesses the current state of the MDGs in Africa by outlining the successes, gaps and failures of the state goals, including lessons learned. A unique feature of the book is the exposition on post-MDG's agenda for Africa's development. Chapters on poverty, south-south partnership, aid, gender, empowerment, health as well as governance and development explore what feasible alternative lie ahead for Africa beyond the expiry date of the MDGs.

The transformation provisions have brought about a replacement of the planning system by a capitalist market system. This change engendered many positive results, but at high social costs. Some results, such as a dramatic decline in output and a decline in the standard of living have been transitory, but unemployment, widening of income inequalities, weakening of social programs and expansion of poverty are permanent features of the new system. This book examines the active employment policy and its effect, especially focusing on the social costs of transformation. It analyzes the reasons for the expansion of poverty and the chances of reducing it. Great attention is devoted to the reforms of pension and health care system. This book also discusses the performance of the economies of subject countries and gives a critical evaluation of privatization, primarily of the Czech voucher privatization.

Corporate scandals since the 1990s have made it clear that economic wrongdoing is more common in Western societies than might be expected. This volume examines the relationship between such wrong-doing and the neoliberal orientations, policies, and practices that have been influential since around 1980, considering whether neoliberalism has affected the likelihood that people and firms will act in ways that many people would consider wrong. It furthermore asks whether ideas of economic right and wrong have become so fragmented and localized that collective judgement has become almost impossible.

The composition of the Group of Twenty or G20 reflects the metamorphosis of world politics. In contrast with other 'Gs' (G8, G77) its members are both developed and emerging economies, democracies and authoritarian regimes, secular and religious governments. This book argues that the G20 is neither a global executive board for a new world order, nor is it just a crisis unit for failing economies. It is a laboratory for the observation, experimentation and invention of new forms of international cooperation that are redefining global politics.

This book scientifically tests the assertion that accommodative monetary policy can eliminate the "crowd out" problem, allowing fiscal stimulus programs (such as tax cuts or increased government spending) to stimulate the economy as intended. It also tests to see if natural growth in th economy can cure the crowd out problem as well or better. The book is intended to be the largest scale scientific test ever performed on this topic. It includes about 800 separate statistical tests on the U.S. economy testing different parts or all of the period 1960 - 2010. These tests focus on whether accommodative monetary policy, which increases the pool of loanable resources, can offset the crowd out problem as well as natural growth in the economy. The book, employing the best scientific methods available to economists for this type of problem, concludes accommodate monetary policy could have, but until the quantitative easing program, Federal Reserve efforts to accommodate fiscal stimulus programs were not large enough to offset more than 23% to 44% of any one year's crowd out problem. That provides the science part of the answer as to why accommodative monetary policy didn't accommodate: too little of it was tried. The book also tests whether other increases in loanable funds, occurring because of natural growth in the economy or changes in the savings rate can also offset crowd out. It concludes they can, and that these changes tend to be several times as effective as accommodative monetary policy. This book's companion volume Why Fiscal Stimulus Programs Fail explores the policy implications of these results.

This book discusses the strategic shift in ownership of Aramco, the Saudi Arabian Oil Company, and its potential impact on Aramco's role in a post- privatized world. Scheduled to become an IPO in 2018, Aramco is on the verge of becoming the largest IPO on the market. As the world's largest oil and gas company, Aramco's impending privatization has important implications for the world's petroleum market. This book, therefore, undertakes an analysis of Aramco, examining its history, its current role in Saudi Arabia's economy, and its future role as an IPO. The chapters highlight the likely outcomes for Aramco in proceeding with its planned IPO and privatization, as well as the various policy options and models available to it by drawing on the privatization of other national oil companies in Norway , Russia, Brazil, and China. The book also explores the complexities that will be involved in transforming Saudi Aramco to a privatized company-albeit with significant government oversight and control-and addresses key questions on the issues likely to be faced, such as IPO pricing, the listing, domain, and market capacity, and potential stakeholders. As such, this book will be of interest to academic researchers studying energy economics, energy policy, and the political economy of the Middle East, as well as private sector decision makers in energy related fields, international organizations, international oil companies, energy commodity traders, and public sector energy policy makers with interest in Saudi Arabia and Aramco's IPO.

A recent coinage within international relations, "nation branding" designates the process of highlighting a country's positive characteristics for promotional purposes, using techniques similar to those employed in marketing and public relations. Nation Branding in Modern History takes an innovative approach to illuminating this contested concept, drawing on fascinating case studies in the United States, China, Poland, Suriname, and many other countries, from the nineteenth century to the present. It supplements these empirical contributions with a series of historiographical essays and analyses of key primary documents, making for a rich and multivalent investigation into the nexus of cultural marketing, self-representation, and political power.

A norm of special treatment for LDCs, created by the UN, has spread to various international organisations including the WTO. Within the WTO evidence of the institutionalization of the norm can be found both in the agreements and legal documents and the way in which the LDCs have been treated by other states. Helen Hawthorne investigates how norms impact on negotiations in international organisations. She shows that few studies of international organisations focus on the role of the weaker states in the organization, the majority focus either on the major states or the emerging economies. By ignoring the role of the poorer, weaker states in the GATT/WTO we are ignoring the history of these states in the organisation and do not get a true picture of the organization, how it operates in relation to them and their impact on the organisation.

The book examines the 'Pink Tide' of leftist governments in Latin America struggling against neoliberal hegemony from a critical International Political Economy perspective. Focusing particularly on Venezuela and Brazil, it evaluates the transformative and emancipatory potentials of their political projects domestically, regionally and globally.

This book represents a comprehensive state-of-the-art picture of entrepreneurship and small business management issues in the Balkans region. It provides major theoretical and empirical evidence that offers a brighter view of these fields and aims to open up opportunities for greater dialogue in public policy. The readers would be able to enhance their knowledge on small businesses and innovation issues in the Balkans. An outcome of a long lasting endeavour, this book includes contributions of highly reputed authors and experts from the Balkans' countries. Features forewords by two well-known personalities of this field, Leo Paul Dana and Alain Fayolle.

This book finds that the R&D and technological innovation of a country is not a result, but a factor, of sustained economic growth. Bazhal develops Schumpeter's theory to argue that genuine economic growth - especially in transitioning and developing countries - is only possible with innovation. With a particular focus on the work of Ukrainian economists, Tugan-Batanobvsky and Vernadsky, the text seeks to move the discipline forward and explain why innovation has become a primary factor of economic development in recent decades and why its role will become even more dominant in the future. Chapters interrogate whether modern economic theory can explain how we ensure the effective functioning of the market economy. The book shows that explanations of economists and politicians regarding the nature of the current economic and financial crisis, and the causes of huge gaps in levels of wealth in market economies, demonstrates that there are not enough satisfactory answers to this question.