Product of a Post-doctoral research done at the University of Washington, (Seattle), USA, the present work is an attempt to conceptualise and analyse the postulates underlying India's Foreign Policy from its formative years in the early fifties to its maturation in the early eighties of the last century. It subjects the management of foreign relations by India to a full scale theoretical examination from the political economy angle-an exercise few scholars then or now have undertaken .Notions of security, national interest, diplomatic leverage, decision making process and so on have, in this work, been revisited in the decisive context of a domestic-external continuum in which forces of economic origin were seen as defining the rationale of a foreign policy that was supposed to take a developing nation to the fulfilment of its legitimate aspirations. At the same time, the innovations that were made with practically no earlier precedent to go by and the kind of institution building required for the purpose have been dealt with critically so as to bring out the interplay of domestic development aspirations and the art of ensuring policy independence by appropriate diplomacy. In the turbulent context of the Cold War the Indian experiment in the management of foreign relations and the positive gains it reaped in collectivising the principle of non-alignment did constitute a subject that demanded a non-conventional approach to get to the bottom of it. That is precisely what distinguishes the book by one of the most qualified experts in International Relations, enjoying intellectual acclaim both at home and abroad. The book starts with a theoretical discourse on the applicability or otherwise of the political economy approach as it stood at the time of writing. In subsequent chapters it examines a dependent economy's quest for an independent foreign policy, the central challenge before the external affairs ministry of the country. It needed, among other things handling of external aid, and foreign investment to recharge the developmental enterprises at home in a manner that would not interfere with the autonomy in judging and reacting to external events. Economic restructuring at home which brought a strong public sector as complementary to a fledgling private sector constituted an essential aspect. So also came up the new experiment of building a collective economic front with other developing nations. In its compact, yet well documented, analysis the book provides the most engaging scholarly presentation of the subject in all its relevant technicalities.

This book asks under which conditions cooperation is in the interest of the riparian countries sharing international waters, and how institutions must be designed to realize potential gains of cooperation. The author, Ines Dombrowsky, develops a conceptual framework that draws upon different economic theories, including the theory of external effects, non-cooperative game theory and transaction costs economics. She distinguishes the different types of externality problems inherent in international water management and specifies the institutional prerequisites for cooperation. She argues that the respective problems differ with respect to the need to define property rights and to establish enforcement mechanisms. The book also explores the role of issue linkage and of international organizations to foster cooperation. The theoretic considerations are compared and contrasted with the findings of a global review of international water treaties and organizations. By taking hydrological and legal aspects into account, this book provides an interdisciplinary contribution at the interface of hydrology, law and economics. As such, it is addressed to scholars, practitioners and policy-makers, including economists, political scientists, international lawyers, natural scientists, and water resource managers.

Precariousness has become a defining experience in contemporary society, as an inescapable condition and state of being. Living with Precariousness presents a spectrum of timely case studies that explore precarious existences – at individual, collective and structural levels, and as manifested through space and the body. These range from the plight of asylum seekers, to the tiny house movement as a response to affordable housing crises; from the global impacts of climate change, to the daily challenges of living with a chronic illness. This multidisciplinary book illustrates the pervasiveness of precarity, but furthermore shows how those entanglements with other agents, human or otherwise, that put us at risk are also the connections that make living with (and through) precariousness endurable.

Although most people believe that some form of government is necessary, until recently it was merely an assumption that had never been analyzed from an economic point of view. This changed in the 1970s when economists at the Center for the Study of Public Choice engaged in a systematic exploration of the issue. This stimulating collection, the first book-length treatment on the public choice theory of government, continues and extends the research program begun more than three decades ago. The book reprints the main articles from the 1972 volume Explorations in the Theory of Anarchy, and contains a response to each chapter, as well as new comments by Gordon Tullock, James Buchanan, Jeffrey Rogers Hummel and Peter Boettke. The younger economists are notably less pessimistic about markets and more pessimistic about government than their predecessors. Much of the new analysis suggests that private property rights and contracts can exist without government, and that even though problems exist, government does not seem to offer a solution. Might anarchy be the best choice after all? This provocative volume explores this issue in-depth and provides some interesting answers. Economists, political scientists, philosophers and lawyers interested in public choice, political economy and spontaneous order will find this series of essays illuminating.

Though the history of hikes in petroleum prices began in 1973 when the military government of Gen. Yakubu Gowon increased the price of petrol to 9 kobo per litre from the equivalent of 8.8 kobo that had prevailed before then, the politics and economics of removal of subsidies on premium petroleum products entered into the national lexicon in 1986 when the military administration of General Ibrahim Babangida announced that due to the devaluation of the Naira, the domestic price of fuel had become unsustainable cheap and was becoming a burden on the national purse. Ever since, most regimes in the country have toyed with the idea of removing the subsidies, with organised labour and the civil society usually vehemently opposed to the idea. In late 2011 the Jonathan administration announced plans to completely remove the subsidies but gave no timeline amid threats by organised labour, students and civil society groups to stoutly resist the move. On January 1 2012, the regime announced the removal of the subsidies and subsequently reiterated that its decision on the issue was irreversible. It however announced some measures, including the provision of buses, to help cushion the impact of the move. This volume takes a critical look at the politics and economics of the pro- and anti-subsidisation lobbies. It also examines the likely economic and social impacts of the move and its implications for the poor, the overall economy and the country's democratic project. _____________________________ Jideofor Adibe has been a Guest research fellow in a number of institutions across the world including the Centre for Development Research, Copenhagen, Denmark; the Nordic Institute for African Studies, Uppsala, Sweden, the Centre for Developing Area Studies, McGill University, Montreal, Canada and the Institute for Commonwealth Studies, University of London, UK. He currently teaches political science at Nasarawa State University, Keffi and also writes a weekly column for the Nigerian newspaper Daily Trust. He is equally a member of the paper's Editorial Board. _________

For Ukraine, the signing of the Association Agreement and the DCFTA with the European Union in 2014 was an act of strategic geopolitical significance. Emblematic of the struggle to replace the Yanukovych regime at home and to resist attempts by Russia to deny its 'European choice', the Association Agreement is a defiant statement of Ukraine's determination to become an independent democratic state. The purpose of this Handbook is to make the complex political, economic and legal content of the Association Agreement readily understandable. This third edition, published seven years since signature of after entry into force of the Agreement's implementation is substantially new in content, both updating how Ukraine has been implementing the Agreement, and introducing new dimensions (including the Green Deal, the Covid-19 pandemic, cyber security, and gender equality). The Handbook is also up to date in analysing Ukraine's the development of the Zelensky administration, with its unfinished agenda for cutting corruption and reforming the rule of law. Two teams of researchers from leading independent think tanks, CEPS in Brussels and the Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting (IER) in Kyiv, collaborated on this project, with the support of the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida). This Handbook is one of a trilogy examining similar Association Agreements made by the EU with Georgia and Moldova.

This important book offers a comprehensive defence of classical liberalism against contemporary challenges. It sets out an analytical framework of 'robust political economy' that explores the economic and political problems that arise from the phenomena of imperfect knowledge and imperfect incentives. Using this framework, the book defends the classical liberal focus on markets and the minimal state from the critiques presented by 'market failure' economics and communitarian and egalitarian variants of political theory. Mark Pennington expertly applies the lessons learned from responding to these challenges in the context of contemporary discussions surrounding the welfare state, international development, and environmental protection. Written in an accessible style, this authoritative book would be useful for both undergraduate and graduate students of political economy and public policy as a standard reference work for classical liberal analysis and a defence of its normative prescriptions. The book's distinctive approach will ensure that academic practitioners of economics and political science, political theory and public policy will also find its controversial conclusions insightful. Contents: 1. Introduction: Classical Liberalism and Robust Political Economy; Part I: Challenges to Classical Liberalism; 2. Market Failures 'Old' and 'New': The Challenge of Neo-Classical Economics; 3. Exit, Voice and Communicative Rationality: The Challenge of Communitarianism I; 4. Exit, Trust and Social Capital: The Challenge of Communitarianism II; 5. Equality and Social Justice: The Challenge of Egalitarianism; Part II: Towards the Minimal State; 6. Poverty Relief and Public Services: Welfare State or Minimal State?; 7. Institutions and International Development: Global Governance or the Minimal State?; 8. Environmental Protection: Green Leviathan or the Minimal State?; 9. Conclusion; Bibliography; Index

How Nations Innovate compares how affluent capitalist economies differ in their patterns of technological innovation. Building on the 'varieties of capitalism' literature, this book goes beyond the traditional focus on 'radical versus incremental innovation' in existing scholarship, and takes the comparison of capitalism to an entirely new set of questions around technological innovation. For example, which type of capitalism engages in job-threatening innovation? Whose innovation widens income inequality? Whose innovation raises productivity? Which type of capitalism has more effective financial markets for innovation? Whose innovators emphasize 'control' rather than 'flexibility' during innovation? By addressing these questions, the author demonstrates that the way nations innovate often has deep, and sometimes counter-intuitive, implications for how they compare in many areas of socio-economic performance. For example, although venture capital is most active in Anglo-Saxon economies, it seems that venture-capital performance in stimulating innovation is also poorest in precisely these countries. On the issue of employment, the author argues that, whilst technological innovation in Anglo-Saxon economies creates jobs, innovation in European economies destroys jobs. Nations also differ in the nature of income inequality driven by innovation. While innovation pushes top earners further ahead of median earners in Anglo-Saxon economies, it drags bottom earners further behind the median in European economies. Finally, varieties of capitalism also differ in their ability to cope with the volatilities of innovation. While Anglo-Saxon economies face a trade-off between low volatility and high innovation output, these two goals seem jointly achievable in European economies.

This book provides an in-depth look into key political dynamics that obtain in a democracy without parties, offering a window into political undercurrents increasingly in evidence throughout the Latin American region, where political parties are withering. For the past three decades, Peru has showcased a political universe populated by amateur politicians and the dominance of personalism as the main party-voter linkage form. The study peruses the post-2000 evolution of some of the key Peruvian electoral vehicles and classifies the partisan universe as a party non-system. There are several elements endogenous to personalist electoral vehicles that perpetuate partylessness, contributing to the absence of party building. The book also examines electoral dynamics in partyless settings, centrally shaped by effective electoral supply, personal brands, contingency, and iterated rounds of strategic voting calculi. Given the scarcity of information electoral vehicles provide, as well as the enormously complex political environment Peruvian citizens inhabit, personal brands provide readymade informational shortcuts that simplify the political world. The concept of "negative legitimacy environments" is furnished to capture political settings comprised of supermajorities of floating voters, pervasive negative political identities, and a generic citizen preference for newcomers and political outsiders. Such environments, increasingly present throughout Latin America, produce several deleterious effects, including high political uncertainty, incumbency disadvantage, and political time compression. Peru's "democracy without parties" fails to deliver essential democratic functions including governability, responsiveness, horizontal and vertical accountability, or democratic representation, among others.

Much of the existing literature within the "varieties of capitalism " (VOC) and "comparative business systems " fields of research is heavily focused on Europe, Japan, and the Anglo-Saxon nations. As a result, the field has yet to produce a detailed empirical picture of the institutional structures of most Asian nations and to explore to what extent existing theory applies to the Asian context. The Oxford Handbook of Asian Business Systems aims to address this imbalance by exploring the shape and consequences of institutional variations across the political economies of different societies within Asia. Drawing on the deep knowledge of 32 leading experts, this book presents an empirical, comparative institutional analysis of 13 major Asian business systems between India and Japan. To aid comparison, each country chapter follows the same consistent outline. Complementing the country chapters are eleven contributions examining major themes across the region in comparative perspective and linking the empirical picture to existing theory on these themes. A further three chapters provide perspectives on the influence of history and institutional change. The concluding chapters spell out the implications of all these chapters for scholars in the field and for business practitioners in Asia. The Handbook is a major reference work for scholars researching the causes of success and failure in international business in Asia.

In the "Handbook of Public Economics, vol. 5, " top scholars provide context and order to new research about mechanisms that underlie both public finance theories and applications. These fundamental subjects follow the recent, steady movement away from rational decision-making and toward more personalized approaches to tax generation and expenditure, especially in terms of the use of psychological methods and financial incentives. Closely scrutinized subjects include new research in empirical (instead of theoretical) public finance, the methods for measuring taxes (both in revenue generation and expenditure), and the roles that taxes play in specific settings, such as emerging economies, urban settings, charitable giving, and among political entities (cities, counties, states, countries). Contributors look at both the "tax" and "expenditure" sides of public finance, emphasizing recent influences that psychology and philosophy have exerted in economics with articles on behavioral finance, charitable giving, and dynamic taxation. To a field enjoying rapid growth, their articles bring context and order, illuminating the mechanisms that underlie both public finance theories and applications.
Editor Raj Chetty is the recipient of the 2013 John Bates Clark Medal from the American Economic AssociationFocuses on new approaches to both revenue generation and expenditures in public financePresents coherent summaries of subjects in public economics that stretch from methodologies to applicationsMakes details about public economics accessible to scholars in fields outside economics

Lombard Street is Walter Bagehot's famous explanation of the England central banking system established during the 19th century. At the time Bagehot wrote, the United Kingdom was at the peak of its influence. The Bank of England in London, was one of the most powerful institutions in the world. Working as an economist at the time, Walter Bagehot sets about explaining how the British government and the Bank of England interact. Leading on from this, he explains how the Bank of England and other banks - the Joint-Stock and Private banking companies - do the business of finance. Bagehot is not afraid to admit that life at the bank is usually quite boring, albeit punctuated by short periods of sudden excitement. The sudden boom of a market, or sudden fluctuations in the credit system, can create an excited demand for money. The eruption of an economic depression, which Bagehot aptly notes is rapidly contagious around different sectors of the economy, can also make working in the bank a lot less tedious.

The fading of the post-WWII order called for Turkey to take on a new role in this new multi-centered and multipolar era with new players emerging from different regions across the globe. The new enterprising and humanitarian foreign policy is an effort to locate Turkey better in the 21st global politics. While the literature on principles of Turkish foreign policy is abundant, the actual mechanisms by which these principles are implemented in practice are still ambiguous to most scholars and foreign policy practitioners especially within the country's newly developed Turkish foreign policy framework. This edited volume directs to shed light on this little-explored aspect of Turkish foreign policy. By critically analyzing several cases from different geographical locations, this volume explains why Turkey developed a new foreign policy framework, and by which mechanisms this new foreign policy framework has been implemented around the world. This volume also critically explores how the new Turkish foreign policy framework customizes its tools and capacities in various international regions around the world.

Complexity and the Economy brings together a range of perspectives from internationally-renowned scholars. The book surveys conceptual approaches to understanding complexity as a key subject in evolutionary and political economy. The authors examine the causes and consequences of complexity among the broadly economic phenomena of firms, industries and socio-economic policy. The book makes a valuable contribution to the increasingly prominent subject of complexity, especially for those whose interests include evolutionary, behavioural, political and social approaches to understanding economics and economic phenomena. Complexity has become something of a leitmotif among scholars with these interests. This book contributes specific, distinctive and policy-oriented elaborations, criticisms, applications and analyses of economic phenomena as interpreted complexly. Drawing together strands of research with the aim of applying complexity theory, this book will be of great interest to researchers of political economy and evolutionary economics.

Constitutional political economy applies an economic approach to the analysis of constitutional choice. Initially, research clearly leaned towards legitimizing the state and its actions. However, the transitions taking place in Central and Eastern Europe have made apparent the necessity to improve our knowledge of the working properties of alternative constitutional rules, thus stressing the importance of positive analysis. The authors analyse both the opportunities and dangers of importing constitutions from around the world into this area. The papers assembled in this volume deal with the question of what individual transition processes have taught us in terms of constitution-building. The book contains analyses of post 1989 constitutional developments in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe from the perspectives of varied disciplines; including academics, politicians and the judiciary. Constitutions, Markets and Law will be welcomed by scholars of transition studies and political economists as well as practitioners of, and academics with an interest in, constitutional law.

For the past three decades, Sino-African relations have attracted widespread coverage for the political, economic, and diplomatic engagements between African countries and China, as well as grassroots interactions and encounters between Africans and Chinese. Such engagements and interactions feature controversies, tensions, and biases fueled by the subjective viewpoints of various actors and observers. China in Africa examines these issues following interviews with African and Chinese policymakers, diplomats, professionals, and corporate managers. It also includes discussions, observations, and interviews with the members of the general public in Senegal, Namibia, and South Africa, as well as in China. It includes four key areas of Sino-African relations: economic relations, environmental and sustainable development issues, African migration to China, and Chinese migration to Africa.

Elinor Ostrom, co-recipient of the 2009 Nobel Prize in economics, argues that in studying social order, we should not be limited to only the conceptions of order derived from the work of Adam Smith and Thomas Hobbes. To be precise, we should not limit ourselves to theoretical frameworks of The State and to theoretical frameworks of The Market. We need approaches that match the extensive variety of institutional arrangements existent in the world. In this book, Paul Dragos Aligica discusses some of the most challenging ideas emerging out of the research program on institutional diversity associated with Ostrom and her associates, while outlining a set of new research directions and an original interpretation of the significance and future of this program.