India's explosive economic growth and emerging power status make it a key country of interest for policymakers, researchers and scholars within South Asia and around the world. But while many of India's threats and conflicts are strategized and discussed extensively within the confines of security studies, strategic studies and conventional international relations perspectives, many less visible challenges are set to impact significantly on India's potential for economic growth as well as the human security and livelihoods of hundreds of millions of Indian citizens. Drawing on extensive research within India, this book looks at some of the 'hidden risks' that India faces, exploring how a broadened scope of what constitutes 'risk' itself holds value for Indian security studies practitioners and policymakers. It highlights several human security risks facing India, including the inability of the world's largest democracy to deal effectively with widespread poverty and health issues, resource depletion and environmental mismanagement, pervasive corruption and institutionalized crime, communal violence, a protracted Maoist insurgency, and deadlocked peace processes in the Northeast among others. The book extracts common themes from these seemingly disparate problems, discussing what underlying failures allow them to persist and why policymakers heavily securitize some political issues while ignoring others. Providing an understanding of how several lesser-studied risks can pose potential or actual threats to Indian society and its 'emerging power' growth narrative, this book is a useful contribution to South Asian Studies, International Security Studies and Global Politics.

The book is a key reading which provides a comprehensive and systematic overview of the contemporary Asian economy. The book focuses on the structural changes that are rapidly transforming the regional economic landscape in the 21st century. It highlights the concomitant challenges that have arisen, and further discusses prospects and potentialities of Asian economies given this new economic environment. The book also looks at broader social issues that are both the cause and result of these new and complex economic dynamism in Asia. Understanding the Asian economy cannot be achieved without understanding the new interrelationships and complexities that have evolved from this context, which continue to be driven by drastic changes in technological, demographic, and social structures, among others. Each of the chapters are titled based on "issues" and are framed in present continuous tense, intended to capture and emphasize the progressiveness of this new dynamism that are transforming the region in a fundamental way.

Support-Bargaining, Economics and Society links support-bargaining to Darwin's theory of natural selection and traces the implications of support-bargaining and money-bargaining across society. It provides a wholly different account of the functioning of human societies from anything that has gone before. Social scientists, ever since there have been such people, have missed the crucial human characteristic - the propensity to seek support - that has given rise to group formation and the myriad activities that are feasible in groups.

This volume examines and evaluates the impact of international statebuilding interventions on the political economy of post-conflict countries over the past 20 years. Through detailed comparative analysis of key statebuilding policies and case studies, this handbook analyzes how international interventions have shaped political and economic dynamics and structures -- both formal and informal -- and what kind of state, and what kind of state-society relations have been created as a result. The volume aims to offer a more nuanced understanding of the complex impact of statebuilding practices on post-conflict societies, and of the political economy of post-conflict statebuilding. The book systematically examines the impact of statebuilding policies through the analysis of ten statebuilding interventions (ranging from governance conditionalities and assistance to full-fledged international administration), and of three cross-cutting thematic areas: institution-building and representation; economic reform; and the approaches of selected international statebuilding actors (i.e. the UN or the IFIs). Questions examined by the chapters include: * How have statebuilding policies affected the relationship between formal and informal economic and political institutions? * How are international statebuilding policies mediated through local political structures? * How have outside interventions affected the balance between different political groups in a post-conflict country? * To what extent have statebuilding policies led to a change or to the resurfacing of old elites? What policies have contributed to this, and why? This handbook will be of mcuh interest to students of statebuilding, humanitarian intervention, post-conflict reconstruction, political economy, international organisations and IR/Security Studies in general.

Against the background of the global economic crisis since 2007/2008 and increasing inequality across the world, the Global South has experienced widespread, large-scale industrial action, including in countries such as China, Brazil, India and South Africa, which had been hailed as the new growth engines of the global political economy as part of the so-called BRICS. This volume systematically evaluates how the new forms of labour mobilization witnessed in the past ten years responded to the predominance of the informality-precarity complex of industrial relations and what conclusions can be drawn for potentially successful strategies against exploitation in the future. Can we identify a convergence of new approaches across the Global South, or do we witness an ongoing fragmentation of actors, models and strategies? In addressing this question, consideration is given to issues of class as well as gender and race. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the journal Globalizations.

Inclusive Growth in Australia overturns two decades of assumptions that social policy is wasteful and a source of dependency. It reflects a global resurgence of the understanding that an active and effective social policy regime is vital not only for a flourishing society, but also for a strong economy. It explains this new paradigm of inclusive growth and shows how it can be implemented in Australia.Inclusive growth dismantles the idea that social development will automatically trickle down from untrammelled market based growth. Rather, growth must be managed so that it is employment centred, broad based across sectors and with a social security system promoting sustainability and equality of opportunity. The editors argue that productivity is 'nearly everything' when it comes to raising living standards. So while social policies will be about goals other than the economy, they must demonstrate their compatibility with an economic growth strategy.With contributions from leading national and international experts in the field including Marian Baird, Grant Belchamber, Gerald Burke, Saul Eslake, Roy Green and Peter Whiteford, Inclusive Growth in Australia shows that 'welfare state' spending is as much an economic investment as a measure of social protection. Written for policy makers, industry and NGOs as well as students, Inclusive Growth in Australia locates Australian economic and social policy within the most important emergent themes shaping international debate.

The major problems facing the world as it gets used to the twenty-first century are global inequality, poverty, war and militarism, oppression, exploitation and ecological sustainability. Far from solving these problems, economic and political neo-liberalism seems to be plunging us deeper into them. Diverse opposition movements have arisen over the years to combat these problems, which the groups generally consider to be the result of "globalization". These opposition movements suffer greatly from being opposed to lots of things without necessarily putting forward realistic alternative suggestions. This impressive new book seeks to analyze and develop serious alternatives to the status quo. With contributions from a wide range of scholars, this important book will provide a uniquely varied outlook. Students and academics involved in international politics and economics as well as general readers with an interest in the anti-globalization movement will find this work incredibly useful.

Based on extensive original research, Globalisation, Transition and Development inChina explains China's development strategy and its underlying forces, and the success of this strategy. It examines China's gradualist approach which emphasizes development first and regards transition and globalization as secondary, enacting liberalization of domestic markets and integration into the world economy in a paced way, avoiding dramatic changes which might impede or even reverse development, and argues that this approach is broadly correct. It considers China's failures, including the failure to build large globally competitive corporations despite the intention to do this, and shows how China's economic strategy has been implemented in detail with a case study of the large and important coal industry.

Over the past fifty years, crisis management has become essential to achieving and maintaining national security. This book offers a comparative analysis of the preconditions and constraints nine European states place on their participation in international crisis management operations and the important consequences of such decisions, and provides a theoretical framework to help the reader understand this complex decision-making process.

Conventional interpretations of the New Economic Policy introduced in India in 1991 see this program of economic liberalization as transforming the Indian economy and leading to a substantial increase in the rate of India's economic growth. But in a country like India, growth is not enough. Who benefits from the new growth regime, and can it significantly improve the conditions of livelihood for India's 800 million people with incomes below $2.00 a day? This edited volume looks at international policy regimes and their national adoption under strategic conditions of economic crisis and coercion, and within longer-term structural changes in the power calculus of global capitalism. The contributors examine long-term growth tendencies, poverty and employment rates at the national level, regional level and local levels in India; the main growth centers; the areas and people left out; the advantages and deficiencies of the existing policy regime, and alternative economic policies for India. Bringing together the leading figures in the discussion on India's economic policy, this volume is the authoritative critical study of India's New Economic Policy.

Live music events are synonymous with fun but seldom associated with international trade. This book serves to transform this mindset, through describing the economic value of live music and analysing the factors affecting international trade in Caribbean live music services. Race and ethnicity, unachieved regionalism within the Caribbean, and perceived biases in international trade agreements are assessed in relation to their impact on this trade. Several topics presented in this book are based on empirical findings from a previous microeconomic study, dedicated entirely to international trade in live music. Moreover, this book is unique because it compares the Caribbean and South Korea to assess the effectiveness of strategies aimed at developing international trade in live music services. This comparison should inspire robust policy initiatives for advancing international trade in Caribbean live music, given that South Korea is presently a heavyweight in the export of its entertainment services, despite language barriers. Given the interdisciplinary nature of this book, it will appeal to a wide range of readers such as postgraduate students or researchers of microeconomics, intraregional trade, international trade, international business, international relations, public policy, and cultural studies, as well as IP legal professionals, live music stakeholders, cultural practitioners, and policymakers.

This book discusses which is the most appropriate tax dimension to best manage the new horizons of the global and digital economy. In this perspective, the efficiency of the main models is examined and two fundamental proposals are put forth: the first one aims at a coordination of the Destination-Based approach with the role of some specific digital assets, such as user data; the second one is a framework for a possible futuristic tax phenomenon all internal to the world of the internet and not linked to traditional territorial States. The compliance of these models with the constitutional principles that western democratic systems have affirmed over time in matters of taxation is then analyzed with particular regard to legal certainty, consent to taxation and to the re-distributive function of taxes. A specific evaluation of the role of the European Union is carried out and the jurisprudence on financial interests of the Union and on State aids is analyzed and tackled in light of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union and of the tax sovereignty of member States. The conclusion is that the model of the organization with a general political purpose, from which modern States take their inspiration, appears unfailing for a tax project that would focus on the good and the growth of the person and of the social aggregations in which everyone lives. A model that therefore deserves to be safeguarded, although with new methods and instruments, starting from a Destination-Based Asset-Coordinated approach, in the Third Millennium. The book will be of interest to researchers and academics in international tax law, constitutional law and in political science.

China today has the largest communist political regime and one of the most dynamic, fastest-growing, and largest economies in the world. Using a case study of China's tobacco industry, this book analyses how the Chinese government was able to cultivate big state-owned firms that have successfully embraced the global market. The success of the Chinese economy and the many state-owned firms within it have given rise to a "Beijing Consensus," challenging almost every principle enshrined in the so-called "Washington Consensus" that espouses private ownership, free markets, and democracy. By examining two important political processes in contemporary China, 'local state competition' and 'global-market building', the book argues that the first process serves as a crucial basis for the second. It illustrates how the local governments involved themselves in building and shaping the tobacco market throughout the 1980s and 1990s, and how these domestic market dynamics created conditions for China's recent embrace of the international market. Offering an in-depth exploration of the political-economic processes in a key Chinese state industry, the book emphasizes that the key to understanding China's political transition is to look at how the state has been shaped by its market-building projects both domestically and globally. It presents an important contribution to studies on Chinese Business and International Political Economy.

The invocation of the market has been omnipresent in media discussions of crisis Europe . On the one hand, the market is presented as that to which EU member states must collectively respond. It is the very purpose of a post-national government and that which dictates individual and collective identities. The expansion of market is that which guarantees and constitutes peace in Europe. On the other hand, the market is that which government must seek to tame. It is the servant of government and ought not be permitted to undermine collective identities and solidarities associated with the juridical imaginary of social contract and sovereign nation-state. It is, from this perspective, the expansion of the social institutions of nation-state into the post-national arena that will constitute a lasting peace in Europe.

Cosmopolitan Government in Europe uses a Foucauldian lens to consider the ethics of the scholarly and institutional discourses associated with these apparently divergent market and legal cosmopolitan visions of Europe. It reflects on attempts to reconcile or move beyond these discourses, particularly through the invocation of more pluralist modes of governance, but claims that such moves have been largely unsuccessful in both practice and theory. It argues that the very ambiguity in the relationship between the ideal subjects that these market and legal visions promote respectively, post-national entrepreneur and citizen is that which permits a space for resistance and politics. Thus, the book argues for a pragmatic politics which is cognizant of the violent potential inherent in any cosmopolitan attempt to govern Europe, while recognising the contemporary dangers associated with the dominance of a market cosmopolitan Europe.

This work is an important and timely intervention in contemporary debates about democratic Europe and its shortcomings and will be of great interest to scholars of international political theory, European studies and international political economy.

Assessing the effectiveness of the North American Agreement on Labour Cooperation (NAALC), this book examines the operation of the core institutions (the Secretariat and National Administrative Offices) over the past seven years. It discusses the main functions of these institutions in hearing public submissions on violations of labour laws and in conducting research and cooperative activities. Based on interview research, the analysis reviews the strengths and weaknesses of the accord to assess its contribution to a common labour relations regime in North America and its impact in creating new transnational communities of actors in government and civil society in the three countries. The NAALC is also compared with the social dimension of the European Union system, and a final assessment is made as to whether the NAALC institutions live up to the promises of their founders and whether these can be a model for labour relations in any future Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) agreement.

Over five decades of economic and technical assistance to the countries of Africa and the Middle East have failed to improve the life prospects for over 1.4 billion people who remain vulnerable. Billions of dollars have been spent on such assistance and yet little progress has been made. Persistent hunger and hopelessness threaten more than individuals and families. These conditions foster political alienation that can easily metastasize into hostility and aggression. Recent uprisings in the Middle East are emblematic of this problem. Vulnerable people give rise to vulnerable states. This book challenges the dominant catechism of development assistance by arguing that the focus on economic growth (and fighting poverty) has failed to bring about the promised "convergence." Poor people and poor countries have clearly not closed the gap on the rich industrialized world. Pursuing convergence has been a failure. Here we argue that development assistance must be reconstituted to focus on creating economic coherence. People are vulnerable because the economies in which they are embedded do not cohere. The absence of economic coherence means that economic processes do not work as they must if individual initiative is to result in improved livelihoods. Weak and vulnerable states must be strengthened so that they can become partners in the process of creating economic coherence. When economies do not cohere, countries become breeding grounds for localized civil conflicts that often spill across national borders.

With the creation of the Mediterranean partnership and the recent move towards the creation of the Union for the Mediterranean in 2008, a new emphasis is placed on the Mediterranean in the study of European Integration.

This book brings together a collection of experts to address this important new area of study and discuss issues such as development, aid, labour, markets, human capital investment, Europeanization and institutional reform.

Given the widely-accepted premise that free trade is the best means of maximising overall societal welfare, why has it proven so difficult to achieve in certain industries? This book tackles arguably the most perennial and deep-rooted of all questions in political economy, and questions the incumbent orthodox liberal theories of collective action. Using a historical institutionalist framework to explore and explain the political economy of trade protectionism and liberalization, this book is based on detailed case studies of the textiles and clothing sector in the EU, United States, China, Caribbean Basin and sub-Saharan Africa. From this, the book expands to discuss the origins of trade protectionism and examine the wider political effects of liberalization, offering an explanation of why a successful conclusion to the WTO 'Doha' round has proven to be so elusive. The book argues that the regulation of global trade - and the economic consequences that this has for both developed and developing countries - has been the result of the particular way in which trade preferences are mediated through political institutions. The Global Political Economy of Trade Protectionism and Liberalization will be of interest to those studying and researching international and comparative political economy, developing area studies, economics, law and geography.

This text introduces students to the interrelationship of politics and economics in American public policymaking: how economic concerns have been legislated into law since Franklin Roosevelt's time and how politics (e.g., Washington gridlock) affects the economy and the making of public policy. Students learn how to measure various indicators of economic performance, how the U.S. economy works (domestically and with international linkages), and how and why policymakers act to stabilise an economy in an economic downturn. Additionally, many social insurance programs (Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid) are explained and the current fiscal issues concerning current/future costs are treated in some detail. The book concludes with a full chapter case study on the Obama administration's response to the Great Recession and its dealings with Congress; the implementation of the Affordable Care Act is also discussed.

With the globalist project immersed in conflicts and adversity, Post-Colonial Globalisation offers an insight into the actors who animate it and the power dynamics which run through it. Using the law as the prism through which these are examined, and fusing historical with contemporary perspectives, the book contributes to understanding the crisis in which we find ourselves as a moment of both existential danger and an opportunity. This book is in two parts. The first part charters capitalism’s historical progression to globalism through the lens of the act of taking. Taking has risen to institutional prominence as a core concept in the legal lexicon of foreign investment protection to denote deprivation of private property. Post-Colonial Globalisation advances a broader notion of taking as a tool of social criticism. From enclosures, to colonial settlement to an empire of unequal exchanges, to contemporary land grabs, private property, now so vigorously protected against taking, was itself born out of taking. The second part focuses on the ecological dimension of neoliberal globalisation and its hallmarks of unlimited growth and excessive extraction. It has negatively impacted the climate, the earth and its human and non-human inhabitants to the point of putting their continued existence at risk. Central to this is the deification of property. Our understanding of proprietary relations and the rights they confer must be revisited if our interface with the planet is to be reconfigured. The emerging doctrine of rights of nature offers one route which may lead us in this direction. The two parts complement each other. One looks at taking by members of the human species from each other. The other looks at taking by the human species from nature.

Contrary to the claims made by neoliberal governments and mainstream academics, this book argues that the huge increase in trade in recent decades has not made the world a fairer place: instead, the age of globalization has become a time of mass migration caused by increasing global inequality. The theory of unequal exchange challenges the free trade doctrine, claiming that transfers of value from poorer to richer countries are hidden behind apparently equivalent market transactions. Following a critical review of the existing approaches, the book proposes a general theory of unequal exchange in the light of an innovative reconstruction of Marx's international law of value, in which money and exchange rates play a crucial role in decoupling value captured from value produced by different countries, even in perfectly competitive world markets. On this theoretical basis, the book provides an empirical analysis of the international transfers of value in both traditional trade and Global Value Chains. The resulting world mapping of unequal exchange shows the geographical hierarchy of capital global exploitation by revealing a world divided into two quite separate camps of donor and receiving countries, the former being the poorer countries and the latter the richer countries. This book is addressed to scholars and students of economics and social sciences, as well as activists of the North and the South, interested in a better understanding of the asymmetric power relations implied in global trade. It makes a significant contribution to the literature on political economy, trade, Marxism, international relations, and economic geography.

This book considers the issue of biodiversity in developing countries in relation to intellectual-property rights, community rights and human rights. Drawing together a number of case studies of developing countries rich in biological and genetic resources including India, South Africa and Brazil, the book examines the access to PGRs and their utilizations in the contexts of scientific and commercial oriented activities pursued both in the source and user countries. Exploring how community rights are protected in national biodiversity-related regulations and some international legal instruments, Marcelin Tonye Mahop also discusses the relationship between community rights and human rights in the context of biodiversity. The book looks at the issue of bio-piracy, asking whether this phenomenon should only be seen as a North-South clash, whereby biodiversity rich countries of the Southern Hemisphere blame developed countries and their actors as its principal perpetrators. While recognizing that developing countries' actors play a role in this bio-piracy phenomenon, the book goes on to suggest alternative measures for the legal protection of community rights at the national level with the possibility of national and international enforceability. Essential reading for students and scholars of intellectual-property rights, biodiversity regulations and human rights, this book will also be of great value to researchers and members of professional organizations working in these subject areas. National and regional negotiators in the international processes dealing with the issues covered in the book will find it a useful tool that can help them to understand various facets of these processes.

The financial crisis of 2008-2009 and the "Great Recession" that it precipitated highlight a number of important questions about the governance of contemporary capitalism. How do shortcomings in existing market governance institutions help to account for trends of rising economic inequality and financial instability? What new forms of market governance would better embody norms of stability, equality and justice? And how do present political conditions both constrain and enable possibilities for reform? This volume brings together an array of leading thinkers to consider these pressing questions about market governance and its potential reform. Contributors combine in-depth empirical analysis with innovative explorations of alternative arrangements to consider challenges of market governance in advanced and developing countries, as well as global and regional organizations. New Visions for Market Governance will be of interest to students and scholars in a wide range of areas including international and comparative political economy, public and social policy, and normative social theory.

First published in 1948, this book outlines a solution to contemporary economic problems in the post-war years. This solution aims to make the best use of our price mechanism, free initiative and competition, but also involves the socialization of certain monopolistic concerns and the state control of the price mechanism in such a way as to maintain full employment, to achieve an equitable distribution of income and property, and to restore equilibrium to our balance of payments. It is an outline of that middle way which the author calls the Liberal-Socialist solution.

Disease is thought to be a great leveler of humanity, but in antebellum New Orleans acquiring immunity from the scourge of yellow fever magnified the brutal inequities of slave-powered capitalism. Antebellum New Orleans sat at the heart of America's slave and cotton kingdoms. It was also where yellow fever epidemics killed as many as 150,000 people during the nineteenth century. With little understanding of mosquito-borne viruses-and meager public health infrastructure-a person's only protection against the scourge was to "get acclimated" by surviving the disease. About half of those who contracted yellow fever died. Repeated epidemics bolstered New Orleans's strict racial hierarchy by introducing another hierarchy, what Kathryn Olivarius terms "immunocapital." As this highly original analysis shows, white survivors could leverage their immunity as evidence that they had paid their biological dues and could then pursue economic and political advancement. For enslaved Blacks, the story was different. Immunity protected them from yellow fever, but as embodied capital, they saw the social and monetary value of their acclimation accrue to their white owners. Whereas immunity conferred opportunity and privilege on whites, it relegated enslaved people to the most grueling labor. The question of good health-who has it, who doesn't, and why-is always in part political. Necropolis shows how powerful nineteenth-century white Orleanians-all allegedly immune-pushed this politics to the extreme. They constructed a society that capitalized mortal risk and equated perceived immunity with creditworthiness and reliability. Instead of trying to curb yellow fever through sanitation or quarantines, immune white Orleanians took advantage of the chaos disease caused. Immunological discrimination therefore became one more form of bias in a society premised on inequality, one more channel by which capital disciplined and divided the population.