In this wonderful parody from 1940, W.C. Fields announces his candidacy for America's highest office. He offers sound advice on a number of topics in classic Fields-style humor in his attempt to win votes. "Campaign resolutions are no better than New Year's resolutions," he writes. "They are thrown together hastily at the last minute, with never a thought as to how they may be gracefully broken. Now, I am a candidate with years of experience breaking New Year's resolutions, and what I can accomplish with those, I can certainly accomplish with campaign resolutions."

Although remembered and even lauded in the public mind as the British prime minister during the Second World War who played a major role in Allied victory over the Axis Powers and Japan, Winston Churchill had a life and political career before 1939 conditioned by fighting other wars and, in peacetime, thinking about war. While historians debate his achievements and failures between 1939 and 1945, a less explored dimension is Churchill's earlier connexion with war and warfare. This book explores Churchill's earlier experience in fighting wars as a soldier and politician.

Contemporary Western societies are witnessing ground-breaking social, economic and political changes at an accelerating pace. These changes are challenging the way democracy works and the role that political elites play in this system of government. Using a theoretical and empirical approach, this volume argues that political elites are urged to develop new strategies in order to achieve interest aggregation, to safeguard collective action, and to maintain elite autonomy and stability. The adaptive capacities of political elites are assessed through case studies, comparative and longitudinal analyses of their social structure, their recruitment patterns, and their attitudes. The book includes contributions from reputable scholars in the field of elite research and specialists on individual political systems across Europe and the US. It provides an analytical framework demonstrating that political elites are inevitable and potentially able to respond successfully to varying challenges. The book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, democracy, comparative politics, political participation and European Politics.

This book is a comprehensive review of the political career of Benjamin Disraeli, providing a thorough critical analysis of one of the most ambitious and controversial leaders in British history. Disraeli and the Art of Victorian Politics explores the political journey of a man propelled by a tremendous and sometimes all consuming self-belief. Dr St John discusses Disraeli's driving ideology and the extent to which he was able to stay true to these ideals in the face of fierce opposition during his six-year Premiership. The author uniquely recreates the atmosphere of lively debate by introducing competing arguments to punctuate each chapter, a novel and effective way in which to understand the political and social context for both the student and general reader alike.

Could this be the final victory for civil rights, or the first of many to come?

When Henry Louis Gates spoke out about his ridiculous arrest, he stated a truth few Americans?including President Obama?are eager to discuss: there is no such thing as a post-racial America. When it comes to race, the United States has come a long way, but not far enough and not fast enough. Every day, we cope with casual racism, myriad indignities, institutional obstacles, post-racial nonsense, and peers bent on self-destruction. The powers that be, meanwhile, always seem to arrive with their apologies and redress a day late and a dollar short.

This book takes a close look at the lives of African-Americans from diverse backgrounds as Obama's victory comes to play a personal role in each of their lives. Every tale delves into the complex issues we will have to deal with going forward: The many challenges young black men face, such as subtle persistent racism The stagnation of blacks vis ? vis whitesWidespread black participation in the military despite widespread anti-war sentimentsThe decline of unions even as organized labor becomes the primary vehicle for black progressThe challenges of interracial familiesThe lack of good schools or healthcare for the poorThe inability of well-off blacks to lift up others

Barack Obama will deliver his first official State of the Union address in January 2010, and "A Day Late and a Dollar Short "will deliver an altogether different picture of the way things really under the first black president.

'Fascinating, revealing and entertaining.' John Humphrys 'A pure pleasure to read.' Polly Toynbee 'Extraordinary.' Kirsty Wark A landmark history of the men and women who have defined the UK's role in the modern world - and what makes them special - by a seasoned political journalist. At a time of unprecedented political upheaval, this magisterial history explains who leads us and why. From Harold Wilson to Boris Johnson, it brilliantly brings to life all 10 inhabitants of 10 Downing Street over the past fifty years, vividly outlining their successes and failures - and what made each of them special. Based on unprecedented access and in-depth interviews, and inspired by the author's BBC Radio 4 and television series, Steve Richards expertly examines the men and women who have defined the UK's role in the modern world and sheds new light on the demands of the highest public office in the land.

Trump, the Alt-Right and Public Pedagogies of Hate and for Fascism: What Is To Be Done? uses public pedagogy as a theoretical lens through which to view discourses of hate and for fascism in the era of Trump and to promote an anti-fascist and pro-socialist public pedagogy. It makes the case for re-igniting a rhetoric that goes beyond the undermining of neoliberal capitalism and the promotion of social justice, and re-aligns the left against fascism and for a socialism of the twenty-first century. Beginning with an examination of the history of traditional fascism in the twentieth century, the book looks at the similarities and differences between the Trump regime and traditional Western post-war fascism. Cole goes on to consider the alt-right movement, the reasons for its rise, and the significance of the internet being harnessed as a tool with which to promote a fascistic public pedagogy. Finally, the book examines the resistance against these discourses and addresses the question of: what is to be done? This topical book will be of great interest to scholars, to postgraduate students and to researchers, as well as to advanced undergraduate students in the fields of education studies, pedagogy, and sociology, as well as readers in general who are are interested in the phenomenon of Trumpism.

This book analyzes the image of the U.S. presidential administrations from 2001-2011 and its political image in foreign countries. Central to the argument are how the U.S. presidencies are perceived by Europeans and their reactions to foreign leaders. Political image is decisive in electoral victory, and more often, is central in the conquest and maintenance of political power. Also, in the analysis made by International Relations and Foreign Affairs, the political image is highly relevant because of the credibility of the states in the international scenario. That has implications gaining confidence and in the celebration of profitable alliances. The comparative term is also present in the topics related with Obama's administration and Bush's administration. The contributors also analyze crisis management and challenges such as 9/11 and the Iraq War. This study of political image has a crucial interdisciplinary framework for disciplines such as communication, political science, and political theory.

This book is the first political biography of Aung San Suu Kyi covering both her years in opposition and all her years in power from 2016 onwards. It offers a new interpretation of Aung San Suu Kyi by presenting a balanced and thorough account of Suu Kyi's policies. In the last 30 years there has not been a person in global politics who has risen so high and fallen so low - and so quickly - as Aung San Suu Kyi. Using postcolonial theory and introducing the new concept of `a hybrid politician', this book explains apparent inconsistencies of Suu Kyi's agenda. It demonstrates that Suu Kyi considers herself a democrat and yet, rules autocratically. Immersed in her country's tradition of policymaking, she has at the same time been influenced by foreign concepts, both Western and Asian. Drawing on first-hand research, including talks with Suu Kyi, conversations with her supporters and rivals, observations of Suu Kyi's behaviour during intergovernmental talks as well as an extensive number of sources and fieldwork in Myanmar, the author argues that Suu Kyi's case shows both the strengths and limits of hybridity. This brings Suu Kyi priceless political assets such as visibility, recognition and support while proving that such a model of leadership has its restrictions. A timely biography of the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate as she appears at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of genocide committed against the Rohingya Muslim minority, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of Myanmar politics, Southeast Asian politics, Asian politics, Political Science more generally, Postcolonial Studies, Cultural Studies and Leadership Studies.

" The three Kentucky presidents -- Abraham Lincoln, Zachary Taylor, and Jefferson Davis -- were profoundly shaped by their experiences in Kentucky, poised as it was on the border between the North and the South, the East and the Western Frontier. Holman Hamilton asserts that these leaders were personally and politically influenced by their connections to the state. The contrasting traits of western frontiersman and southern aristocrat illuminate Kentucky's heritage and affected Taylor, Lincoln, and Davis, presidents during one of America's most troubled eras. Frontier values influenced Lincoln's and Taylor's views on the major issues of their time: extension of slavery, which they opposed, and preservation of the Union, which they supported. Davis's career reflects Southern values, leading him to favor slavery's extension and the Confederacy.

The years of the Ma Ying-jiu presidency in Taiwan were controversial from the beginning. When he came to power in 2008, Ma was considered the strongest and most popular KMT presidential candidate since Lee Teng-hui. However, his rapprochement towards China met with increasing resistance and by the time he stepped down in 2016, he enjoyed the lowest support rates of any incumbent president. What happened in between? This book undertakes a balanced empirical assessment of the achievements and failures of the Ma Ying-jiu era. Renowned Taiwan scholars analyse the changing political environment that shaped the Ma presidency, covering important topics such as Taiwan's evolving nationalism and rising civil societal activism, cross-strait economic integration and migration, and the factors determining its 'international space'. As the first comprehensive scholarly work on the Ma Ying-jiu presidency, this books is a must read for students and scholars of Taiwanese politics and society, cross-strait relations and East Asian politics in general.

Persuasive Attacks on Donald Trump in the 2016 Presidential Primary investigates the nature of persuasive attacks on Donald Trump during the 2016 presidential primary campaign. It begins by extending the Theory of Persuasive Attack to include attacks on character as well as attacks on actions. William L. Benoit & Mark J. Glantz use topical analysis to understand humor (late night television jokes; video from SNL, Colbert, and Oliver; articles in The Onion, and political cartoons) and Republican "establishment" attacks from Mitt Romney and the National Review. Quantitative content analysis examines attacks in primary debates and primary TV spots. The book concludes with criticisms found on social media platforms and TV talk shows.

The monograph explores the dynamics of ingroup identity in the foreign policy-making of Middle Eastern monarchies from the evolution of the regional system after the World Wars until the present. Utilising an innovative theoretical framework that combines Foreign Policy Analysis in the context of authoritarian regimes and Social Identity Theory, the book theorizes the origins and inner workings of a "monarchic peace" among hereditary regimes in the Middle East, including the Gulf monarchies as well as Jordan and Morocco. While the phenomenon of the "democratic peace" is well established in political science, this book argues that like the examined "monarchic peace", it is, in fact, a sub-case of a broader Similar Political Systems Peace (SPSP). The theory posits that monarchies do not wage war against each other because they recognize each other as members of the same "ingroup" which allows for other mechanisms of conflict resolution - behaviour that is allowed against outsiders might be prohibited against members of the same club or "family". The theory is illustrated with numerous case studies that look at overall regional dynamics as well as four crucial cases of monarchic interstate conflict: Bahraini-Qatari relations, the Saudi-Hashemite rivalry, and the relations between Kuwait and Iraq and Iran and the UAE. This in-depth account of the foreign policies and community, connecting Middle Eastern monarchies will be of interest to readers in international relations, authoritarianism studies, Middle East and Persian Gulf politics.

This book considers the current striking rise of 'outsider' political leaders, catapulted, apparently, from nowhere, to take charge of a nation. Arguing that such leaders can be better understood with the help of the anthropologically based concept of 'the trickster', it offers studies of contemporary political figures from the world stage - including Presidents Macron, Tsipras, Orban and Bolsonaro, among others - to examine the ways in which charismatic and trickster modalities can become intertwined, especially under the impact of theatrical public media. Looking beyond the commonly invoked notion of 'charisma' to revisit the question of political leadership in light of the recent rise of new type of 'outsider' leaders, Modern Leaders: Between Charisma and Trickery offers an account of leadership informed by social and anthropological theory. As such, it will appeal to scholars across the social sciences with interests in political thought and the problem of political leadership.

The End of the Rhetorical Presidency? Public Leadership in the Trump Era explores one of the most disruptive aspects of the Trump presidency. Since the FDR administration, presidents developed the capacity and skill to use the public to influence the legislative arena, gain reelection, survive scandal and secure their legacy. Consequently, presidential rhetorical leadership has its own norms and expectations. Comparing President Trump's communications apparatus as well as rhetoric (including Twitter) to previous presidents, Diane Heith demonstrates how Trump exercises leadership by adhering to some of these norms and expectations, but rejects, abandons and undermines most. Heith argues that his individual, rather than institutional, approach to leadership represents a change in tone, language and style. She concludes that the loss of skill and capacity represents a devolution of the White House institution dedicated to public leadership, especially in the legislative arena. More significantly, the individual approach emphasizes weakening the ability of the press and other political elites to hold the president accountable. This book will appeal to students and scholars of the presidency as well as general readers who quest for a deeper understanding of the Trump White House.

The End of the Rhetorical Presidency? Public Leadership in the Trump Era explores one of the most disruptive aspects of the Trump presidency. Since the FDR administration, presidents developed the capacity and skill to use the public to influence the legislative arena, gain reelection, survive scandal and secure their legacy. Consequently, presidential rhetorical leadership has its own norms and expectations. Comparing President Trump's communications apparatus as well as rhetoric (including Twitter) to previous presidents, Diane Heith demonstrates how Trump exercises leadership by adhering to some of these norms and expectations, but rejects, abandons and undermines most. Heith argues that his individual, rather than institutional, approach to leadership represents a change in tone, language and style. She concludes that the loss of skill and capacity represents a devolution of the White House institution dedicated to public leadership, especially in the legislative arena. More significantly, the individual approach emphasizes weakening the ability of the press and other political elites to hold the president accountable. This book will appeal to students and scholars of the presidency as well as general readers who quest for a deeper understanding of the Trump White House.

An examination of the political and social characteristics particular to Scandinavia which have made women's rise to power more rapid than in other regions of the world, this study also explores how the resulting election of women has provided valuable evidence of the impact of women leaders and their leadership style. Solheim begins with a critical survey of feminist scholarship regarding the equality-difference debate and the application of such research on the position of women in international politics. He concludes, in this respect, that leadership style may have less to do with gender than one might initially suspect. Archival research and interviews with women in leadership roles provide the reader with a closer look at the Scandinavian system, a view that will challenge gender stereotypes around the world. On Top of the World explores the Nordic political systems in great detail and analyzes systemic factors, such as multi-party electoral systems and consensus-seeking cultural institutions, which contribute to the rise of so many women leaders. Solheim compares and contrasts the political rise of two Nordic women leaders to power and influence and, for the purpose of cross-cultural comparison, one woman leader from the developing world. A final chapter ties together the theoretical framework and the case studies to suggest a direction for future research.

All the Way with LBJ mines an extraordinarily rich but underutilized source - the full range of LBJ tapes - to analyze the 1964 presidential campaign and the political culture of the mid-1960s. The president achieved a smashing victory over a divided Republican Party, which initially considered Henry Cabot Lodge II, then U.S. ambassador to South Vietnam, before nominating Barry Goldwater, who used many of the themes that later worked for Republicans - a Southern strategy, portraying the Democrats as soft on defense, raising issues such as crime and personal ethics. Johnson countered with what he called a "frontlash" strategy, appealing to moderate and liberal GOP suburbanites, but he failed to create a new, permanent Democratic majority for the post-civil rights era. The work's themes - the impact of race on the political process, the question of politicians' personal and political ethics, and the tensions between politics and public policy - continue to resonate.

This is a fascinating and insightful biography of one of the world's longest reigning and most revered monarchs. King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand is the world's longest reigning living monarch - an achievement few would have predicted when the Thai king acceded the throne after the mysterious death of his brother in 1946. How did King Bhumibol revive the sinking fortunes of the Thai monarchy? Why has he become arguably the most revered king in Thai history? This illustrated biography tells that remarkable story. Beginning with an introduction explaining the unique history and traditions of the Thai monarchy, King Bhumibol Adulyadej offers a fresh and insightful account of his life, from his birth in America and education in Europe to his unexpected accession to the throne. Following him through the Cold War and Indochina War periods, the book shows how the king has used his position to help develop the country and its people while at the same time securing the status of the monarchy itself.

James Vincent Conran (1899-1970) was the most significant political organizer in the history of rural America. Conran served as a rural Missouri prosecutor for 32 years, but he was also the much sought political friend of statewide and national candidates such as President Harry S. Truman, U.S. Senator Thomas F. Eagleton, and Governor Warren Hearnes. Conran was heavily involved in state and national Democratic Party politics his entire adult life. Contemporary media depictions tended to portray Conran as a traditional, corrupt political boss, like Conran's notorious contemporaries, Tom Pendergast of Kansas City or Ed Crump of Memphis. In J.V. Conran and Rural Political Power Will Sarvis paints a more accurate image of Conran by describing both the extent and limitations of his power and influence. Conran's singular political influence is inextricably linked to the unique demographics of his home region, the Missouri Bootheel. During the early and mid 20th century, masses of black and white sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and day laborers flocked into the area from the Deep South creating a unique community that was part southern, part midwestern, and part frontier.African Americans enjoyed unusual political power, not simply in enfranchisement, but also in organized bloc voting that sometimes won them quid pro quo rewards for their segregated communities.

Dr. Juan Negrin Lopez (18921956) was a man of immense talent, energy, and socialist convictions who served the Spanish people in different capacities: as a physiologist of international reputation and as chairman of the medical faculty of the Complutense University in Madrid during the 1920s; as an active member of the Parliamentary wing of the Socialist Party, 19311936; during the Civil War as Minister of Finance in the Popular Front government led by Francisco Largo Caballero (September 1936May 1937); and as Prime Minister from late May until March 1939. In all these roles he was highly competent: improving the laboratories and experimental methods in physiology, obtaining scholarships for students, suggesting subjects for doctoral theses, encouraging his students to learn foreign languages and read scientific literature in the original, and also to think of public health as a national, public responsibility. As Minister of Finance he conceived of Spains relatively large gold reserve as the only means by which the Republic could buy the quality of modern arms that were being supplied to General Franco by Hitler and Mussolini. In European politics of the mid-1930s he understood much better than did the English, French, and United States political classes that Nazism and Fascism were a much greater threat to European democracy than was Soviet Communism. But the appeasement policy culminating in the Munich Pact of September 29, 1938 sealed the fate of the Spanish Republic as well as that of the Republic of Czechoslovakia. From 1940 onward Negrin was reviled in Franco Spain for having supposedly delivered the Republic into the hands of the Communists; many republican and socialist exiles also rejected him for continuing his Numantian policy of resistance when, after Munich, the military possibilities of the Republic were truly hopeless. Gabriel Jackson sets out to understand the moral and political thinking of Dr. Negrin of those who supported him to the end and of those who felt that the last months of the war merely prolonged the suffering of the population. Published in association with the Canada Blanch Centre for Contemporary Spanish Studies

The sprawling nominating process is the critical first step every four years in the election of the president. It is where the field of contenders is narrowed from a plethora of aspirants to the two finalists that carry the banners of the Democratic and Republican parties into the fall campaign. In a democracy such as ours, the voters should be major players in this process. Yet while 100 million or more Americans regularly participate in the election of the president, rarely does more than a third that number vote in the presidential primaries and caucuses that nominate the candidates. And only a small percentage of these voters have a truly meaningful voice - the fortunate few in Iowa, New Hampshire and a handful of other early voting states that for all practical purposes decide for the rest of the nation who the nominees will be. The thrust of this book is to discuss how we as a nation got to this point, how the nominating process currently works, how that compares to other countries, and how our process might be changed to give a more meaningful voice to a much larger number of voters.

Labour's octogenarian powerhouse weaves together eighty years of fascinating personal, social and political history in her memoirs.From Boots Girl to Baroness, Joyce Gould boasts an impressive list of experiences and accomplishments. Through sixty-four years as a Labour Party member, she has fought for universal equality, for the right to a good standard of life for all, and for the spirit of her beloved party.The Witchfinder General is the political autobiography of the woman who notoriously made Labour electable again - nicknamed the Witchfinder General for her determination to end the debilitating discord of the 1980s by uncovering and removing the Militant Tendency - and as such it is a tender and frank depiction of the party over the past six decades. But more than that, it is a social history as seen through the eyes of someone who lived it, and a personal history of a pharmacist's apprentice turned political warrior, who has dedicated her life to making the world a better place.These memoirs document a long career in the fight for equality, the building of the modern Labour Party and the creation of the Britain we know today.

Most Americans consider detente -- the reduction of tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union -- to be among the Nixon administration's most significant foreign policy successes. The diplomatic back channel that national security advisor Henry Kissinger established with Soviet ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin became the most important method of achieving this thaw in the Cold War. Kissinger praised back channels for preventing leaks, streamlining communications, and circumventing what he perceived to be the US State Department's unresponsive and self-interested bureaucracy. Nixon and Kissinger's methods, however, were widely criticized by State Department officials left out of the loop and by an American press and public weary of executive branch prevarication and secrecy. Richard A. Moss's penetrating study documents and analyzes US-Soviet back channels from Nixon's inauguration through what has widely been heralded as the apex of detente, the May 1972 Moscow Summit. He traces the evolution of confidential-channel diplomacy and examines major flashpoints, including the 1970 crisis over Cienfuegos, Cuba, the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT), US dealings with China, deescalating tensions in Berlin, and the Vietnam War. Moss argues that while the back channels improved US-Soviet relations in the short term, the Nixon-Kissinger methods provided a poor foundation for lasting policy. Employing newly declassified documents, the complete record of the Kissinger-Dobrynin channel -- jointly compiled, translated, annotated, and published by the US State Department and the Russian Foreign Ministry -- as well as the Nixon tapes, Moss reveals the behind-the-scenes deliberations of Nixon, his advisers, and their Soviet counterparts. Although much has been written about detente, this is the first scholarly study that comprehensively assesses the central role of confidential diplomacy in shaping America's foreign policy during this critical era.

The constitutional presidency is the crown jewel of the separation of powers in the American system. Designed in 1787, the office was structured to weather a wide variety of political circumstances, accommodate broad ranges of personalities in its incumbents and educate officeholders to become better presidents. Nowhere are these three effects clearer than during the brief, unelected tenure of President Gerald Ford, because he occupied the presidency amid tremendous strains on the country and the separation of powers. After the dual traumas of Watergate and Vietnam, the public was profoundly skeptical of government in general and the presidency in particular. As a result, the post-Watergate Congress claimed the mantle of public support and proposed reforms that could have crippled the presidency's constitutional powers. Weakened by the Nixon pardon, Ford stood alone in this environment without many of the informal political strengths associated with the modern presidency. As a result he had to rely, in large measure, on the formal powers of his constitutional office. Based on archival research, this book shows that Ford's presidency placed the Constitution at the center of his time in office. The constitutional presidency allowed him to preserve his own political life, his presidential office, and the separation of powers amid a turbulent chapter in American history.