Less than two years after winning the 2013 elections, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced his intention to dissolve his government, paving the way for general elections. While the initial impression was that the upcoming elections were "pointless" and "unnecessary", the campaign gradually turned into a passionate and dramatic political competition, which reflected - and reenergized - the ideological, social, ethnic and cultural divides of Israeli society. This book describes and analyses a great variety of political, sociological and cultural dimensions of the 2015 elections for the 20th Knesset. Covering issues such as voters' behaviour, coalition formation, figures of leadership, political identities, political communication and persuasion, this rich collection of essays offers a unique and comprehensive perspective on Israeli political culture in general, and on the Israeli society in the midst of the 2015 elections in particular. It also offers theoretical insight to anyone interested in parliamentary politics and party systems in general. This book was originally published as a special issue of the journal Israel Affairs.

Generation Stalin traces Joseph Stalin's rise as a dominant figure in French political culture from the 1930s through the 1950s. Andrew Sobanet brings to light the crucial role French writers played in building Stalin's cult of personality and in disseminating Stalinist propaganda in the international Communist sphere, including within the USSR. Based on a wide array of sources-literary, cinematic, historical, and archival-Generation Stalin situates in a broad cultural context the work of the most prominent intellectuals affiliated with the French Communist Party, including Goncourt winner Henri Barbusse, Nobel laureate Romain Rolland, renowned poet Paul Eluard, and canonical literary figure Louis Aragon. Generation Stalin arrives at a pivotal moment, with the Stalin cult and elements of Stalinist ideology resurgent in twenty-first-century Russia and authoritarianism on the rise around the world.

The contention of Film and the American Presidency is that over the twentieth century the cinema has been a silent partner in setting the parameters of what we might call the presidential imaginary. This volume surveys the partnership in its longevity, placing stress on especially iconic presidents such as Lincoln and FDR. The contributions to this collection probe the rich interactions between these high institutions of culture and politics-Hollywood and the presidency-and argue that not only did Hollywood acting become an idiom for presidential style, but that Hollywood early on understood its own identity through the presidency's peculiar mix of national epic and unified protagonist. Additionally, they contend that studios often made their films to sway political outcomes; that the performance of presidential personae has been constrained by the kinds of bodies (for so long, white and male) that have occupied the office, such that presidential embodiment obscures the body politic; and that Hollywood and the presidency may finally be nothing more than two privileged figures of media-age power.

Much like Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, President Barack Obama came to office as a politician who emphasized conviction rather than consensus. During his 2008 presidential campaign, he pledged to transform the role of the United States abroad. His ambitious foreign policy goals included a global climate treaty, the peaceful withdrawal of American military forces from Iraq and Afghanistan, and a new relationship with Iran. Throughout Obama's tenure, pundits and scholars have offered competing interpretations of his "grand strategy," while others have maintained that his policies were incoherent or, at best, ad hoc. In Dangerous Doctrine, political scientist Robert G. Kaufman argues that the forty-fourth president has indeed articulated a clear, consistent national security policy and has pursued it with remarkable fidelity. Yet Kaufman contends that President Obama has imprudently abandoned the muscular internationalism that has marked US foreign policy since the end of World War II. Drawing on international relations theory and American diplomatic history, Kaufman presents a robust critique of the Obama doctrine as he situates the president's use of power within the traditions of American strategic practice. Focusing on the pivotal regions of Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, this provocative study demonstrates how current executive branch leadership threatens America's role as a superpower, weakening its ability to spread democracy and counter threats to geopolitical order in increasingly unstable times. Kaufman proposes a return to the grand strategy of moral democratic realism, as practiced by presidents such as Harry S. Truman, Ronald Reagan, and George W. Bush, with the hope of reestablishing the United States as the world's dominant power.

Part of Pluto's 21st birthday series Get Political, which brings essential political writing in a range of fields to a new audience. This is an entirely new collection of Lenin's writing. For the first time it brings together crucial shorter works, to show that Lenin held a life-long commitment to freedom and democracy. Le Blanc has written a comprehensive introduction, which gives an accessible overview of Lenin's life and work, and explains his relevance to political thought today. Lenin has been much maligned in the mainstream, accused of viewing 'man as modeling clay' and of 'social engineering of the most radical kind.' However, in contrast to today's world leaders, who happily turn to violence to achieve their objectives, Lenin believed it impossible to reach his goals 'by any other path than that of political democracy.' This collection will be of immense value to students encountering Lenin for the first time, and those looking for a new interpretation of one of the 20th century's most inspiring figures.

From Balewa's declaration, 'Today is Independence Day, ' to Azikiwe's impassioned plea, 'Let us bind the nation's wound and let us heal the breaches of the past so that in forging our nation there shall emerge on this continent a hate-free, fear-free, and greed-free people, ' to Buhari's patriotic fervor, 'This generation of Nigerians]... have no other country than Nigeria, ' to Obasanjo's confident commitment, 'I will not spare any effort in rising to this challenge of building firmly and decisively on our achievements, ' and to Yar'Adua's clarion call, 'Let us set aside cynicism... Let us discard the habits of low expectations... Let us join together now, ' words by Nigerian leaders invoke common threads that are essential for nationbuilding. In a democracy, words initiate a relationship between leaders and citizens, a relationship deepened by sacred trusts not easily broken. This collection of inaugural and ascension speeches facilitates comparison of presidential themes, leadership styles, personal philosophies, and evolutionary communication strategies in Nigerian nationbuilding. Each chapter opens with biographical notes on the speaker, followed by an introduction to the prevalent political climate, and ends with the leader's unabridged sp

The Triumph of Hate explains the religious, philosophical, sociopolitical, and historical roots of the rise of Hitler and his movement. Beginning with Paul's rejection of traditional Judaism, the book accounts for the animosity and estrangement that has shaped the tragic history of Christians and Jews in Europe. Beginning with the investiture contest, Vasillopulos explains the estrangement of Germany from Latin and Western Europe, accounting for the late unification of the German nation-state. Finally, the author argues that the Final Solution was the Hitler movement's attempt to create Aryans out of Germans for the purpose of saving Europe from the materialism and individualism of the West, personified by Jews, both human and metaphorical.

The lives of three men who made the Russian Revolution possible Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin are the focus of this biographical account of the rise of socialism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Bertram Wolfe, a political scientist and historian of Russia, knew Trotsky and Stalin personally, and here brings his profound insider's knowledge to bear on his subjects. Three Who Made a Revolution recounts the early lives and influences of the three leaders, and shows the development of their diverging ideologies as decades gave strength to their cause and brought Russia closer to its turning point, a revolution that would alter the course of the twentieth century."

This comparative study at hand has been the result of a two-year research project on floods in 2014 in the Western Balkans engaging eight research teams from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia. Representing quite different disciplines, the authors of this volume have analysed diverse aspects of the crisis governance and its ramifications. This publication's goals are twofold. Firstly, it pins down the characteristics of the crisis responses during the floods of 2014 in three affected countries, preconditioned by the existing institutions, crisis leadership, the role of media and the social capital as well as the foreign financial aid. On the other hand, through the lenses of the crisis governance we conclude on the state capacities and the nature of political regime of the cases under study. The flood megacrisis did not constitute a "window of opportunity" for individual or institutional learning. On the contrary, it did unveil some authoritarian tendencies in Serbia and Bosnia, and thus stalled the hitherto ongoing democratization process.

This book traces the roots of modern-day Kashmir and the role of Sheikh Abdullah in its making. As the most influential political figurehead in twentieth-century Kashmir, he played a crucial role in its transformation from a kingdom to a state in independent India. He was enigmatic and complex, to say the least. Following his meteoric rise, he dominated the political scene for more than 50 years, with enduring impact. The volume presents a keen analysis of pre-Independence events which led to the emergence of a controversial and confused identity of the region. It also looks at other major themes in the political life of Kashmir, including the formation of the Muslim Conference, the plebiscite movement and the Kashmir Accord. A major intervention in the political life of South Asia, this book presents an inside-view of the history of modern Kashmir through the life and times of Sheikh Abdullah. It will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of politics, history, and modern South Asia.

In the story of the The Golden Republic, Bulpin sets a stage on which we meet some of the strangest characters that fate had ever attached to the puppet strings of destiny. The grim Mzilikazi; the hot-headed Hendrik Potgieter and his trekkers; prospectors like Charlie the Reefer; gaudy rogues like Gunn of Gunn and his Highlanders; bandits, highwaymen, rand lords, gold rushers, to name just a few. He tells of leaders like Pretorius and Kruger, and many others who each played a part in establishing the Republic of the Transvaal – a seemingly impossible task considering all the small wars and skirmishes on the veld and the rumble of arguments rising out of each farmhouse. In his remarkably engaging style of writing he sketches scenes of rough but beautiful land, which must have been fascinating to explorers who roamed about the old Transvaal with all its scenic novelties where every turn yielded some marvel for the geologist, the botanist, or the zoologist. The Golden Republic tells of the adventure that raised the Republic to its peak and the complex intrigues that brought it down to the dust; of misfortune and riches, and despair of such magnitude that the birth of a Republic seemed inevitable considering the economic disaster it at times experienced … Until gold poked out its shiny head and gave hope again. The characters who crowded into diggers’ towns were some of the wildest and most colourful ever known in the Transvaal. From all over South Africa they flocked to the scene, in the hope of finding fortune. Most of them were just opportunists, who knew nothing about gold except how to spend it. This is a brilliant book of the birth, life and death of the old Republic written in the tell-tale style Bulpin does so well.

Argentine Caudillo: Juan Manuel de Rosas, is John Lynch's new edition of his 1981 book, which is now out of print. The original has been shortened, making it well-suited for classroom use. The figure of Juan Manual de Rosas dominates the history of Argentina in the first half of the nineteenth century. Charles Darwin, who met him on campaign against the Indians, described him as "a man of extraordinary character," the lord of vast estates and, for over twenty years, absolute ruler of Buenos Aires and its province. The present book studies the forces which made and sustained Rosas, and examines through him the roots of the caudillo tradition in Argentina. It reconstructs the world of great estates and the rise to power of their proprietors, establishing the relation of patron and client, of master and peon, the basis of political allegiance at that time. Argentine Caudillo follows the career of Rosas as a classical caudillo, who rescued his people from fear and anarchy and delivered them into the hands of a great dictatorship. Leader of the gauchos, yet representative too of the powerful landed proprietors and cattle exporters, Rosas established an early prototype of a totalitarian state and employed systematic terror to defend his rule. The book helps to elucidate the concept and practice of caudillismo, or personal dictatorship, in the Hispanic world, and the use of violence to seize and defend power. It does this against a backdrop of transition from colony to independence, and then from anarchy to absolutism. Argentine Caudillo provides a detailed study of the use of state terror as an instrument of policy, one of the few such studies for any period of Latin American history. There is no book which duplicates this work either inside Argentina or outside. In Argentina, Rosas has become a subject of fierce controversy, partly because of his nationalism, partly because of his reign of terror. Consequently, while there is a vast bibliography on Rosas, much of it is polemical and

With Foreword by S R Nathan'A scholar by inclination, a businessman by necessity, a diplomat by duty' - those were the apt words chosen by a reporter in 1966 to describe Tan Siak Kew and his multi-dimensional public life. He was a fervent supporter of education, President of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce for multiple terms, Chairman of the Nantah University Council, Singapore's first ambassador to Thailand, nominated member of the Legislative Assembly, community leader of the Teochews, and notable philanthropist. Effectively bilingual and conscious of his responsibility to both his community and the new nation which was about to be born, Tan was able to act as the bridge between the Chinese-speaking and English-speaking communities with his tact and non-partisan position. Tan Siak Kew: Going Against the Grain, is a biographical sketch of this under-appreciated pioneer, telling the story of his public life through historical records and discussions with his contemporaries.

Populism is on the rise in Europe and the Americas. Scholars increasingly understand populist forces in terms of their ideas or discourse, one that envisions a cosmic struggle between the will of the common people and a conspiring elite. In this volume, we advance populism scholarship by proposing a causal theory and methodological guidelines - a research program - based on this ideational approach. This program argues that populism exists as a set of widespread attitudes among ordinary citizens, and that these attitudes lie dormant until activated by weak democratic governance and policy failure. It offers methodological guidelines for scholars seeking to measure populist ideas and test their effects. And, to ground the program empirically, it tests this theory at multiple levels of analysis using original data on populist discourse across European and US party systems; case studies of populist forces in Europe, Latin America, and the US; survey data from Europe and Latin America; and experiments in Chile, the US, and the UK. The result is a truly systematic, comparative approach that helps answer questions about the causes and effects of populism.

What if there's a hidden dimension to Donald Trump; a sensitive, poetic side? Driven by this question, Rob Sears began combing Trump's words for signs of poetry. What he found was a revelation. By simply taking the 45th President of the United States' tweets and transcripts, cutting them up and reordering them, Sears unearthed a trove of beautiful verse that was just waiting to be discovered. This groundbreaking collection gives readers a glimpse of Trump's innermost thoughts and feelings on everything from the nature of truth, to what he hates about Lord Sugar. And it will reveal a hitherto hidden Donald, who may surprise and delight both students and critics alike. Now with seventeen all-new poems! As we lurch deeper into the Trump presidency, this timely publication also includes Sears' scholarly footnotes and introduction, in which he excavates new critical angles and insights into the President's poetry which the casual reader might initially overlook.

This seminar study examines the Eisenhower presidency. The author argues that the presidency marked an important stage in the evolution of modern America, but left a decidedly mixed legacy for future presidents. Domestically Eisenhower pursued a 'middle way'. Imbued with a profound district of politics and politicians, Eisenhower sought as much as possible to concentrate public policy making in the hands of an enlightened elite of public and private experts. Internationally, Eisenhower's policies exacerbated the nuclear arms race, institutionalised the Cold War, and extended the East-West struggles to new arenas in the Third World. This new account offers an up-to-date synthesis of this newly emerging literature, and reviews Eisenhower's record - from the mishandling of the Civil Rights movement to the escalation of the arms race and the intensification of the Cold War.

In July 2011, South Sudan was granted independence and became the world's newest country. Yet just two-and-a-half years after this momentous decision, the country was in the grips of renewed civil war and political strife. Hilde F. Johnson served as Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan from July 2011 until July 2014 and, as such, she was witness to the many challenges which the country faced as it struggled to adjust to its new autonomous state. In this book, she provides an unparalleled insider's account of South Sudan's descent from the ecstatic celebrations of July 2011 to the outbreak of the disastrous conflict in December 2013 and the early, bloody phase of the fighting. Johnson's frequent personal and private contacts at the highest levels of government, accompanied by her deep knowledge of the country and its history, make this a unique eyewitness account of the turbulent first three years of the world's newest - and yet most fragile - country.

In Ethical Leadership in Turbulent Times, leadership and organizational theory are blended with early 20th Century history to model public leadership that is both monumentally effective and classically ethical. What is leadership? What makes leadership good or bad? To answer these questions, Gerald M. Pops draws on the multi-faceted career of George C. Marshall as an extended case study, focusing on the timely subject of leadership in public service. The dominating traits of Marshall's career were his character, virtues, and ethical practices in two world wars, his efforts to keep the peace and promote economic recovery following World War II, his style of management, and his approach to international diplomacy and nation-building. Pops shows how Marshall's leadership was unique, given the ethical qualities displayed in his character and instilled in the organizations he led. All of these are examined in the context of his long career, and related to an abundant body of leadership theory, in order to successfully present Marshall as an effective public leader not only of the military and political realms, but of business and society as well. This makes the book ideal for students and scholars in the fields of political science, public administration, and the burgeoning field of leadership studies. It is also a fascinating read for all those with a love of twentieth century and military history.

In the parliamentary system of government, manifestos constitute and represent an important aspect of the democratic electoral politics as statements of a party's ideology, response and policy. This book offers an examination of election manifestos of different political parties in India at the national level. It explores the manifesto as an input to the policy process and presents a comparative perspective and understanding on the issues and approaches of the national political parties on key affairs. The book traces the evolution of the electoral system, political parties and party manifestos in India as they emerged and developed over time. It looks at the Statutes of 1909, 1919 and 1935 along with the party manifestos and elections until 1945-46. The author further analyses Constituent Assembly debates on the electoral system and the stances of political parties on national reconstruction through documents from parties, including the Indian National Congress, the Communist Party of India, the Socialist Party, Jana Sangh and the All India Scheduled Castes Federation. Covering manifestos of sixteen Lok Sabha Elections (from the first general election of 1952 to 2014), this book provides a comprehensive overview of how major political parties think on significant social, economic, political, foreign and defence-related issues. It will be useful to scholars and researchers of political science, election studies, modern Indian history, public administration, law and governance, sociology, media and journalism as also to legislators and policymakers.

Calls to Arms: Presidential Speeches, Messages, and Declarations of War is a collection of presidential messages and speeches that called America to war from John Adams and the Quasi-War with France to George W. Bush and the fight against international terrorism in Afghanistan. The documents included here demonstrate the growth of presidential power and show how Congress responded to each call to arms. The selections also reflect the adherence to constitutional requirements and in the case of undeclared war messages, the evolution of "extra-constitutional" behavior. In addition, the book provides a sample of the popular responses to calls to arms throughout history and provides a handy reference for studying some of the most memorable presidential speeches. A fascinating collection of some of the most important speeches in our country's history, Calls to Arms will appeal to all those interested in American, diplomatic, and military history.

The series, Mao's Road to Power, consisting of translations of Mao Zedong's writings from 1912 to 1949, provides abundant documentation in his own words on his life and thought as well as developments in China during the pre-1949 period. This final volume in the series, Volume 10, covers the period from the Chinese Communist Party's Strategic Offense during the Civil War to the Establishment of the People's Republic of China, July 1947 to October 1949.

Throughout American history, Presidents and Presidential candidates have faced countless assassination threats and attempts on their lives. These threats have extended not only to sitting Presidents and candidates but also to Presidents-elect and former Presidents. Assassinations, Threats, and the American Presidency: From Andrew Jackson to Barack Obama walks through Presidential history, looking at the countless assassination threats and attempts that have occurred throughout history. Historian Ronald L. Feinman discusses the Presidencies of sixteen Presidents, as well as three important candidates and five living Presidents today, and how they were directly threatened with assassination, ranging from the first known threat to Andrew Jackson in 1833, to threats to Barack Obama in late 2014. All nineteen of these Presidents and candidates were threatened with assassination-six being killed, three wounded, and ten unhurt. Additionally, he reveals information about some failed attempts, which, had they been successful, could have resulted in fifteen different men who would have become President of the United States. Which ones would have been able to fill the responsibilities? Which ones would have been disastrous in the Oval Office? Assassination attempts, both successful and failures have been part of our political culture for over 180 years, and the problem of Presidential security, safety and protection remains a serious problem today. With the President being faced with countless death threats, the Secret Service and FBI are forced to employ all kinds of technological methods to protect our Chief Executive and his family, as well as other top officials in the line of succession. Feinman brings to light how these agencies have grown, both technologically and physically, to counter these attacks. He, also, sheds light on how these threats to our Presidency have devastated, changed, and grown our United States into what it is today.

Political Elite and the New Russia convincingly argues that although reforms in Russia have been initiated by those close to the President, in fact local and national elites have been the crucial strategic actors in reshaping Russia's economy, democratising its political system and decentralising its administration. This book analyses the role of elites under Yeltsin and Putin, discussing the extent to which they form a coherent political culture, and how far this culture has been in step with, or at odds with, the reform policies of the Kremlin leadership.

This book trains a critical eye on the curious interaction between America's 43rd president and the people who write about him, talk about him, shoot him, and draw him. Hayden details a rough, often tense relationship between Bush and media outlets from CBS to the New York Times to The Tonight Show. But he also challenges what until recently was the conventional wisdom about Bush's public relations: the notion that the White House was a masterful manipulator of the media, a Machiavellian puppetmaster. According to Hayden, those types of characterizations were not just overly generous; they were distortions. Moreover, they were also a cop-out for the press. This lively book details the pattern of mistakes made by the Bush administration in carrying out its communication strategy, focusing in particular on the period since Hurricane Katrina. It offers a clear portrait of a president stumbling from one crisis to another, failing to successfully pull the strings from behind the curtain.