Tawfiq Zayyad (1929–94) was a renowned Palestinian poet and a committed communist activist. For four decades, he was a dominant figure in political life in Israel, as a local council member, mayor of Nazareth, and member of the Israeli parliament. Zayyad personified the collective struggle of the Palestinian citizens of Israel, challenging the military government following the creation of the state of Israel, leading the 1976 nationwide strike against land confiscation, and tirelessly protesting Israeli military occupation after 1967. With this book, Tamir Sorek offers the first biography of this charismatic figure. Zayyad's life was one of balance and contradiction—between his revolutionary writings as Palestinian patriotic poet and his pragmatic political work in the Israeli public sphere. He was uncompromising in his protest of injustices against the Palestinian people, but always committed to a universalist vision of Arab-Jewish brotherhood. It was this combination of traits that made Zayyad an exceptional leader—and makes his biography larger than the man himself to offer a compelling story about Palestinians and the state of Israel.

This book explores the stagnation of democracy in the Western Balkans over the last decade. The author maps regional features of rising authoritarianism that mirror larger global trends and, in doing so, outlines the core mechanisms of authoritarian rule in the Balkans, with a particular focus on Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia. These mechanisms include the creation of constant crises, the use of external powers to balance outside influences, as well as state capture. The authoritarian patterns exist alongside formal democratic institutions, resulting in competitive authoritarian regimes that use social polarization to retain power. As the countries of the Western Balkans aspire, at least formally, to join the European Union, authoritarianism is often informal.

Between 1968 and 1975, there was a subtle thawing of relations between East and West, for which Brezhnev coined the name Detente, and - perhaps - a chance to end the Cold War. The leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union, Richard Nixon and Leonid Brezhnev, hoped to forge a new relationship between East and West. Yet, the greatest changes of the era took place outside the sphere of international diplomacy. The 1960s brought social collision across the world, from the anti-war protests in America to the student demonstrations on the streets of Paris, and Mao Tsetung's Red Guards in China. A new generation, whom advertising executives dubbed the baby-boomers, brought new attitudes to towards sex, gender, race, the environment and religion. In this book, Richard Crowder explores the years of Detente, and introduces us to the key players of the era, whose stories form the narrative of this book.

Incoherent, obsessive and violent, Hitler's ideas nonetheless found an audience of millions and led to one of the most horrific and devastating conflicts of the 20th century. Taking two of Hitler's texts as his starting point, Neil Gregor discusses 'this second-rate mind of great power' and helps the reader to understand the nature and popular reception of Hitler's crude but hugely influential writings.

This book discusses the perceptions India has about its South Asian neighbours, and how these neighbours, in turn, perceive India. While analyzing these perceptions, contributors, who are eminent researchers in international relations, have linked the past with present. They have also examined the reasons for positive or negative opinions about the other, and actors involved in constructing such opinions. In 1947, after its independence, India became part of a disturbed South Asia, with countries embroiled in problems like boundary disputes, identity related violence etc. India itself inherited some of those problems, and continues to walk the tight rope managing some of them. Traditionally, seventy years of India's South Asia policy can roughly be categorized into three overlapping phases. The first one, Nehruvian phase, which viewed the region through a prism of an internationalist; the second one, 'interventionist' phase, tried to shape neighbours' policies to suit India's interests; and the third, accommodative phase, when policy makers attempted to accommodate the demands of the neighbours in India's policy discourses. These are not ossified categories so one can find that policy adopted during one phase was also used in the other. Keeping the above in mind, the book discusses India's role in managing and navigating through challenges of the presence of external, regional and international, powers; power rivalries in South Asia; India's maritime policy and her relationship with extended neighbours; and India being visualized as a soft power by South Asian countries. It will certainly appeal to the academicians, students, journalists, policy makers and all those who are interested in South Asian politics.

Compiled and edited by Lowell H. Harrison, the essays in Kentucky's Governors profile every chief executive of the Bluegrass State from eighteenth-century governor Isaac Shelby to Ernie Fletcher. First published in 1985, this edition of Kentucky's Governors is expanded and revised to include governors Wilkinson, Jones, Patton, and Fletcher, as well as new information on respected figures such as Louie B. Nunn. An introduction by Kentucky's historian laureate, Thomas D. Clark, provides key insights into successive governors' evolving constitutional powers and their changing roles in political debates and policy formation. Following Clark's overview, each chapter presents significant biographical information while detailing the campaign, election, achievements, strengths, and weaknesses of each governor. To aid in further research, each contributor lists several suggested sources, both primary and secondary, for additional investigation into the lives and careers of Kentucky's leaders. A thorough index is also included to facilitate reference within this updated and revised edition. The profiles in Kentucky's Governors give insights into each leader's engagements with economic development, education, agriculture, and taxes, issues that have helped define two hundred years of history in the Bluegrass State.

This book examines the effects of preferential voting on intraparty electoral competition and voting behavior. Using data covering 19 countries and over 200 elections, this study sheds light on a somewhat neglected aspect of electoral systems. The author demonstrates that the ability of voters to influence the selection and deselection of MPs under preferential voting systems is not as important as is often assumed. Instead, their ability to shape the election of a given candidate depends heavily on the balance between party power and voter power. In this way, this book advances the understanding of the effect of preferential voting on intra-party dynamics, parliamentary turnover, and voter behavior. Based on a rigorous, data-led methodological approach, the book contributes to both the theory and practice of the study of electoral systems, and should be read by scholars, students and practitioners interested in preferential voting systems.

It is an often-forgotten fact that horses played an important part in Winston Churchill's life. They were his escape in childhood, his challenge in youth, his transport in war, his triumph in sport and his diversion in old age. Renowned author, broadcaster and former jockey, Brough Scott, follows in Churchill's hoofprints from galloping his pony in Blenheim Park, to topping the riding class whilst army training at Sandhurst, taking part in a famous cavalry charge in Sudan, playing polo in India, hunting foxes in Leicestershire and breeding racehorses near his home in Kent, after a minor interlude out of the saddle to tend to the historic task of winning the Second World War.

This is the 10th anniversary edition of "Transformational and Charismatic Leadership: The Road Ahead." In the current compendium, we seek to update the theoretical and empirical work and professional practice issues associated with transformational and charismatic leadership that have transpired over the past decade. To accomplish this purpose, we asked authors from the original volume to provide an addendum to their original chapters updating what has occurred in their work realm over the last 10 years and what still needs to be done. In this way, we chose to leave the original "classic" chapters intact, while getting targeted updates to the work in each chapter. The author-teams highlight past work and offer new research ideas, insights, and directions for future work in their new contributions. In addition, we discuss these author-team contributions, take stock to date of the forecasts (predictions and projections) made in the original volume on future trends in leadership research and practice, take stock of the issues raised about what is missing from this leadership realm, and provide our views of new directions for theory, research and practice on transformational and charismatic leadership. In this way, we hope to participate in re-setting the stage for the next decade of theory and research on transformational and charismatic leadership.

Insulting the president is an American tradition. From Washington to Trump, presidents have been called "lazy," "feeble," "pusillanimous," and more. Our leaders have been derided as "ignoramuses," "idiots," "morons," and "fatheads," and have been compared to all manner of animals-worms and whales and hyenas, sad jellyfish, strutting crows, lap dogs, reptiles, and monkeys. Political insults tell us what we value in our leaders by showing how we devalue them. In Dangerous Crooked Scoundrels, linguist Edwin Battistella collects over five hundred insults aimed at American presidents. Covering the broad sweep of American history, he puts insults in their place-the political and cultural context of their times. Along the way, Battistella illustrates the recurring themes of political insults: too little intellect or too much, inconsistency or obstinacy, worthlessness, weakness, dishonesty, sexual impropriety, appearance, and more. The kinds of insults we use suggest what our culture finds most hurtful, and reveal society's changing prejudices as well as its most enduring ones. How we insult presidents and how they react tells us about the presidents, but it also tells us about our nation's politics. Readers discover how the style of insults evolves in different historical periods: gone are "apostate," "mountebank," "flathead," and "doughface." Say hello to "moron," "jerk," "asshole," and "flip-flopper." Dangerous Crooked Scoundrels covers the broad sweep of American history, from the founder's debates over the nature of government to world wars and culture wars and social media. Whatever your politics, you'll find Dangerous Crooked Scoundrels an invaluable source of invigorating invective-and a healthy perspective on today's political climate.

Rhetoric is among the most important and least understood elements of presidential leadership. Presidents have always wielded rhetoric as one tool of governance-and that rhetoric was always intended to facilitate political ends, such as image building, persuasion of the mass public, and inter-branch government persuasion. But as mass media has grown and then fragmented, as the federal bureaucracy has continued to both expand and calcify, and as partisanship has heightened tensions both within Congress and between Congress and the Executive, rhetoric is an increasingly important element of presidential governance. Scholars have derived ways to explain how these developments and the presidents' use of rhetoric have contributed to and detracted from the health of American democracy. This briefing book offers a succinct reflection on the ways in which historical developments have encouraged the use of political rhetoric. It explores strategies of "going public" to provide some leverage over the political system and the lessons one might derive from these choices. This essential analysis, written for lay readers, scholars, students, and future presidents, is the first in Transaction's innovative Presidential Briefings series. Mary E. Stuckey covers the scholarly literature with authority and offers examples of rhetoric that have lasting influence.

More than any other world leader in recent times, George W. Bush is a man of faith...a conservative Christian who has brought the power of prayer and the search for God's will into the Oval Office. His faith has proven to be a bedrock of strength and resolve during two of the most tumultuous years in our nation's history. According to Newsweek magazine, "This presidency is the most resolutely faith based in modern times. An enterprise founded, supported and guided by trust in the temporal and spiritual power of God." David Aikman, skilled journalist and former senior correspondent for TIME magazine, pens this dramatic and gripping account of Bush's journey to faith. Based on interviews and behind-the-scenes stories, you'll learn how... His life changed after a conversation with Billy Graham on the beach at Kennebunkport He walked away from alcoholism toward a new destiny The events following 9/11 caused many to view him as God's chosen man for this critical time in history His decision to go to war with Iraq became the ultimate test of his faith

A Man of Faith...an intimate look at how Bush's spiritual life has impacted his presidency, the nation, and the world.

When Mustafa Kemal Ataturk became the first president of Turkey in 1923, he set about transforming his country into a secular republic where nationalism sanctified by science--and by the personality cult Ataturk created around himself--would reign supreme as the new religion. This book provides the first in-depth look at the intellectual life of the Turkish Republic's founder. In doing so, it frames him within the historical context of the turbulent age in which he lived, and explores the uneasy transition from the late Ottoman imperial order to the modern Turkish state through his life and ideas. Shedding light on one of the most complex and enigmatic statesmen of the modern era, M. Sukru Hanioglu takes readers from Ataturk's youth as a Muslim boy in the volatile ethnic cauldron of Macedonia, to his education in nonreligious and military schools, to his embrace of Turkish nationalism and the modernizing Young Turks movement. Who was this figure who sought glory as an ambitious young officer in World War I, defied the victorious Allies intent on partitioning the Turkish heartland, and defeated the last sultan? Hanioglu charts Ataturk's intellectual and ideological development at every stage of his life, demonstrating how he was profoundly influenced by the new ideas that were circulating in the sprawling Ottoman realm. He shows how Ataturk drew on a unique mix of scientism, materialism, social Darwinism, positivism, and other theories to fashion a grand utopian framework on which to build his new nation. Now with a new preface, this book provides the first in-depth look at the intellectual life of the Turkish Republic's founder.

The #1 New York Times bestseller and New York Times Book Review 10 Best Books of 2017 "Eminently readable but thick with import . . . Grant hits like a Mack truck of knowledge." -Ta-Nehisi Coates, The Atlantic Pulitzer Prize winner Ron Chernow returns with a sweeping and dramatic portrait of one of our most compelling generals and presidents, Ulysses S. Grant. Ulysses S. Grant's life has typically been misunderstood. All too often he is caricatured as a chronic loser and an inept businessman, or as the triumphant but brutal Union general of the Civil War. But these stereotypes don't come close to capturing him, as Chernow shows in his masterful biography, the first to provide a complete understanding of the general and president whose fortunes rose and fell with dizzying speed and frequency. Before the Civil War, Grant was flailing. His business ventures had ended dismally, and despite distinguished service in the Mexican War he ended up resigning from the army in disgrace amid recurring accusations of drunkenness. But in war, Grant began to realize his remarkable potential, soaring through the ranks of the Union army, prevailing at the battle of Shiloh and in the Vicksburg campaign, and ultimately defeating the legendary Confederate general Robert E. Lee. Along the way, Grant endeared himself to President Lincoln and became his most trusted general and the strategic genius of the war effort. Grant's military fame translated into a two-term presidency, but one plagued by corruption scandals involving his closest staff members. More important, he sought freedom and justice for black Americans, working to crush the Ku Klux Klan and earning the admiration of Frederick Douglass, who called him "the vigilant, firm, impartial, and wise protector of my race." After his presidency, he was again brought low by a dashing young swindler on Wall Street, only to resuscitate his image by working with Mark Twain to publish his memoirs, which are recognized as a masterpiece of the genre. With lucidity, breadth, and meticulousness, Chernow finds the threads that bind these disparate stories together, shedding new light on the man whom Walt Whitman described as "nothing heroic... and yet the greatest hero." Chernow's probing portrait of Grant's lifelong struggle with alcoholism transforms our understanding of the man at the deepest level. This is America's greatest biographer, bringing movingly to life one of our finest but most underappreciated presidents. The definitive biography, Grant is a grand synthesis of painstaking research and literary brilliance that makes sense of all sides of Grant's life, explaining how this simple Midwesterner could at once be so ordinary and so extraordinary. Named one of the best books of the year by Goodreads * Amazon * The New York Times * Newsday * BookPage * Barnes and Noble * Wall Street Journal

This book studies political leadership at the local level, based on data from a survey of the mayors of cities of more than 10,000 inhabitants in 29 European countries carried out between 2014 and 2016. The book compares these results with those of a similar survey conducted ten years ago. From this comparative perspective, the book examines how to become a mayor in Europe today, the attitudes of these politicians towards administrative and territorial reforms, their notions of democracy, their political priorities, whether or not party politicization plays a role at the municipal level, and how mayors interact with other actors in the local political arena. This study addresses students, academics and practitioners concerned at different levels with the functioning and reforms of the municipal level of local government.

This book explores Charles De Gaulle's use and strict control of television between 1958 and 1969, highlighting the association between charismatic power and television with regards to legitimizing the Gaullist leadership and determining an evolution towards presidentialism during the Fifth Republic. A protagonist of European political history of the twentieth century, Charles de Gaulle was a pioneer in the use of mass media: in the Second World War he had earned the nickname of General-micro due to his reliance on radio communication; in 1958 he then started an substantive and fruitful use of television, which some of his opponents labelled as 'telecracy'. From difficult beginnings, where he followed the advice of publicity and communication experts, through his masterful TV appearances during the dramatic moments of the Algerian War, to the presidential campaign of 1965 and the crisis of May 1968, the author paints a compelling fresco of de Gaulle as the first TV leader in contemporary European history. The book will appeal to students and scholars interested in the fields of French politics, political communication and political leadership.

This book offers a novel approach to mapping the people and organisations working in EU affairs, allocating much of the volume to a discussion of non-EU institutional representation in Brussels. Complementary to this, a distinct section focuses on those entities situated in EU capitals connected with EU policy dynamics. The intention of the book is to describe each sector within Brussels' eco-system, including statistics and numbers, but also to have practical examples of organisations that are represented in EU affairs. The second part of the book is dedicated to interviews with relevant influencers from within the Brussels scene. This publication is a working tool for experts in EU affairs, academics and students. It could also be an interesting read for those seeking a job in EU affairs, as well as entrepreneurs, who want to set up a sustainable business.

In it, readers will discover dozens of colourful scrapbook pages that may have been crafted by Trump, himself, highlighting his most impressive attributes and amazing accomplishments, while also targeting his most hated enemies, including the dimwit Democrats who want our country to fail, the fake media, liberal Hollywood hacks, weepy and annoying gold star families, touchy and overly sensitive feminazis, everyone involved with the plan to eradicate Christmas, needy immigrants, lazy Puerto Ricans, and many others - more than we can count, honestly. It's nothing less than a history of hubris and hate. Packed from page to page with clear evidence of ego-fueled, adolescent impulses gone wild, this scrapbook parody perfectly showcases exactly how off the rails our commander-in-chief really is.

After a landslide electoral victory in 2006, Evo Morales became the first indigenous President of Bolivia. Morales's stunning ascent was mirrored by the rising fortunes of his political party, the leftist Movimiento al Socialismo, which today continues to challenge the status quo in Bolivian politics and implement ambitious social reforms. This study examines how the state and social movements have impacted democratization in Bolivia, along with other sectors such as NGOs and the media. Soledad Valdivia Rivera's analysis helps us to understand how the movement's relationships have come to transform the Bolivian political process as we know it.

No one is born to lead. This is the idea at the heart of this thoughtful book on leadership. Popular culture feeds us images of the square-jawed, strong-armed leader - charismatic, powerful, decisive - but the truth is, with the right amount of self-knowledge and authenticity, anyone can be a good leader, even those who don't fit the stereotype. There are countless courses and books available on leadership technique, decision-making and public speaking, but How to Be a Leader aims to give you the tools to understand and bring out your own leadership style. With an in-depth look at what it really means to lead, and the difference between being a manager and being a leader, How to Be a Leader invites you to explore - and accept - the unique leader in you.

There are few individuals in modern Spanish history that have been as thoroughly mythologized as Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, a leading figure in the Spanish Civil War who was executed by the Republicans in 1936 and celebrated as a martyr following the victory of the Falangists. In this long-awaited translation, Joan Maria Thomas provides a measured, exhaustively researched study of Primo de Rivera's personality, beliefs, and political activity. His biography shows us a man dedicated to the creation of a fascist political regime that he aspired to one day lead, while at the same carefully distinguishing his aims from those of the Falangists and the Franco Regime.

The Pinochet File reveals a record of complicity with atrocity by the U.S. government. The documents, first declassified for the original edition of the book, formed the heart of the campaign to hold Gen. Pinochet accountable for murder, torture and terrorism. The New York Times wrote of the original 2003 edition, 'Thanks to Peter Kornbluh, we have the first complete, almost day-to-day and fully documented record of this sordid chapter in Cold War American History.' With this 40th anniversary edition, the record is even more complete and up-to-date.

To limit executive power, the Founding Fathers created fixed presidential terms of four years, giving voters regular opportunities to remove their leaders. Americans also discovered more dramatic paths for disempowering--or coming razor-close to removing--chief executives: undermining the president's authority, a preemptive strike to derail a presidential candidacy, assassination, impeachment, resignation, and declaration of inability. Although the United States has gone decades without assassination or resignation, the most dramatic forms of presidential removal, getting rid of a president or a potential president is a political reality-just ask not president Hillary Clinton. How To Get Rid of a President presents the dark side of the nation's history, from the Constitutional Convention through the aftermath of the shocking 2016 election, a stew of election dramas, national tragedies and presidential exits mixed with party intrigue, political betrayal and backroom scheming. It is a briskly paced, darkly humorous voyage through historical events relevant to today's headlines, highlighting the many ways that presidents have been undermined and nearly kicked out, how each method of removal offers opportunities and dangers for the republic and the thorny ethical issues that surround the choice to resist, disobey, or eject a president.

An enlightening narrative exploring an oft-overlooked aspect of the sixteenth president's life, An American Marriage reveals the tragic story of Abraham Lincoln's marriage to Mary Todd. Abraham Lincoln was apparently one of those men who regarded "connubial bliss" as an untenable fantasy. During the Civil War, he pardoned a Union soldier who had deserted the army to return home to wed his sweetheart. As the president signed a document sparing the soldier's life, Lincoln said: "I want to punish the young man-probably in less than a year he will wish I had withheld the pardon." Based on thirty years of research, An American Marriage describes and analyzes why Lincoln had good reason to regret his marriage to Mary Todd. This revealing narrative shows that, as First Lady, Mary Lincoln accepted bribes and kickbacks, sold permits and pardons, engaged in extortion, and peddled influence. The reader comes to learn that Lincoln wed Mary Todd because, in all likelihood, she seduced him and then insisted that he protect her honor. Perhaps surprisingly, the 5'2" Mrs. Lincoln often physically abused her 6'4" husband, as well as her children and servants; she humiliated her husband in public; she caused him, as president, to fear that she would disgrace him publicly. Unlike her husband, she was not profoundly opposed to slavery and hardly qualifies as the "ardent abolitionist" that some historians have portrayed. While she provided a useful stimulus to his ambition, she often "crushed his spirit," as his law partner put it. In the end, Lincoln may not have had as successful a presidency as he did-where he showed a preternatural ability to deal with difficult people-if he had not had so much practice at home.

John Major's prime ministership was an eventful one. Between 1990 and 1997 he presided over Britain's participations in the Gulf War, the start of the Northern Ireland peace process, the Maastricht Treaty negotiations and, of course, Black Wednesday and Britain's exit from the ERM, as well as a surprise fourth consecutive election victory for the Conservative Party. An Unsuccessful Prime Minister? is the first wide-ranging appraisal of John Major's government in nearly two decades. Widely criticised by politicians on the right of the Conservative Party and from the other political parties as well as by journalists, Major's government was living on borrowed time towards the end, beset by splits over Europe and by allegations of sleaze before being crushed by New Labour in the 1997 general election. This book reconsiders the role of John Major as Prime Minister and the policy achievements of his government, and argues that although it was not one of the greatest of governments it did have more success than critics would allow.