A no-holds-barred biography of Viktor Orban, the most successful--and arguably most dangerous--politician in Hungarian history. Through a masterly and cynical manipulation of ethnic nationalism, and deep-rooted corruption, Prime Minister Orban has exploited successive electoral victories to build a closely knit and super-rich oligarchy. More than any other EU leader, he wields undisputed power over his people. Orban's ambitions are far-reaching. Hailed by governments and far-right politicians as the champion of a new anti-Brussels nationalism, his ruthless crackdown on refugees, his open break with normative values and his undisguised admiration for Presidents Putin and Trump pose a formidable challenge to the survival of liberal democracy in a divided Europe. Mining exclusive documents and interviews, celebrated journalist Paul Lendvai sketches the extraordinary rise of Orban, an erstwhile anti-communist rebel turned populist autocrat. His compelling portrait reveals a man with unfettered power.

This book examines the societal dynamics of memory politics in Russia. Since Vladimir Putin became president, the Russian central government has increasingly actively employed cultural memory to claim political legitimacy and discredit all forms of political opposition. The rhetorical use of the past has become a defining characteristic of Russian politics, creating a historical foundation for the regime's emphasis on a strong state and centralised leadership. Exploring memory politics, this book analyses a wide range of actors, from the central government and the Russian Orthodox Church, to filmmaker and cultural heavyweight Nikita Mikhalkov and radical thinkers such as Aleksandr Dugin. In addition, in view of the steady decline in media freedom since 2000, it critically examines the role of cinema and television in shaping and spreading these narratives. Thus, this book aims to gain a better understanding of the various means through which the Russian government practices its memory politics (e.g., the role of state media) and, on the other hand, to sufficiently value the existence of alternative and critical voices and criticism that existing studies tend to overlook. Contributing to current debates in the field of memory studies and of current affairs in Russia and Eastern Europe, this book will be of interest to scholars working in the fields of Russian Studies, Cultural Memory Studies, Nationalism and National Identity, Political Communication, Film, Television and Media Studies.

This revised, expanded and updated fourth edition of Thatcher and Thatcherism examines the origins and impact of 'Thatcherism' both as a cultural construct and an economic creed from the 1970s to the formation of a coalition government in 2010. New to this edition is an extended exploration of Thatcher's impact outside of the UK, as well as an examination of the assessments published following her death in 2013, providing students with a greater understanding of the legacy of Thatcherism within the modern political landscape. Focusing on the career of Margaret Thatcher, Eric J. Evans questions both the originality and the ideological coherence of what came to be called 'Thatcherism' and considers to what extent it met, or failed to meet, its main objectives. Key topics discussed within the book include: Privatisation policies and the attack on trade union power and influence; How Thatcher changed and controlled the late twentieth-century Conservative Party; The legacy of the Falklands War; Thatcher's relations with Europe - East and West; Thatcher's approach to the professional ethic; The influence of Thatcherism on succeeding governments: Major and 'New Labour'; Neo-liberalism and its influence on, and under, Thatcher. With comprehensive suggestions for further reading and explanation of the economic, social and historical context of Britain in the late 1970s and 1980s, Thatcher and Thatcherism is an invaluable guide to the complexities and paradoxes of Britain from the late 1970s to the second decade of the twenty-first century.

At a time when the institution of the presidency seems in a state of almost permanent crisis, it is particularly important to understand what sort of an institution the framers of the Constitution thought they were creating. Founding the American Presidency offers a first-hand view of the minds of the founders by bringing together extensive selections from the constitutional convention in Philadelphia as well as representative selections from the subsequent debates over ratification. Organized topically, the book focuses on those issues of executive power that most deeply concerned and often sharply divided the founders, including the electoral college and impeachment, the presidential term and reeligibility, the veto power and war powers, the power of appointment and the power of pardon. EllisO judicious selections mean that teachers and students no longer need to settle for the meager rations of a Federalist paper or two supplemented by a quick summary of the founders' thoughts before being fast-forwarded to the contemporary presidency. Pointed discussion questions provoke students to consider new perspectives on the presidency. Ideal for all courses on the presidency, the book is also important for all citizens who want to understand not only the past but the future of the American presidency.

The book tells the fascinating, compelling and tragic tale of Napoleon Bonaparte from his defeat at Waterloo, through the period of his abdication in Paris to his capture by the British and, beyond, as he went, reluctantly, into exile. It focusses on the Emperor's time on the Bellerophon and Northumberland, the ships that carried him from France to England and St Helena. Napoleon's residence on St Helena is also explored in detail, using first-hand accounts from the people who saw and accompanied him for the six years of his exile. The book explores the slow decline of a great man into physical and mental disintegration, examining the causes of Napoleon's fatal malaise and his relationship with significant figures like Sir Hudson Lowe and Betsy Balcombe - putting everything into the context of enforced idleness on a distant and barren lump of rock.

Few statesmen in history have inspired the imagination of generations of Germans more than the founder of the Kaiserreich, Otto von Bismarck. The archetype of charismatic leadership, the Iron Chancellor maintained his pre-eminent position in the pantheon of Germany's political iconography for much of the twentieth century.
Based on a large selection of primary sources, this book provides an insightful analysis of the Bismarck myth's profound impact on Germany's political culture. In particular, it investigates the ways in which that myth was used to undermine parliamentary democracy in Germany after the Great War, paving the way for its replacement by authoritarian rule under an allegedly 'Bismarckian' charismatic leader, Adolf Hitler.
As one of the most powerful weapons of nationalist agitation against the Weimar Republic, the Bismarck myth was never contested. The nationalists' ideologically charged interpretation of Bismarck as the father of the German nation-state and model for future political decision-making clashed with rivalling - and thoroughly critical - democratic and communist perceptions of the Iron Chancellor. The quarrel over Bismarck's legacy demonstrates how the clash of ideologies, particularly between 1918 and 1933, resulted in a highly political fight for the 'correct' and universal interpretation of the German past.
Essential reading for anyone interested in modern German history, this book sheds new light on the Weimar Republic's struggle for survival and the reasons for its failure.

Lionel `Rusty' Bernstein was arrested at Liliesleaf Farm, Rivonia, on 11 July 1963 and tried for sabotage, alongside Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and other leaders of the African National Congress and Umkhonto we Sizwe in what came to be known as the Rivonia Trial.

He was acquitted in June 1964, but was immediately rearrested. After being released on bail, he fled with his wife Hilda into exile, followed soon afterwards by their family. This classic text, first published in 1999, is a remarkable man's personal memoir of a life in South African resistance politics from the late 1930s to the 1960s.

In recalling the events in which he participated, and the way in which the apartheid regime affected the lives of those involved in the opposition movements, Rusty Bernstein provides valuable insights into the social and political history of the era.

This book gives the first comprehensive and theoretically substantiated political science account of the Orban regime in English. It argues that Viktor Orban's regime-building and reconstructive leadership is more than just an example of hybridisation, a successful populist appeal or a backlash against the earlier neoliberal hegemony in Central Europe. It unfolds the major traits of the Orban regime and argues that it provides a paradigmatic case of the Weberian model of plebiscitary leader democracy (PLD). Beyond explaining the backslide of liberal democracy in Hungary, the book aims at two additional contributions of wider significance. First, by applying the concept of PLD to the Hungarian case, it reveals that the authoritarian elements are products of an endogenous drive of modern mass democracy. Second, through the glass of PLD, the Orban regime can be seen as an experimental lab of global trends like mediatisation and personalisation of politics, populist style, the deconsolidation of liberal democratic order, and what is often labelled as "post-truth politics". This book will be of key interest both to scholars and students of Hungary, Post-communist and Central and East European politics and to those interested in populism, democratisation and democratic deconsolidation as a broader trend in a variety of countries.

Presidential term limits have been a crucial institutional feature of the third wave of democratization. They are meant to safeguard democracy by promoting alternation in office and preventing the personalization of power. However, since the 1990s term limits have been subject to frequent contestation by incumbents. Such contestation process has often been considered a sign of autocratization, particularly when it involves the weakening of other constitutional constraints, such as courts and legislatures. Term-limit contestations have attracted the attention of scholars working with a global perspective as well as with a regional or country-specific one too. Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa are focal points of these trends, despite their different histories of presidentialism and diverging types of term-limit rules. This book generates new empirical and theoretical insights by bringing together the scholarship on Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa, providing context-bound intraregional research as well as long-term perspectives for the study of term-limit change. The chapters advance novel findings on institutionalization, the power of precedence, incumbent-centred strategies, and approaches to protect presidential term limits. This volume will be of great use to students and researchers interested in Latin American and African studies, comparative politics as well as political leadership. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Democratization.

In the past twenty years, the countries that used to make up the former Soviet Union have seen plenty of change. There have been revolutions, youth-led protest movements, and other forms of incredible political upheaval. At the center of all of this were young leaders fighting to be heard and clamoring for change. In Nadia Diuk's meticulously researched and insightful book. The Next Generation in Russia, Ukraine, and Azerbaijan, she shows how those young leaders have risen up and become a part of the new political system. Using unique public opinion polling data and personal interviews, she explores how the new generation of leaders is shaping the political system and how the young people of today continue to exhort pressure for reform. This book is important to anyone interested in Eastern European studies, political transitions, protest movements, or youth and politics.

The #1 "New York Times "bestselling memoir by Clint Hill that "Kirkus Reviews" called "clear and honest prose free from salaciousness and gossip," Jackie Kennedy's personal Secret Service agent details his very close relationship with the First Lady during the four years leading up to and following President John F. Kennedy's tragic assassination.
In those four years, Hill was by Mrs. Kennedy's side for some of the happiest moments as well as the darkest. He was there for the birth of John, Jr. on November 25, 1960, as well as for the birth and sudden death of Patrick Bouvier Kennedy on August 8, 1963. Three and a half months later, the unthinkable happened.
Forty-seven years after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, the one vivid image that never leaves Clint Hill's mind is that of President Kennedy's head lying on Mrs. Kennedy's lap in the back seat of the limousine, his eyes fixed, blood splattered all over the back of the car, Mrs. Kennedy, and Hill as well. Sprawled on the trunk of the car as it sped away from Dealey Plaza, Hill clung to the sides of the car, his feet wedged in so his body was as high as possible.
Clint Hill jumped on the car too late to save the president, but all he knew after that first shot was that if more shots were coming, the bullets had to hit him instead of the First Lady.
Mrs. Kennedy's strength, class, and dignity over those tragic four days in November 1963 held the country together.
This is the story, told for the first time, of the man who perhaps held her together.

In the first study that combines an in-depth examination of Madison's National Gazette essays of 1791-92 with a study of The Federalist, Colleen Sheehan traces the evolution of Madison's conception of the politics of communication and public opinion throughout the Founding period, demonstrating how "the sovereign public" would form and rule in America. Contrary to those scholars who claim that Madison dispensed with the need to form an active and virtuous citizenry, Sheehan argues that Madison's vision for the new nation was informed by the idea of republican self-government, whose manifestation he sought to bring about in the spirit and way of life of the American people. Madison's story is "the story of an idea" - the idea of America.

The "magisterial" (The New York Times Book Review) second volume of Sidney Blumenthal's acclaimed, landmark biography, The Political Life of Abraham Lincoln, reveals the future president's genius during the most decisive period of his political life when he seizes the moment, finds his voice, and helps create a new political party. In 1849, Abraham Lincoln seems condemned to political isolation and defeat. His Whig Party is broken in the 1852 election, and disintegrates. His perennial rival, Stephen Douglas, forges an alliance with the Southern senators and Secretary of War Jefferson Davis. Violent struggle breaks out on the plains of Kansas, a prelude to the Civil War. Lincoln rises to the occasion. Only he can take on Douglas in Illinois. He finally delivers the dramatic speech that leaves observers stunned. In 1855, he makes a race for the Senate against Douglas, which he loses when he throws his support to a rival to prevent the election of a proslavery candidate. In Wrestling With His Angel, Sidney Blumenthal explains how Lincoln and his friends operate behind the scenes to destroy the anti-immigrant party in Illinois to clear the way for a new Republican Party. Lincoln takes command and writes its first platform and vaults onto the national stage as the leader of a party that will launch him to the presidency. The Washington Monthly hailed Blumenthal's Volume I as, "splendid...no one can come away from reading A Self-Made Man without eagerly anticipating the ensuing volumes." Pulitzer Prize-winning author Diane McWhorter hailed Volume II as "dramatic narrative history, prophetic and intimate." Wrestling With His Angel brings Lincoln from the wilderness to the peak of his career as he is determined to enter into the battle for the nation's soul and to win it for democracy.

The nature of the US political system, with its overlapping powers, intense partisanship, and continuous scrutiny from the media and public, complicates the conduct of foreign policy. While numerous presidents have struggled under the weight of these conditions, Theodore Roosevelt thrived and is widely lauded for his diplomacy. Roosevelt played a crucial role in the nation's rise to world power, competition with other new Great Powers such as Germany and Japan, and US participation in World War I. He was able to implement the majority of his agenda even though he was confronted by a hostile Democratic Party, suspicious conservatives in the Republican Party, and the social and political ferment of the progressive era. The president, John M. Thompson argues, combined a compelling vision for national greatness, considerable political skill, faith in the people and the US system, and an emphasis on providing leadership. It helped that the public mood was not isolationist, but was willing to support all of his major objectives-though Roosevelt's feel for the national mood was crucial, as was his willingness to compromise when necessary. This book traces the reactions of Americans to the chief foreign policy events of the era and the ways in which Roosevelt responded to and sought to shape his political environment. Offering the first analysis of the politics of foreign policy for the entirety of Roosevelt's career, Great Power Rising sheds new light on the twenty-sixth president and the nation's emergence as a preeminent player in international affairs.

The Jonathan Presidency provides a comprehensive and unique analysis of Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan s first twelve months in office. The Jonathan Presidency analyzes the ability of the featured Nigerian politicians to deliver their electoral promises, protect and uphold the Nigerian Constitution, and sustain a transparent, citizen-friendly administration."

This handbook provides a unique opportunity to bring together several different strings of debates, especially useful to the growing focus on responsibility which increasingly demands interdisciplinary approaches. It focuses on practices and normativity in ways that are often overlooked by a focus on accountability. It highlights the contested meaning of responsibility. In addition to its academic purpose, it may also prove of interest to policy-makers, think tanks, policy research institutes.

Designed to cover the most up-to-date Standard Grade requirements, these books should provide everything you need to prepare your students for their exams. There are exam-style questions and full-colour presentation throughout, while the topics covered are among the most popular at this level.

Political Rules of the Road is a collection of informal rules that members of Congress have used to guide their political careers and private lives. Our current and former representatives, senators, governors, cabinet officials, and presidents have valuable advice to offer about how to be successful in Congress, politics, and life. At the request of Lou Frey, 172 political leaders contributed over 500 rules that cover a wide variety of topics: campaigns and elections, congressional service, representation and decision making, political parties and partisanship, media and ethics, politics, policy and life. These rules and anecdotes shed light on how Congress really works and provide a roadmap for how to be successful in politics and in life.

Finalist for the Pulitzer Prize and a Sunday Independent Book of the Year

A deeply researched, superbly crafted biography of America’s most complex president.

Award-winning biographer John A. Farrell examines the life and legacy of one of America’s most controversial political figures, from Nixon’s early days in the Navy to his political career as senator, vice president, and finally president, and his downfall in 1974 following the Watergate scandal.

Richard Nixon is a magisterial portrait of the man who embodied post-war American political cynicism ― and was destroyed by it.

This is a biography of Detroit philanthropist Tracy McGregor and his wife, Katherine Whitney McGregor, that details their support of charities and social movements in the first decades of the twentieth century.In the turbulent era from 1890 to the late 1930s, Detroit emerged as a leading industrial and urban center and endured the crushing social and economic challenges of the Great Depression. It was during these years that Tracy W. McGregor, with the assistance of his wife, Katherine Whitney McGregor, established himself as a philanthropist and community leader. Though public buildings and a charitable foundation bear their names, relatively little is known about the private-minded McGregors, who avoided newspaper interviews or public exposure whenever possible.In "Tracy W. McGregor", Philip P. Mason scours the archival collections of the University of Michigan, Wayne State University, the State of Michigan, the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library and the Library of Congress to provide a comprehensive look at the remarkable work of the McGregors. Mason examines McGregor's successful campaigns to reform the political, judicial, and educational institutions in Detroit, as well as his establishment of mental health, correctional, and health care facilities in Michigan. In addition, Mason surveys McGregor's work as president of the prestigious Merrill-Palmer Institute and his major collection of Americana books, which now serves as the core of the University of Virginia Research Library.In all, Mason shows how Tracy McGregor was able to establish a mission for homeless men, permanently endow a major foundation, and lead in the creation and support of a variety of charitable agencies without governmental assistance and with only the support of nascent philanthropic and business networks. For Detroit historians and those interested in philanthropy and social activism, "Tracy W. McGregor" will be enlightening reading.

How much does the average American actually know about the men who have served as president of our country, especially when it comes to their lives before the presidency? For example: One of the biggest influences in George Washington's life was his older half-brother, Lawrence. Lyndon Baines Johnson was nameless until he was almost three months old. During his college days, Franklin Pierce formed lasting friendships with Nathaniel Hawthorne (who later wrote his campaign biography) and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. Calvin Coolidge was sworn into the presidency by his own father. These and other fascinating facts regarding the American presidents can be found in this book. From George Washington to George W. Bush, this book, ideal for students, compactly recounts the formative years of each president. Following each from childhood to young adulthood, it examines the events and influences that led each to the presidency and, influenced his actions while in office. A concise summary of each presidential term is also included, along with notes regarding the post-presidency activities of each man. Finally, individual bibliographies offer sources for more information on each president.

This is the first book to present both the arguments for and against Barack Obama's presidency and its policies. In it, prominent political scientists and Washington think tank scholars address Obama's domestic, economic and foreign policies and his political legacy. Contrasting perspectives assess the consequences of the large aspirations of the Obama presidency and the political and policy challenges Obama encountered in the pursuit of those aspirations. Barack Obama's project in the White House involved installing lasting changes in national policy and politics. Institutionally, the Obama administration sought to preserve control of Congress through maintenance of reliable partisan Democratic majorities, and enhance influence over the federal courts through a steady stream of liberal judicial appointees. The administration sought increased autonomy over the executive branch by a reorganizations spawned by a national economic crisis and an ambitious domestic policy agenda. Politically, the Obama administration sought the entrenchment of consistent Democratic electoral majorities. Such large ambitions have generated enduring controversies surrounding his presidency, controversies that receive a full airing and debate in this volume. Contributions by Alan I. Abramowitz, Emory University; Andrew E. Busch, Claremont McKenna College; Peter Juul, Center for American Progress; Lawrence Korb, Center for American Progress; William G. Mayer, Northeastern University; Ruth O'Brien, City University of New York Graduate Center; John J. Pitney Jr.. Claremont McKenna College; Danielle Pletka, American Enterprise Institute; Daniel E. Ponder, Drury University; Steven E. Schier, Carleton College; Raymond Tatalovich, Loyola University Chicago; and John Kenneth White, Catholic University of America.

Political scientists have long determined that a president's relationships with his advisors is crucial in determining an administration's policies. Over the last several decades, scholars of the presidency have paid particular attention to the advisory structures and processes involved in foreign policy decision-making. Their work has contributed to the development and refinement of three presidential management models to help frame the analysis of foreign policy-making: (1) formalistic model, (2) collegial model, and (3) competitive model. This book analyzes the management models employed by presidents George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump throughout their presidencies by employing a structured-focus comparison method that is framed on a set of general and standardized questions used to analyze a series of case studies involving their Middle East policies. The book offers the first systematic comparative analysis of presidents Bush, Obama, and Trump's management of foreign policy crises.

China has traditionally been held up around the world as the archetype of centralised governance and a top-down system of public administration. But to what extent does this remain true of modern China? This book provides an updated perspective on modern China through a series of cutting edge, original studies focusing on public administration in China. The book opens with an overview of the key political institutions and the evolution of public administration research in China, followed by two distinct sections. Part I contains studies focusing on power, governance, and administration. Part II focuses on 'what works' in solving wicked problems in Chinese society. The volume shows that China has seen some localisation and decentralisation, alongside experiments with collaboration and networked-based policy making. However, the system of governance and public administration remains innately top-down and centralised with the centre holding strong policy levers and control over society. As the pandemic revealed, this statist approach provided both governing opportunities and disadvantages. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Policy Studies.

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aDiane Rubenstein is without rival in her brilliant use of psychoanalytic theory for political science. No one since Michael Rogin has written so incisively about the American presidency and American popular culture. This Is Not a President radically transforms one's understanding of American political discourse.a--Anne Norton, University of Pennsylvania

In This Is Not a President, Diane Rubenstein looks at the postmodern presidency -- from Reagan and George H. W. Bush, through the current administration, and including Hillary. Focusing on those seemingly inexplicable gaps or blind spots in recent American presidential politics, Rubenstein interrogates symptomatic moments in political rhetoric, popular culture, and presidential behavior to elucidate profound and disturbing changes in the American presidency and the way it embodies a national imaginary.

In a series of essays written in real time over the past four presidential administrations, Rubenstein traces the vernacular use of the American presidency (as currency, as grist for popular biography, as fictional TV material) to explore the ways in which the American presidency functions as a atransitional objecta that allows the American citizen to meet or discover the president while going about her everyday life. The book argues that it is French theory -- primarily Lacanian psychoanalysis and the radical semiotic theories of Jean Baudrillard -- that best accounts for American political life today. Through episodes as diverse as Iran Contra, George H. W. Bush vomiting in Japan, the 1992 Republican convention, the failednomination of Lani Guinier, and the Iraq War, This Is Not a President brilliantly situates our collective investment in American political culture.