No event shaped the twentieth century more than World War II, and no leader shaped the conduct of the war and the formation of the modern world more than President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In this anthology, leading scholars examine Roosevelt's role in the international arena, focusing on his diplomacy with Europe, Russia, the Baltic States, Canada, and the Caribbean; his relations with American Jews in the face of the Holocaust; his military appointments; and the operation of the Civilian War Services Division.

Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed 10 justices to the U.S. Supreme Court -- more than any president except Washington -- and during Roosevelt's presidency the Supreme Court gained more visibility, underwent greater change, and made more landmark decisions than it had in its previous 150 years of existence. This collection examines FDR's influence on the Court and the Court's growing influence on American life during his presidency.

In early 1944, with the outcome of World War II by no means certain, many in the United States felt that FDR, as wartime Commander-in-Chief, was an indispensable part of prosecuting the war to a victorious conclusion. Yet although only 62, Roosevelt was mortally ill with congestive heart disease - a fact that was carefully shielded from the American public prior to the election of 1944. In a media environment where we get more details about politicians' health than we sometimes prefer, it is hard to imagine how a paper as authoriative as The New York Times could describe FDR's death as "sudden and unexpected" on its front page. Dr. Hugh Evans looks at the issue of Roosevelt's health not only from a medical ethics perspective, but also with a keen eye for the political and media considerations that led to the decision to run and not disclose the extent of Roosevelt's illness.

Portfolio allocation in presidential systems is a central tool that presidents use to deal with changes in the political and economic environment. Yet, we still have much to learn about the process through which ministers are selected and the reasons why they are replaced in presidential systems. This book offers the most comprehensive, cross-national analysis of portfolio allocation in the Americas to date. In doing so, it contributes to the development of theories about portfolio allocation in presidential systems. Looking specifically at how presidents use portfolio allocation as part of their wider political strategy, it examines eight country case studies, within a carefully developed analytical framework and cross-national comparative analysis from a common dataset. The book includes cases studies of portfolio allocation in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, the United States, Peru and Uruguay, and covers the period between the transition to democracy in each country up until 2014. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political elites, executive politics, Latin American politics and more broadly comparative politics.

Most people believe India's struggle for independence to have begun with Mahatma Gandhi. Little credit goes to the proof that this call for a mass movement did not arise out of a void. For the past century and more, historians have overlooked the phase of twenty-five years of intense creative endeavour preceding and preparing for the Mahatma's advent. The reason for this systematic omission has been the fundamentally radical nature of the revolutionary programme put to practice by Indian leaders of late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Jugantar was diametrically distinct from the dream of non-violence floated by the Mahatma and the Congress. Very well documented with inputs from Indian, European and American archives, the present study carefully straightenes out the origins - philosophical, historical and religious and intellectual, so to say - of Indian nationalism. From Rammohun to Sri Aurobindo, passing through Marx and Tagore, the full set of ideological views has been analysed here. Unknown up to this day, the sustained focus in this volume on the outlook and the activities of these revolutionaries inside India and abroad brings home the 'very sophisticated understanding of the contemporary political reality' that made their leader Jatindranath Mukherjee, the 'right hand man' of Sri Aurobindo, the very emblem of an epoch and its aspirations. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

No event shaped the twentieth century more than World War II, and no leader shaped the conduct of the war and the formation of the modern world more than President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In this anthology, leading scholars examine Roosevelt's role in the international arena, focusing on his diplomacy with Europe, Russia, the Baltic States, Canada, and the Caribbean; his relations with American Jews in the face of the Holocaust; his military appointments; and the operation of the Civilian War Services Division.

This much anticipated volume compares and contrasts Gandhi's non-violent leadership during World War II to the military leadership of Arjuna in the war that prompted the Bhagavad Gita dialogue, the Sanskrit text that guided Gandhi's actions throughout his life. Early in his career as leader of India's campaign to end British rule, Gandhi resisted terrorist interpretations of the Gita and described the Gita as depicting a metaphorical battle between good and evil impulses within every human heart. Then when India was drawn into a world war not unlike that in which Arjuna reluctantly led his troops into combat, Gandhi embraced his role as battlefield commander of the millions he had trained to be non-violent warriors. Never abandoning his dedication to non-violence, Gandhi stressed to his recruits that they should act as non-violently as possible but should not passively accept injustice. Remaining true to the Bhagavad Gita while responding to urgent hazards affecting all Indians, Gandhi himself became a wartime battlefield commander leading millions in the climactic Quit India conflict that ended British rule. The volume provides an overview of Gandhi's entire career as leader of the Indian Nationalist Movement, clarifies Gandhi's approach to acting non-violently when surrounded by violence, and affirms Gandhi's enduring importance as a source of inspiration around the world. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

The definitive resource for Churchill studies. Arranged chronologically by year beginning in 1900, the bibliography has more than 2,000 entries on works about Sir Winston Churchill published over the entire course of the twentieth century. Some 650 entries cover books entirely about Churchill; other entries cite book chapters as well as articles that appeared in periodicals. Two additional sections list reviews of books authored by Sir Winston himself and master's theses and Ph.D. dissertations about one of the most significant figures of the twentieth century.

A Lincoln book that says something new is a rarity. "Conversations with Lincoln" is just such a book. In it Charles M. Segal has collected and presented more than one hundred interviews with Lincoln as President-elect and President. As a revelation of the intimate, human side of Abraham Lincoln, it will be a source of endless fascination to every reader interested in the Civil War era. This is a wide-ranging and engaging volume. The conversations collected here (between 1860 and 1865) range from brief remarks to extended discussions. Mr. Segal introduces each interview and the personalities involved. The collection is arranged chronologically, giving a rich picture of the Lincoln presidency. Charles M. Segal was born in Montreal, attended college there, and served in the Royal Canadian Air Force. He holds degrees from Skidmore College and Union College. After World War II, he became a reporter and a foreign correspondent for a number of papers in Canada and the United States. After settling in the U.S., he began his serious study of Lincoln and the Civil War. David Donald is Charles Warren Professor of American History Emeritus at Harvard University

The book places the 2000 presidential and congressional elections into the larger and future context of American politics. Following the introduction by editors Stephen J. Wayne and Clyde Wilcox, the contributors examine a range of topics including "wedge" issues in 2000 -- the economy, foreign policy, and race -- the dimensions of gender, age, and religion; as well as Democratic and Republican party strategies in 2000; the "Clinton effect; " the role of the Internet in campaigns; the future of women in national politics; and political platforms and agendas.

The book places the 2000 presidential and congressional elections into the larger and future context of American politics. Following the introduction by editors Stephen J. Wayne and Clyde Wilcox, the contributors examine a range of topics including "wedge" issues in 2000 -- the economy, foreign policy, and race -- the dimensions of gender, age, and religion; as well as Democratic and Republican party strategies in 2000; the "Clinton effect; " the role of the Internet in campaigns; the future of women in national politics; and political platforms and agendas.

The long-lasting hegemonic rule of President Hugo Chavez not only involved significant rearrangements in the control of political power in Venezuela but also shifts in the way its citizens constructed, connected and interacted with politics. In this book, Elena Block explores the political communication style developed by Chavez to transmit his ideologies and engage with his publics - A style that unfolded incrementally between 1998, the year of his first presidential campaign, and March 13th 2013 when his death was announced after a long struggle with cancer. What sort of political communication did Hugo Chavez develop to establish hegemony in Venezuela? What made him so popular? Block argues that Chavez's political communication style can be better understood through the concept of mimetisation, a systematic sequence of communicational events and practices whereby the Venezuelan President managed to build a bond with his constituents. Applying a mixed qualitative method of collection and analysis of relevant data, this phenomenon is examined via the President's emotional use of common cultural symbols; dramatized and informalised language; savvy use of communication and media, and boost of inclusive, compensatory, and participatory practices in which his constituents not only felt mimetically mirrored, but also endowed with an identity. Shedding new light on contemporary theories of populism from the perspective of political communication and identity construction, the notion of mimetisation can be adjusted and applied to study the links of populist phenomena, the mediatisation of politics and government, cultural appeal and identity politics in other cultures and situations in contemporary times.

The March 2000 presidential election was an important milestone in the democratic development of Taiwan, with the Kuomintang turned out of power after five decades of control and replaced by the Democratic Progressive Party. This book address the variety of effects that Taiwan's democratic development and the election will have on domestic policy in the region. Part one looks at trends and changes in Taiwan's politics and analyzes the outcome of the March 2000 election. The chapters in part two discuss the international implications of Taiwan's democratic evolution for a variety of issues, including political, economic and security relations on both sides of the Taiwan strait; Japan's foreign policy in the region; U.S. foreign policy in the region; and peace and security in Southeast Asia. The challenges and prospects for continued democratic consolidation and the implications and lessons for the PRC and Southeast Asia are also explored.

This second volume of President McKinley, War and Empire assesses five theories that have dominated analysis of modern societies in the last century--liberalism, Marxism, mass society, pluralism, and elitism--in accounting for an aberrant event in American history: the Spanish-American War. President McKinley and the Coming of the War 1898, volume 1 of this definitive history, considered the origins of that war. This second volume is concerned with the war's outcome; the settlement in which the U.S. gained an "empire." The book begins by reviewing various expansionist episodes in U.S. history--some successes, some failures--and by analyzing the complexities, support, and opposition involved in expansionism. It then examines the work of expansionist writers, men said to have "driven" the 1898-99 movement, finding these claims to be questionable. Hamilton assesses McKinley's decision-making in regard to the settlement of the Spanish-American War, including the influences that might have moved him, as well as his own justifications. He then reviews the subsequent achievements: the size and character of the new American "empire;" trade flows the Philippine experience and U.S. efforts in China--supposedly the prime goal of the new imperialism. Many contemporary writers anticipated great possibilities in China, but that "fabled" market remained minuscule throughout the following century. Much American trade continued to be with Western Europe, while the biggest change in U.S. exports went largely unnoticed--Canada became the nation's number one trading partner. In much historical writing, McKinley is portrayed as little more than a "front man" for Mark Hanna, the adept businessman-politician who organized and led his presidential campaign, aided by generous financial contributions from business leaders across the nation. Hanna certainly was a leading figure in McKinley's career, but the assumption that his influence was controlling is not justified, as has been shown in recent research. McKinley was far more than a figurehead easily manipulated by representatives of "the interests."

Roosevelt and Howe is a joint biography of Franklin D. Roosevelt and one of his principal advisors. Louis Howe was not only FDR's first political aide, but the only one who also became an intimate personal friend. Other than Harry Hopkins in the late 1930s, he was the only advisor whom Roosevelt trusted completely to serve his interests without distracting personal ambition or a shadowy private agenda. This book is the story of their separate early lives, of the rare chances which brought them together and of their totally intertwined careers after 1912. It deals with their political strategies, their division of labor in a daily partnership, and their feelings for each other, despite frequent differences about tactics.

Louis Howe had a haphazard and fragmented career as an upstate New York newspaperman running a family-owned weekly and filling in for Manhattan papers in Albany during legislative sessions. Struck down by illness, Roosevelt turned to Howe to run his campaign for reelection to the New York Senate in 1912. The story carries them through Roosevelt's World War I career as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, a disappointing run for the Vice-Presidency in 1920, various attempts at business and Roosevelt's desperate brush with death from polio. It centers on the hectic twenties as Roosevelt fought to walk again and Louis struggled to make his crippled boss an eager and viable candidate for the Presidency. It follows them through a dynamic term as Governor of New York and the victorious 1932 campaign for the White House.

Howe went to the White House with the Roosevelts. He was Secretary to the President but was soon eclipsed by the enormous scope of Roosevelt's affairs and hisown quickening illness. He died in 1936, just short of Roosevelt's crucial first campaign for reelection. He could not have imagined how well his protege would do without him, yet FDR always suffered from the lack of a close, reliable intimate who could say "No" to him. This role was not filled until Harry Hopkins came to share his circle of power.

This Longman Companion provides a wide-ranging compendium of essential facts and figures on the Conservative Party - from its origins in the 1830s to the dawn of the 21st Century. Central to the book are the detailed chronologies on the Conservative Party's years in government and opposition. In addition, it contains fascinating information on the Party's relationships with women, ethnic minoirities, the trade unions, Europe, Ireland, ideology, social reform and empire.

Gabriele D'Annunzio was one of the most flamboyant figures in the political history of modern Europe. A poet in the Byronic style and a popular hero of the First World War, D'Annunzio passionately believed that the sacrifices of war should prelude a new social order. His capture of the city of Fiume in 1919, which had been claimed by Italy as part of the settlement before the Versailles Peace Conference, has been popularized and romanticized ever since. Ledeen uses information gathered from Italian and American archives and from personal interviews to examine the sixteen months of D'Annunzio's personal rule in Fiume, seeing it as a harbinger of successful mass movements of the twentieth century.
The connection between D'Annunzio and Fascism is central to Ledeen's narrative. Virtually the entire ritual of Fascist politics made familiar by Mussolini-the balcony address, the Roman salute, the dramatic dialogues with the crowd, the use of religious symbols in a new secular setting-was influenced by D'Annunzio at Fiume. Both were masters of a political style based on personal charisma. Each spoke for a "new" Italy and, eventually, for a new world. Each attempted to transform his countrymen into more heroic types by an ethic of violence and grandeur. But Ledeen brings sharply into focus profound differences between D'Annunzio's vision of a new world and that offered by Fascism. Significantly, D'Annunzio enlisted support from the most diverse elements of society-politicians and businessmen in addition to representatives of radical trade unions, anarchist groups, and the armed forces.
Often sensationalized as a precursor of a sixties-style "dolce vita," D'Annunzio's Fiume presented many of the phenomena considered novel or unsettling today: sexual promiscuity, widespread experimentation with drugs, clergymen wanting to marry, women demanding equal rights, youth calling for the elimination of the old, soldiers insisting on a democratic army, poets yearning for a beautiful world instead of a purely utilitarian one, minorities clamoring for their fair share of political power. From the dispassionate distance of half a century, Ledeen views Fiume as a microcosm of the larger chaos of our contemporary scene. Although he was removed from Fiume after a pitched battle on land and sea, D'Annunzio remained an influential figure in Italian politics. Ledeen presents him as "one of the great innovators and watersheds of the modern world." This book will be of interest to historians, political scientists, and those interested in Post World War I Italy.
An authority on Italian fascism and contemporary Europe, Michael A. Ledeen is Resident Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. In addition to being a frequent contributor to The New Republic, The American Spectator, and 11 Giornale (Milan), he is the author of 15 books on contemporary history and politics.

This book relates the stories of four leaders under very different political regimes: Colonial, Nationalist and Communist. The authors compare Chinese notions of respect and inspiration with their equivalents in other religious and political histories of colonial and post-colonial modernity, thereby producing a thorough re-working of the idea of charisma. The result is an intriguing study of the relationship between religious and political authority in a changing world.

This study examines the development of the Syrian state as it has emerged under thirty-five years of military-Ba'thist rule and, particularly, under President Hafiz al-Asad. It analyses the way in which the fragility of the post-independence state, unable to contain rising nationalist struggle and class conflict, opened the way to the Ba'th party's rise to power and examines how the Ba'th's 'revolution from above' transformed Syria's socio-political terrain.

This is the only surviving Mongol source about the empire, mainly about the life and the career of Chinggis Khan, his ancestors and his rise to power. This fresh translation brings out the excitement of this epic with its wide-ranging commentaries on military and social conditions, religion and philosophy, while remaining faithful to the original text.

"Masterfully told and compelling reinterpreted." The Moscow Times Stalinism at War tells the epic story of the Soviet Union in World War Two. Starting with Soviet involvement in the war in Asia and ending with a bloody counter-insurgency in the borderlands of Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltics, the Soviet Union's war was both considerably longer and more all-encompassing than is sometimes appreciated. Here, acclaimed scholar Mark Edele explores the complex experiences of both ordinary and extraordinary citizens - Russians and Koreans, Ukrainians and Jews, Lithuanians and Georgians, men and women, loyal Stalinists and critics of his regime - to reveal how the Soviet Union and leadership of a ruthless dictator propelled Allied victory over Germany and Japan. In doing so, Edele weaves together material on the society and culture of the wartime years with high-level politics and unites the military, economic and political history of the Soviet Union with broader popular histories from below. The result is an engaging, intelligent and authoritative account of the Soviet Union from 1937 to 1949.

A seasoned political writer who has covered every presidential election since Eisenhower, Jules Witcover has seen it all: from powerful party chieftains to political analysts, from the trenches of primary elections to the high-tech weapons of mass communication. In No Way to Pick a President, he blasts the current process by which America chooses its president, denouncing the road to the White House as divisive, corrupt and noisy. costly for the candidate and the public.
As the United States marks its first presidential election of the new century, Witcover shows us how professioanl mercenaries - with little party loyalty and diminished political principles, driven by an insatiable need for money - are poisoning public life. At the same time, politicians themselves have condoned and even encouraged these developments, responding to the demands of a media driven age in which the press corps pursues its own quest for celebrity and financial reward.
No Way to Pick a president offers a wealth of presidential history. Witcover concludes with prescriptions to improve presidential politics and revive public confidence.

Discussing what we may learn from thinking about the EU in federal terms represents a two-fold challenge. It is on the one hand a matter of establishing 'how federal' the EU is (the EU's federal challenge). On the other, the EU has federal features but is not a state, thus raising the question of whether federal theory and practice may have to be adapted to take proper account of the EU (the EU's challenge to federalism). The contributions to this collection supplement and extend existing scholarship through focusing on two important lines of inquiry. The first focuses on the relationship between federalism and democracy, with particular emphasis on how federal systems respond to and deal with citizens' interests and concerns, within and outside the political system. Representation is explored both in the process of federalization, and as a feature of established systems. The second line of inquiry places the emphasis on the relationship among the governments of federal systems. The focus is on intergovernmental relations, and the particular merits that emanate from studying these from a federal perspective. This book was originally published as a special issue of Journal of European Public Policy.

Demosthenes is often adjudged the statesman par excellence, and his oratory as some of the finest to survive from classical times. Contemporary politicians still quote him in their speeches and for some he is the supreme example of a patriot. This landmark study of this remarkable man and his long career, the first to focus on him for more than 80 years, looks at the background behind this reputation and asks whether it is truly deserved.

Full Contributors:
Ernst Badian, Timothy Ryder, Ian Worthington, John Buckler, Mark Golden, David Mirhady, Robert Milns, Craig Cooper, Philip Harding.