This book comprehensively describes the impact of modern technologies on political leadership by providing a new paradigm of the phenomenon of neo-leadership, that is political leadership oriented on creating both the image and political influence on the Internet. It examines its functioning in the new media environment and identifies the most important transforming trends, taking into account their impact on political and social relations in an era of dynamic technological development. Systematically exploring various dimensions of leadership, it presents new notions relevant in a networked world where leaders are created and conduct themselves against the backdrop of a technological revolution, including the development of AI, automation, algorithms and ultrafast networks, all of which strengthen or disrupt their impact and create a new set of virtual authorities exerting an increasing impact on society, ethical considerations and political life and requiring new methods for study. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of leadership and elite studies, media and communication studies, political marketing, political science, international relations; public policy, and sociology.

Recent populist movements online and around the globe have drawn the attention of news media, social and political analysts, and scholars, all of whom seek to understand the patterns of influence which have produced and are produced by this populist surge. Whether nationalist or revolutionary, ideological or geopolitical, these movements have changed the way we relate to one another as leaders and followers. In its various forms, populism is changing the face and geography of global politics and society. Leadership, Populism and Resistance draws upon the study of history, politics, policy, media, virtue, and heroism to examine the ways in which populism and popular movements have evolved, what we have learned (and failed to learn) from them, how we depict and discuss them through popular media and the press, and, finally, how we can understand virtue and heroism as a consequence or-reaction to-populism and popularity. This volume uses a multidisciplinary approach to examine the causes and impacts of populism and popular movements across time and around the world which would appeal to a wide variety of scholars and practitioners. Its chapters provide potential teaching tools within individual disciplines (history, psychology, media studies, political science, literature, education, leadership studies) which are useful for educators at all levels concerned with social movements, populism and democracy. The interdisciplinary nature of the volume is also accessible to non-academic audiences interested in modern populist and popular socio-political trends.

How did Ronald Reagan go from calling the Soviet Union an "evil empire" in his first term as president to saying the US had "forged a satisfying new closeness" with the Soviets by the end of his second term? In Reagan's Soviet Rhetoric: Telling the Soviet Redemption Story, rhetorical scholar Mark LaVoie examines the ways Reagan negotiated his shift from a vehemently anti-communist discourse to a rhetoric of guarded optimism about the future of US-Soviet relations that ultimately revealed a Soviet redemption narrative. Following Reagan's Soviet rhetoric from his 1947 testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee to his Farewell Address in 1989, LaVoie considers the President's use of "Soviet/Nazi analogy," "historical narrative," "reciprocity," and other rhetorical strategies in creating the narrative. Scholars and students of rhetoric, history, and international relations will find this book particularly interesting.

Reagan's War Stories examines the relationship between Ronald Reagan, the public and popular culture. From an overview of Reagan's youth and the pulp fiction he consumed, we get a sense of the future president's good/evil outlook. Carrying that over into Reagan's reading and choices as president, Griffin situates narrative at the center of Reagan's political formation and leadership providing a compelling account of both Reagan's life, his presidency, and a lens into non-traditional strategy formulation. Author Ben Griffin tells three stories about an American president who ushered in the end of the Cold War. A survey of Reagan's youth and the fiction he consumed and created as an announcer and actor, reveals how the future president's worldview developed. A look at the rise of fiction and popular culture rife with pro-Americanism in the 1980s details a uniquely symbiotic relationship between the chief executive and popular culture in framing the Cold War as a struggle with an "Evil Empire" in the Soviet Union. Finally, Griffin outlines how presidential personality and reading preferences shaped President Reagan's pursuit of the "Star Wars" initiative and belief in the transformative combination of freedom and technology. Griffin demonstrates that novels by Tom Clancy, Louis L'Amour, and science fiction influenced Reagan's view of 1980s geopolitics. His identification with fiction led Ronald Reagan to view European Cold War issues with more empathy but harmed the president's policymaking when the narrowness of his reading led him to apply a white-hat/black-hat framework that did not match the reality of conflict in Latin America. Reagan treated fictional portrayals seriously, believing they shaped public views and offered valid ways to think through geo-political issues. Seeking to shape the reading habits of the public, his administration sought to highlight authors who shared his worldview like Tom Clancy, Louis L'Amour, and Allen Drury over other popular writers like Robert Ludlum and John Le Carre who portrayed the Cold War in less stark moral terms. The administration's favored popular authors in turn intentionally incorporated Reagan-era policies into their work to advocate for them through fiction, thus reaching a broader audience than via official government releases and speeches. Showing how Reagan used narrative as both a consumer and a communicator, Griffin notes that Reagan identified with certain stories and they shaped him as a political leader and later and influenced his approach to complex issues. When handled deftly, incorporating fiction created a common language across the administration and provided a way to convey messages to the masses in a memorable fashion.

A New York Times bestseller, The Conquerors reveals how Franklin Roosevelt's and Harry Truman's private struggles with their aides and Winston Churchill and Joseph Stalin affected the unfolding of the Holocaust and the fate of vanquished Nazi Germany.

With monumental fairness and balance, The Conquerors shows how Roosevelt privately refused desperate pleas to speak out directly against the Holocaust, to save Jewish refugees and to explore the possible bombing of Auschwitz to stop the killing. The book also shows FDR's fierce will to ensure that Germany would never threaten the world again. Near the end of World War II, he abruptly endorsed the secret plan of his friend, Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau, to reduce the Germans to a primitive existence -- despite Churchill's fear that crushing postwar Germany would let the Soviets conquer the continent. The book finally shows how, after FDR's death, President Truman rebelled against Roosevelt's tough approach and adopted the Marshall Plan and other more conciliatory policies that culminated in today's democratic, united Europe.

Pulitzer Prize -winning reporter and dean of Trumpologists David Cay Johnston reveals years of eye-popping financial misdeeds by Donald Trump and his family. While the world watched Donald Trump's presidency in horror or delight, few noticed that his lifelong grifting quietly continued. Less than forty minutes after taking the oath of office, Trump began turning the White House into a money machine for himself, his family, and his courtiers. More than $1.7 billion flowed into Donald Trump's bank accounts during his four years as president. Foreign governments rented out whole floors of his hotel five blocks from the White House while lobbyists conducted business in the hotel's restaurants. Payday lenders and other trade groups moved their annual conventions to Trump golf resorts. And individual favor seekers joined his private Mar-a-Lago club with its $200,000 admission fee in hopes of getting a few minutes with the President. Despite earning more than $1 million every day he was in office, Trump left the White House as he arrived-hard up for cash. More than $400 million in debt comes due by 2024, and Trump still lacks the resources to pay it back. "Few people are as well positioned to write an expose of the former president as Johnston" (The Washington Post), and The Big Cheat offers a guided tour of how money flowed in and out of Trump's hundreds of enterprises, showing in simple terms how a corrupt president used our government for his benefit, even putting national security at risk. Johnston details the four most recent years of the corruption that has defined the Trump family since 1885 and reveals the costs of Trump's extravagant lifestyle for American taxpayers.

This book analyzes how AKP's embedded intellectuals operate as media spin doctors, exploring their transformation from passionately engaged intellectuals into apparatchiks. This project adapts a post-Soviet geography approach to the media, intelligentsia, and political discourse as derivative of authoritarian regimes to the Turkish context. It offers a fresh look at the Turkish political and intellectual scene and a comparative study of the populist-authoritarian politics of Turkey. Situated in the literature on the post-Soviet authoritarian regimes and their ways of governing, as well as their manipulation of public opinion, the book analyzes AKP-aligned intellectuals as apparatchiks. Gurpinar explores the different constellations of pro-AKP intellectuals vindicating the AKP regime from various angles, including: liberal/progressive intellectuals who initially supported the party for its liberal vistas but continued their support by twisting their progressive rhetoric; Islamist intellectuals blending their Islamism with populism; and national security intellectuals who joined after the AKP came to propagate a national security agenda. The book also provides an overview of the mechanisms of political technology, including the media landscape and its running by the AKP, intellectuals themselves as operators of political technology, and the problem of "cultural power." The book will be of interest to those studying comparative authoritarian politics, populism, political communication, and scholars of Middle East and Eastern Europe.

This resource of primary documents and commentary spans the Hayes and McKinley administrations, selecting and describing five to ten of the foremost issues of the day. The actual texts of the presidents' positions, along with the opposing viewpoints, are presented. Helpful background information and commentary clarifies the primary sources, accurately depicting this dynamic time in the country's past and providing an invaluable resource to any student of American history.

The period from 1877 to 1901 marked the end of one United States-a country still reeling from the Civil War, a divided nation of Reconstruction, a land of economic depression, sectional hostility, and governmental corruption. A new United States was emerging. It was an empire, an international power that both negotiated with and fought against European nations with great success, and a country with a rebounding economy, vigorous industry, and restored faith. During this Gilded Age, the nation expanded as settlers moved west and displaced native populations. Immigrants entered at the highest rate in the country's history. Geographic expansion gave rise to mighty railroads, and industrial expansion brought corporations, company towns, and monopolies. This unprecedented industrialism bolstered urban growth, yet economic hardships afflicted rural countrysides. Labor and agrarian interests organized.

Nelson Mandela is widely considered to be one of the most inspiring and iconic figures of our age. Now, after a lifetime of putting pen to paper to record thoughts and events, hardships and victories, he has bestowed his entire extant personal papers, which offer an unprecedented insight into his remarkable life.

A singular international publishing event, Conversations with Myself draws on Mandela’s personal archive of never-before-seen materials to offer unique access to the private world of an incomparable world leader. Journals kept on the run during the anti-apartheid struggle of the early 1960s; diaries and draft letters written on Robben Island and in other South African prisons during his twenty-seven years of incarceration; notebooks from the post-apartheid transition; private recorded conversations; speeches and correspondence written during his presidency – a historic collection of documents archived at the Nelson Mandela Foundation is brought together into a sweeping narrative of great immediacy and stunning power.

This book provides a detailed look at the constitutional, historical, and political arguments concerning presidential immunity from prosecution, as well as the opinions of the Office of Legal Counsel that provided the justification for the decision not to prosecute President Trump. Focusing on those opinions, the book examines the constitutional basis of presidential immunity, both textual and historical, as reflected in the deliberations of the 1787 Convention and the ratification debates. The opinions are viewed in the context of the criminal investigations of Presidents Nixon and Clinton that gave rise to those opinions, as well as the pronouncements of the Supreme Court concerning their claims, and those of President Trump to immunity from judicial inquiry. Lastly, the book analyzes presidential immunity in light of the separation of powers, the availability of impeachment, and the discordance between presidential immunity and the rule of law.

'Sensational ... One of the most explosive political diaries ever to be published ... As candid, caustic and colourful as the sensational Alan Clark Diaries of the 1990s' DAILY MAIL The Sunday Times bestseller As Minister of State at the Foreign Office, Alan Duncan was once described as Boris Johnson's 'pooper-scooper'. For two years, he deputised for the then Foreign Secretary, now Prime Minister. Few are more attuned to Boris's strengths and weaknesses as a minister and his suitability for high office than the man who helped clear up his mistakes. Riotously candid, these diaries cover the most turbulent period in recent British political history - from the eve of the referendum in 2016 to the UK's eventual exit from the EU. As two prime ministers fall, two general elections unfold and a no-confidence vote is survived, Duncan records a treasure-trove of insider gossip, giving biting and often hilarious accounts of petty rivalries, poor decision-making, big egos, and big crises. Nothing escapes Alan's acerbic gaze. Across these unfiltered daily entries, he builds a revealing and often profound picture of UK politics and personalities. A rich seam of high politics and low intrigue, this is an account from deep inside the engine room of power.

Volume Four of the ""Revolutionary War Series"" completes the documentary record of Washington's first year as commander in chief of the Continental army. It opens with this final preparations to leave Cambridge following the successful siege of Boston and concludes with news that General William Howe's British army was soon to arrive at New York, an event which would mark the beginning of the New York campaign. In the interim between campaigns, Washington established his headquarters as New York and began wrestling with the perplexing problems of defending the strategically important corridor between New York and Canada formed by the Hudson River and Lake Champlain. In addition to Washington's activities as commander in chief of the Continental army, the volume includes documents and notes concerning the medal that Congress awarded him for the liberation of Boston, Washington's efforts to terminate his long and successful administration of the Custis estate, and details of his travels from Cambridge to New York and between New York and Philadelphia. As in earlier volumes of the ""Revolutionary War Series"", Washington's writings show him to be unwavering in his advocacy of American independence and in his commitment to the subordination of the military to civil authority.

This book investigates the determinants of leadership in East Asia, emphasizing the significance of followership in the success and failure of leadership projects proposed by China, Japan, and the United States. While doing so, it answers a central question in the field of international relations: Why do potential leader countries succeed in obtaining potential followers in some instances, but fail to do so in other instances? Employing an inclusive leadership and societal approach, the book investigates how the leading countries motivate followership in East Asian economic and security dynamics. It analyzes how Chinese, Japanese and American leadership obtained acceptance from potential followers, focusing on the significance of domestic politics of potential follower countries in shaping their governmental preferences and generating followership. The book features empirical evidence in six case studies, covering topics such as the successful Chinese endeavor of South Korea joining the Chinese initiative for the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), the failed US attempt to prevent South Korea from doing so, the US's success to convince Japan to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the failed Japanese strive for winning South Korea's support for Japan's bid for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council (UNSC), the Chinese failure at obtaining the Philippines' backing of the Chinese aspirations in the South China Sea (SCS) during the Aquino Presidency, and, finally, the Chinese success one the same effort during the Duterte presidency. The book will appeal to students, scholars, and researchers of international relations interested in a better understanding of leadership determinants in East Asia, Global Power Shift, foreign policy, as well as East Asian economic and security dynamics.

First published in 1990, Global Capitalism and National Decline is a major contribution to the study of British political and economic decline. The author concentrates on the global nature of capitalism as the context for the development of national capitalism, and on the relationship between internal and external factors. A long-term view of British politics enables him to demonstrate that competing popular explanations of Britain's crisis and the rise of Thatcherism in response to it, are in fact interconnected. The long decline of Britain originating in the 19th century, the inherent weakness of the post-1945 settlement, and the critical events of 1970s, acquire their fullest meaning when seen as different 'layers' of one and the same historical process. Henk Overbeek takes the story of Britain's decline through to Margaret Thatcher's tenth anniversary in office. His book will be invaluable to scholars and students of economics, politics, and history. it offers a clear perspective on the problems of national decline within a global context, and on Britain's position in Europe and in the wider world.

On 24 October 1964, the Republic of Zambia was formed, replacing the territory which had formerly been known as Northern Rhodesia. Fifty years on, Andrew Sardanis provides a sympathetic but critical insider's account of Zambia, from independence to the present. He paints a stark picture of Northern Rhodesia at decolonisation and the problems of the incoming government, presented with an immense uphill task of rebuilding the infrastructure of government and administration - civil service, law, local government and economic development. As a friend and colleague of many of the most prominent names in post-independence Zambia - from the presidencies of founding leader Kenneth Kaunda to the incumbent Michael Sata - Sardanis uses his unique eyewitness experience to provide an inside view of a country in transition.

This book focuses on the impact of political leaders on the integration process led by the European Union. It aims at a better understanding of the European Union through the actions, contributions, and ideas of these outstanding characters to European integration and disintegration. By doing so, the book offers an entirely new perspective, presenting the actions of the main actors involved, their background, their historical time, their challenges and problems, and how they influenced the European Union's development. The authors in detail discuss different ideas connected to leaders, such as Jean Monnet and neo-functionalism, Spinelli and federalism or Churchill and the idea of cooperation. Furthermore, the book examines major policies and events, like the Common Agricultural Policy, the creation of the Euro as a consequence of the German reunification and Mitterrand's reactions, or Brexit and its connection to the impact of Margaret Thatcher. The global essence of the book makes it a must-read for students, researchers, and scholars interested in a better understanding of the European Union's integration process.

From an acclaimed British author, a sharply focused, riveting account - told from inside the White House - of the crucial days, hours, and moments when the Watergate conspiracy consumed, and ultimately toppled, a president. In January 1973, Richard Nixon was inaugurated after winning re-election in a historic landslide. But by April his presidency had fallen apart as the Watergate scandal metastasised into what White House counsel John Dean called 'a full-blown cancer'. King Richard is the intimate, utterly absorbing narrative of the tension-packed hundred days when the Watergate burglars and their handlers in the administration turned on one another, revealing their direct connection to the White House. Drawing on thousands of hours of newly released taped recordings, Michael Dobbs takes us into the very heart of the conspiracy, recreating these dramatic events in unprecedentedly vivid detail. He captures the growing paranoia of the principal players, and their desperate attempts to deflect blame, as the noose tightened around them and the daily pressures became increasingly unbearable. At the centre of this spellbinding drama is Nixon himself, a man whose strengths - particularly his determination to win at all costs - were also his fatal flaws. Structured like a classical tragedy with a uniquely American twist, this is an epic and deeply human story of ambition, power, and betrayal.

This book is among the first serious looks at the first 18 months of the Biden administration and its many challenges. From a tortured transition to a raging pandemic, a fragile economy, and the threat of international insecurity, Joe Biden entered office at a time even more fraught than that he faced as a new vice president. Confronting a nation divided sharply along political, cultural, and sociodemographic lines, Biden and Kamala Harris promised to unify the country, change the tone in Washington, mend fences with allies, and "build back better" a world assailed from stem to stern. This book assesses the successes and shortfalls of the Biden administration's first 18 months in office, putting all in perspective of the current state of democracy in America. Intended to introduce students of American government to the person (Biden) and the institution (presidency) within a particular system (separation of powers), this book will appeal broadly to citizens, media, and general interest readers in the United States and abroad.

Compiled and edited by Lowell H. Harrison, the essays in Kentucky's Governors profile every chief executive of the Bluegrass State from eighteenth-century governor Isaac Shelby to Ernie Fletcher. First published in 1985, this edition of Kentucky's Governors is expanded and revised to include governors Wilkinson, Jones, Patton, and Fletcher, as well as new information on respected figures such as Louie B. Nunn. An introduction by Kentucky's historian laureate, Thomas D. Clark, provides key insights into successive governors' evolving constitutional powers and their changing roles in political debates and policy formation. Following Clark's overview, each chapter presents significant biographical information while detailing the campaign, election, achievements, strengths, and weaknesses of each governor. To aid in further research, each contributor lists several suggested sources, both primary and secondary, for additional investigation into the lives and careers of Kentucky's leaders. A thorough index is also included to facilitate reference within this updated and revised edition. The profiles in Kentucky's Governors give insights into each leader's engagements with economic development, education, agriculture, and taxes, issues that have helped define two hundred years of history in the Bluegrass State.

Why are some political leaders stronger than others? How do we make sense of the interaction between the leader's personality and the context that the leader faces? This book provides a unique way of approaching these questions, identifying the very different philosophical foundations that underpin the contemporary study of political leadership.

A groundbreaking look at the lives of George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush, the most consequential father-son pair in American history, often in their own words. In this revealing, often poignant work, presidential historian Mark K. Updegrove tracks the two Bush presidents from their formative years through their post-presidencies and the failed presidential candidacy of Jeb Bush, derailing the Bush presidential dynasty. Drawing extensively on exclusive access and interviews with both Bush presidents, Updegrove reveals for the first time their influences and perspectives on each other's presidencies; their views on family, public service, and America's role in the world; and their unvarnished thoughts on Donald Trump and the radical transformation of the Republican Party he now leads. In 2016 George W. Bush lamented privately that he might be "the last Republican president." Donald Trump's election marked the end not only to the Bushes' hold on the White House, but of a rejection of the Republican principles of civility and international engagement and leadership that the Bushes have long championed. The Last Republicans offers illuminating, moving portraits of the forty-first and forty-third presidents, as well as an elegy for the Republican "establishment," which once stood for putting the interests of the nation over those of any single man.

He was "Good Bobby," who, as his brother Ted eulogized him, "saw wrong and tried to right it . . . saw suffering and tried to heal it." And "Bad Bobby," the ruthless and manipulative bully of countless conspiracy theories. Thomas's unvarnished but sympathetic and fair-minded portrayal is packed with new details about Kennedy's early life and his behind-the-scenes machinations, including new revelations about the 1960 and 1968 presidential campaigns, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and his long struggles with J. Edgar Hoover and Lyndon Johnson.

This book examines the governance and democratization process in Africa, its history, trends, and prospects. Written by a diverse panel of experts, the book provides an intersectional and interdisciplinary analysis of Africa's democratic environment. Chapters cover topics such as the evolution of democracy in Africa, electoral politics, gender, activism, human rights, and cultural diversity. Critically assessing the fit of democracy for African countries and offering strategies for the Africanization of democracy, this volume will be important for researchers and students interested in African politics, postcolonial theory, democracy, and governance.