During the course of the twentieth century, nineteen men and one woman--from the Third Marquis of Salisbury to Tony Blair--have occupied the post of Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. In a series of biographical essays, Dick Leonard, a leading political journalist and former MP, recounts the circumstances that took them to the top of "the greasy pole," probes their personal and political strengths and weaknesses, assesses their performance in the top office and asks what lasting influence they have had.

This series celebrates the lives and writings of South African and African liberation activists and heroes. The human, social and literary contexts presented in this series have a critical resonance and bearing on where we come from, who we are and how we can choose to shape our destiny. The Voices of Liberation series ensures that the debates and values that shaped the liberation movement are not lost. The series offers a unique combination of biographical information with selections from original speeches and writings in each volume. By providing access to the thoughts and writings of some of the many men and women who fought for the dismantling of apartheid, colonialism and capitalist legacy, this series invites the contemporary reader to engage directly with the rich history of the struggle for democracy and the restoration of our own identity. The title of the series has been carefully chosen as it speaks to its purpose - which is not only to make a particular voice resonate but to strengthen the voice from the South and Africa in particular. Bantu Steve Biko is an icon of liberation whose voice and actions continue to contribute to the shaping of national discourse, identity, culture and values. HSRC Press views this as an extremely important contribution to the series, not least because he represents the importance of dialogue and the relationship between identity, agency, citizenship and social action. Steve Biko believed in restoring people to their humanity and the need is now greater perhaps than ever before to hear his voice loud and clear.

'Optimism, mojo, complete bollocks. That's what the country is crying out for.' There is now only one certainty in life. When things can't possibly get worse, they absolutely will. And so, after three years of Maybot malfunctioning and Brexit bungling, welcome to BoJo the clown's national circus - where fun for none of the family is guaranteed. Fear not, however: Decline and Fail is your personal survival guide to the ongoing political apocalypse. This unremittingly entertaining collection of John Crace's lifegiving political sketches will get you through the darkest of days - or failing that, will at least help you see the funny side. Miss it at your peril...

This book examines the Europeanisation of party politics in Malta. It evaluates the influence of Europeanisation on the political system, which is based on two party-system, polarisation, and clientelism. Malta is the smallest European Union (EU) member state, which joined the EU in 2004. The road toward membership was fraught with contentious and emotionally charged debates. This book explores the relationship between Maltese political parties and the EU, the politicisation and framing of the European Union by political parties, and the impact of the European Union on Malta's political system. The book further discusses more contentious recent events which made headlines at the EU level, including the Panama Papers scandals, the Individual Investment Programme, and the assassination of journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia. The book will appeal to students, scholars, and researchers of political science and international relations interested in a better understanding of electoral studies, Europeanisation, European integration, as well as the Maltese political system, and party politics.

When Mary Tudor became queen of England, the succession of a woman to the throne horrified many, including the Protestant reformer John Knox. His blistering condemnation of female rule, The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, was followed in print by a series of pamphlets that echoed and expanded his argument that female rule was unnatural, unlawful, and contrary to scripture. In her own variation on this "monstrous regiment," Sharon Jansen contributes to the debate about female rulers. She explores the relationships among the many women whose lives occupy a place in and perpetuate a continuing, though largely unrecognized, tradition of political rule. The "story" of early modern European political history looks very different if we focus on successive generations of powerful women and view the shifting political alliances of the period from their perspective.

The comeback of chieftaincy, custom and culture is one of the most surprising features of post-apartheid South Africa. As democracy dawned, support for traditional leaders rose not only in national politics, but also in the villages of rural South Africa. Chiefs were no longer considered relics of the past or puppets of the apartheid regime; instead they were heralded as key figures in the upcoming African Renaissance. Sekhukhune in the northern part of South Africa had a tradition of resistance. The author has used the example of this chieftaincy to consider much wider questions - what was the relation between the formal legal and political recognition of chieftaincy and its local insurgence? How are the local, national and global interlinked in the creation of custom? Why did the liberal ANC allow the chiefs to retain power over land, local government and custom? What does this teach us about politics in present-day Africa?

Robert Wagner was New York City's true New Deal mayor, killed Tammany Hall. The world Wagner shaped delivers municipal services efficiently at the cost of local democracy. The story of Wagner's mayoralty will be of interest to anyone who cares about New York City, local democracy and the debate about the legacy of the City's important leaders.

This book explores how contemporary governing leaders can overcome the typical trend of losing a public support in power by following more effective communication strategies. It shows how new forms of communication that emphasise acknowledgement and respect for public criticisms and concerns can be used by governing leaders to show the public that they still have the leadership qualities they entered office with, despite the extra challenges that political office presents. The book outlines a new model, The Contemporary Governing Leaders' Communication Model, through which leaders can communicate their positive personal and professional qualities in government. The book illustrates this model in use through the communication of United States President Barack Obama and New Zealand Prime Minister John Key during their first terms in political office.

This book examines the many routes sixty or so women have taken to become president or prime minister of their countries and the problems they have encountered once in office. Their ability to deal with the difficulties of governmental and party leadership in a male-dominated culture are discussed along with an evaluation of their performance in managing domestic problems and handling the issues of war and peace. The essential question asked throughout is what difference being female made in their governing style.

"Small States and EU Governance" shows that the EU's rotating Council presidency and small states' capacity to make use of it have been underestimated. It examines the political objectives the presidency serves and presents a systematic and comparative assessment of its nature and influence in internal market and foreign policy issues.

"He who introduces into public office the principles of primitive Christianity will change the face of the world."
--Ronald Reagan, 1967, quoting Benjamin Franklin
Long before George W. Bush's efforts to bring faith-based initiatives--and the identification of evil in the world--to the modern presidency, Ronald Reagan was using his own brand of Christianity to influence the course of world events in a conscious and consistent manner. In this bestselling, definitive spiritual biography of our fortieth president, God and Ronald Reagan, politician historian Paul Kengor presents a meticulously researched, fascinating account of Reagan's life as seen through the lens of his relationship to God, and traces this relationship to its culmination: America's battle against the atheistic Soviet Union.
An intensely private man, Reagan kept his personal religious beliefs relatively quiet over the years. But as Kengor shows, Reagan's own words demonstrate that his religious orientation was shaped in his childhood--and was retained with extraordinary consistency throughout his life. Schooled as a young man in the simple religious ideas of his Protestant mother, Reagan embraced Christianity with the fervor of a lonely boy who had found his first friend. Reagan's earthly father was a distant man who drank heavily and offered little in the way of comfort, so Reagan turned toward a heavenly father, a dependent and accessible God. Eventually, Kengor argues, Reagan's religious framework became a presidential one--and one that ran head-on into an anti-religious war in Moscow. Nothing more strongly clashed with Reagan's belief system than Soviet communism; he saw the victims of Soviet oppressionas weary soldiers in the great struggle for faith in the 20th century. To Reagan, the United States was a divinely ordained beacon of freedom--a Shining City on a Hill--and as Kengor conclusively demonstrates, it was this conviction that compelled him to a series of challenges that would eventually bring down Communism once and for all.
Blending groundbreaking research and fascinating storytelling, God and Ronald Reagan, has forever changed our understanding of one of our most influential presidents.

This project addresses recurring questions about Armenian-Turkish relations, the legacy of the Armenian genocide of 1915, and relations between the Armenian diaspora and the Republic of Armenia. Additionally, it discusses the ongoing conflict with Azerbaijan, and the Armenian government's handling of the commemoration of the one-hundredth anniversary of the Armenian genocide.

The book reappraises Neil Kinnock's policies, impact, legacy and leadership of the Labour Party 30 years on from his defeat in the 1992 general election. It offers comprehensively fresh perspectives and some first-hand accounts - some friendly, others more critical - from leading academics, journalists, politicians and advisors on various aspects of ideas, policy, elections and party management, including an interview with the man himself as he looks back on his experiences. This timely book will resonate widely with the current challenges to Labour's leadership and the enduring uncertainties on the future of the party. This book will be of key interest to researchers and students in the fields of political studies and contemporary history as well as the interested general reader.

Defying the general belief that American citizenship is in decline, Sanford claims that Generation X is actually taking positions of civic leadership and authority as Baby Boomers retire. By exploring the traditional instrument of social capital, civic culture and political science, she attempts to make us understand more appropriately this maligned generation.

Although he left office nearly 20 years ago, Ronald Reagan remains a potent symbol for the conservative movement. The Bush administration frequently invokes Reagan's legacy as it formulates and promotes its fiscal, domestic, and foreign policies. His name is a watchword for campus conservatives who regard him in a way that borders on hero worship. Conservative media pundits often equate the term Reagan-esque with personal honor, fiscal rectitude, and unqualified success in dealing with foreign threats. But how much of the Reagan legacy is based on fact, how much on idealized myth? And what are the reasons - political and otherwise - behind the mythmaking? Deconstructing Reagan is a fascinating study of the interplay of politics and memory concerning our fortieth president. While giving credit where credit is due, the authors scrutinize key aspects of the Reagan legacy and the conservative mythology that surrounds it.

The Story of How Russia Becomes a Democracy after Losing to Ukraine. Opposing Putin is a risky proposition; for instance, a fellow Russian Parliament member turned dissident, Denis Voronenkov, was on his way to see Ponomarev when he was shot and killed in March 2017 by Russian intelligence. Ponomarev has lived in Kyiv since 2016. As a result of Voronenkov's murder, he now receives personal protection by the Ukrainian Security Service. And as he said in a recent television interview, "I keep a machine gun by the door." But if you ask Ponomarev why he joined Ukraine's armed territorial defense forces, he will reply: "I'm not fighting against Russia, I'm fighting against Putin and Putinism and Russian fascism." In this book, Ponomarev offers his plan for how the Russian people can purge their country of Putin, Putinism, and dictatorship, and turn it into a democracy.

Drawing on material from many sources, including official and semi-official records, contemporary historical writing and reliable journals, this volume illustrates why John F. Kennedy's Presidency was one of the most eventful and significant in American history. Through this volume the student can learn how to read and asess historical documents and learn to discriminate among a number of sources and weigh evidence.

What would Caligula do? What the worst Roman emperors can teach us about how not to lead If recent history has taught us anything, it's that sometimes the best guide to leadership is the negative example. But that insight is hardly new. Nearly 2,000 years ago, Suetonius wrote Lives of the Caesars, perhaps the greatest negative leadership book of all time. He was ideally suited to write about terrible political leaders; after all, he was also the author of Famous Prostitutes and Words of Insult, both sadly lost. In How to Be a Bad Emperor, Josiah Osgood provides crisp new translations of Suetonius's briskly paced, darkly comic biographies of the Roman emperors Julius Caesar, Tiberius, Caligula, and Nero. Entertaining and shocking, the stories of these ancient anti-role models show how power inflames leaders' worst tendencies, causing almost incalculable damage. Complete with an introduction and the original Latin on facing pages, How to Be a Bad Emperor is both a gleeful romp through some of the nastiest bits of Roman history and a perceptive account of leadership gone monstrously awry. We meet Caesar, using his aunt's funeral to brag about his descent from gods and kings-and hiding his bald head with a comb-over and a laurel crown; Tiberius, neglecting public affairs in favor of wine, perverse sex, tortures, and executions; the insomniac sadist Caligula, flaunting his skill at cruel put-downs; and the matricide Nero, indulging his mania for public performance. In a world bristling with strongmen eager to cast themselves as the Caesars of our day, How to Be a Bad Emperor is a delightfully enlightening guide to the dangers of power without character.

The genial but troubled New Englander whose single-minded partisan loyalties inflamed the nation's simmering battle over slavery

Charming and handsome, Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire was drafted to break the deadlock of the 1852 Democratic convention. Though he seized the White House in a landslide against the imploding Whig Party, he proved a dismal failure in office.

Michael F. Holt, a leading historian of nineteenth-century partisan politics, argues that in the wake of the Whig collapse, Pierce was consumed by an obsessive drive to unify his splintering party rather than the roiling country. He soon began to overreach. Word leaked that Pierce wanted Spain to sell the slave-owning island of Cuba to the United States, rousing sectional divisions. Then he supported repeal of the Missouri Compromise, which limited the expansion of slavery in the west. Violence broke out, and "Bleeding Kansas" spurred the formation of the Republican Party. By the end of his term, Pierce's beloved party had ruptured, and he lost the nomination to James Buchanan.

In this incisive account, Holt shows how a flawed leader, so dedicated to his party and ill-suited for the presidency, hastened the approach of the Civil War.

Neville Chamberlain, the Conservative Prime Minister who pursued the doomed policy of appeasing Hitler, is one of the most reinterpreted of modern British Prime Ministers.

Infamous on account of his declaration of having achieved ?peace for our time?, Neville Chamberlain has often been portrayed as a social reformer out of sync with the times in which he lived. In this new biography, Nick Smart offers a picture conditioned more by the opinions of contemporaries than by hindsight, examining Chamberlain's life, career, achievements and failures. Stressing that the system in which Chamberlain found himself operating had more impact on the historical developments than anything he did personally, Smart describes a man who was hardworking but ultimately out of his depth, destined to be remembered in history as the fall-guy to Winston Churchill's hero.

Presenting Chamberlain's life and politics in a nuanced way, Nick Smart's biography is a must read for anyone interested in British politics and its impact on the international stage.

Donald Trump in Historical Perspective: Dead Precedents is a collection of chapters that utilizes the thinking of historians, philosophers, and political scientists to explore historical parallels to the presidency of Donald J. Trump, the 45th President of the United States of America. This collection provides an extensive analysis on the ways Trump's impulsiveness, breaking of norms, and disregard for longstanding democratic pieties, caused him to represent a definitive end to the "American century," an era when American self-confidence, steadiness, and leadership, even in the face of titanic challenges, were almost universally taken for granted. Yet this book also argues how in the longer sweep of history, Trump is a familiar figure in the turbulent life of democracies. These in-depth chapters reveal the ways Trump represents the anti-institutionalist, the populist demagogue, the would-be authoritarian who exploits electoral and political vulnerabilities to gain and hold power. Through these detailed evaluations, these chapters suggest that Trump is not radically unique, but that democracies have produced many previous versions of the Trump phenomenon. This book is essential reading for scholars and students in political science, political theory, history, and leadership. This book is also noteworthy for readers interested in key developments in contemporary American democracy. One of its greatest appeals is its extensive look into leadership on an international scale, from Donald Trump's global significance to various explorations of non-American leaders, and the comparisons that can be made.

Using leadership to generate greater innovation, connectivity, and organizational transformation is crucial for success in this challenging era. The authors present here a new approach to leadership based on findings from complexity science. Integrating real case studies with rigorous research results, they explore the biggest challenges being faced in fast-paced organizations, and provide a host of concrete tools for leading during critical periods, catalyzing novelty, expanding networks, and generating transformative change throughout an organization.