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America goes not abroad, in search of monsters to destroy John Quincy Adams s famous words are often quoted to justify noninterference in other nations affairs. Yet when he spoke them, Adams was not advocating neutrality or passivity but rather outlining a national policy that balanced democratic idealism with a pragmatic understanding of the young republic s capabilities and limitations. America s rise from a confederation of revolutionary colonies to a world power is often treated as inevitable, but Charles N. Edel s provocative biography of Adams argues that he served as the central architect of a grand strategy that shaped America s rise. Adams s particular combination of ideas and policies made him a critical link between the founding generation and the Civil War era nation of Lincoln.
Examining Adams s service as senator, diplomat, secretary of state, president, and congressman, Edel s study of this extraordinary figure reveals a brilliant but stubborn man who was both visionary prophet and hard-nosed politician. Adams s ambitions on behalf of America s interests, combined with a shrewd understanding of how to counter the threats arrayed against them, allowed him to craft a multitiered policy to insulate the nation from European quarrels, expand U.S. territory, harness natural resources, develop domestic infrastructure, education, and commerce, and transform the United States into a model of progress and liberty respected throughout the world.
While Adams did not live to see all of his strategy fulfilled, his vision shaped the nation s agenda for decades afterward and continues to resonate as America pursues its place in the twenty-first-century world."
More than any preceding era, the twentieth century was defined by
images. The widespread adoption of photography, the advent of film,
and the increasing speed and ease of communications enabled people
worldwide for the first time to know the faces of world leaders as
intimately as those of their friends and family. The jutting jaw
and jaunty cigarette holder of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Fidel
Castro's raised fist and bearded countenance, Tony Blair's toothy
smile, and Stalin's bristly frown--these and other iconographic
images immediately conjure up unforgettable, dramatic moments in
First published in 1959, The Autobiography of James Monroe collects the compelling fragments of Monroe's unfinished autobiography, written after his retirement from the presidency. The memoirs trace his boyhood, education, and experiences during his long service as a public servant before becoming president. Monroe vividly recalls his military experience in the Revolution, his law studies at the College of William and Mary, and his service as aide to GovernorThomas Jefferson of Virginia. From the early days of his political career, Monroe writes with passion about his opposition to slavery and his support for the Westernfarmer. He discusses his controversial first mission to France as a young and inexperienced minister to a country in the throes of a revolution, as well as subsequent missions in which he served as the key negotiator with France for the purchase of the Louisiana Territory. Originally edited by Stuart Gerry Brown, this new edition includes an introduction by historian and documentary editor William Ferraro. Ferraro considers the lasting influence of Brown's edition on Monroe scholarship and surveys themost recent research, detailing the ways this founding father's legacy continues to unfold.
Jimmy Carter entered the White House with a desire for a collegial staff that would aid his foreign-policy decision making. He wound up with a "team of rivals" who contended for influence and who fought over his every move regarding relations with the USSR, the Peoples' Republic of China, arms control, and other crucial foreign-policy issues.
In two areas the Camp David Accords and the return of the Canal to Panama Carter's successes were attributable to his particular political skills and the assistance of Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and other professional diplomats. The ultimate victor in the other battles was Carter's national security advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski, a motivated tactician. Carter, the outsider who had sought to change the political culture of the executive office, found himself dependent on the very insiders of the political and diplomatic establishment against whom he had campaigned.
Based on recently declassified documents in the Carter Library, materials not previously noted in the Vance papers, and a wide variety of interviews, Betty Glad's An Outsider in the White House is a rich and nuanced depiction of the relationship between policy and character. It is also a poignant history of damaged ideals. Carter's absolute commitment to human rights foundered on what were seen as national security interests.
New data from the archives reveal how Carter's government sought the aid of Pope John Paul II to undercut the human-rights efforts of the El Salvadoran Archbishop Oscar Romero. A moralistic approach toward the Soviet Union undermined Carter's early desire to reduce East-West conflicts and cut nuclear arms. As a result, by 1980 the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT) was in limbo, and a nuclear counterforce doctrine had been adopted.
Near the end of Carter's single term in office Vance stepped down as secretary of state, in part because Brzezinski's "muscular diplomacy" had come to dominate Carter's foreign policy. When Vance's successor, Edmund Muskie, took over, the State Department was reduced to implementing policies made by Brzezinski and his allies. For Carter, the rivalry for influence in the White House was concluded and the results, as Glad shows, were a mixed record and an uncertain presidential legacy."
Where Trump Learned to Rule To know Donald J. Trump--to understand what makes the forty-fifth president of the United States tick--it is best to start in his natural habitat: Palm Beach, Florida. It is here he learned the techniques that took him all the way to the White House. Painstakingly, over decades, he has created a world in this exclusive tropical enclave and favorite haunt of billionaires where he is not just president but a king. The vehicle for his triumph is Mar-A-Lago, one of the greatest mansions ever built in the United States. The inside story of how he became King of Palm Beach--and how Palm Beach continues to be his spiritual home even as president--is rollicking, troubling, and told with unrivaled access and understanding by Laurence Leamer. Never before has an American president overseen a club where access to him can be bought. In Mar-A-Lago, the reader will learn: * How Donald Trump bought a property now valued by some at as much as $500,000,000 for less than three thousand dollars of his own money. * Why Trump was blackballed by the WASP grandees of the island and how he got his revenge. * How Trump joined forces with the National Enquirer, headquartered nearby, and engineered his own divorce. * How by turning Mar-A-Lago into a private club, Trump was the unlikely man to integrate Palm Beach's restricted country club scene, and what his real motives were. * What transpires behind the gates of today's Mar-A-Lago during "the season," when President Trump and assorted D.C. power players fly down each weekend. In addition to copious interviews and reporting from inside Mar-A-Lago, Laurence Leamer brings an acute and unparalleled understanding of the society of Palm Beach, where he has lived for twenty-five years. He has written an essential book for understanding Donald Trump's inner character, in the place where he can most be himself.
Volume 15 documents the period from 1 January through 30 April 1794, a time when Washington continued to focus his efforts as president on preventing the United States from becoming entangled in the continuing war between France and Great Britain. Of particular concern was French and British interference with American shipping, despite claims of neutral rights by the United States. Congress reacted to this problem in late March by declaring a thirty-day embargo on all ships and vessels in American ports, and the Washington administration enforced this resolution, as well as a series of earlier Cabinet decisions regarding the presence of foreign privateers and their prizes in American ports.
The threat of U.S. involvement in the war led Congress to pass legislation designed to increase the military strength of the United States. As a result, Washington and Secretary of War Henry Knox directed the construction of coastal fortifications, the establishment of federal armories, and the creation of an American navy. The European war also produced an exodus of refugees to the United States from the French colony of Saint Domingue and a subsequent federal program of monetary relief, which the administration oversaw.
The question of neutral rights, the threat of an Indian war in the Northwest Territory, British retention of military posts in American territory, and a desire for a favorable trade agreement prompted Washington to appoint John Jay as envoy extraordinary to Great Britain in order to resolve these issues. At the same time, other U.S. diplomats continued their efforts to reach an understanding with Spain over the right of free navigation of the Mississippi River by Americans, Indian unrest in the Southwest Territory, and the boundary between Georgia and Florida, as well as to obtain a commercial treaty between the two nations.
In an effort to manage his Mount Vernon farms while residing in Philadelphia, Washington regularly sent detailed instructions to William Pearce, his newly hired estate manager. Of particular concern were the implementation of a five-year plan of crop rotation designed by Washington in 1793 and the acquisition of a sufficient supply of buckwheat and other seed for spring planting. Washington continued to be a benevolent benefactor for his extended family, particularly his sister, Betty Washington Lewis, and his orphaned niece, Harriot Washington. He also directed the refurbishment of his house in Alexandria, Va., for Frances Bassett Washington, the widow of his nephew George Augustine Washington, and he made arrangements to purchase lots in the new Federal City.
How the father and son presidents foresaw the rise of the cult of personality and fought those who sought to abuse the weaknesses inherent in our democracy. Until now, no one has properly dissected the intertwined lives of the second and sixth (father and son) presidents. John and John Quincy Adams were brilliant, prickly politicians and arguably the most independently minded among leaders of the founding generation. Distrustful of blind allegiance to a political party, they brought a healthy skepticism of a brand-new system of government to the country's first 50 years. They were unpopular for their fears of the potential for demagoguery lurking in democracy, and--in a twist that predicted the turn of twenty-first century politics--they warned against, but were unable to stop, the seductive appeal of political celebrities Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson. In a bold recasting of the Adamses' historical roles, The Problem of Democracy is a major critique of the ways in which their prophetic warnings have been systematically ignored over the centuries. It's also an intimate family drama that brings out the torment and personal hurt caused by the gritty conduct of early American politics. Burstein and Isenberg make sense of the presidents' somewhat iconoclastic, highly creative engagement with America's political and social realities. By taking the temperature of American democracy, from its heated origins through multiple upheavals, the authors reveal the dangers and weaknesses that have been present since the beginning. They provide a clear-eyed look at a decoy democracy that masks the reality of elite rule while remaining open, since the days of George Washington, to a very undemocratic result in the formation of a cult surrounding the person of an elected leader.
Giuseppe Garibaldi, the Italian revolutionary leader and popular
hero, was among the best-known figures of the nineteenth century.
This book seeks to examine his life and the making of his cult, to
assess its impact, and understand its surprising success.
This collection of original essays and commentary considers not merely how history has shaped the continuing struggle for racial equality, but also how backlash and resistance to racial reforms continue to dictate the state of race in America. Informed by a broad historical perspective, this book focuses primarily on the promise of Reconstruction and the long demise of that promise. It traces the history of struggles for racial justice from the post US Civil War Reconstruction through the Jim Crow era, the Civil Rights and Voting Rights decades of the 1950s and 1960s to the present day. The book uses psychological, historical and political perspectives to put today's struggles for justice in historical perspective, considering intersecting dynamics of race and class in inequality and the different ways that people understand history. Ultimately, the authors question Martin Luther King, Jr.'s contention that the moral arc of the universe bends toward justice, challenging portrayals of race relations and the realization of civil rights laws as a triumph narrative. Scholars in history, political science and psychology, as well as graduate students in these fields, can use the issues explored in this book as a foundation for their own work on race, justice and American history.
An Amazon Bestseller! The Most Comprehensive Takedown of the Obama Presidency! "If you want to know why the history books will have a dim view of Barack Obama, this is the book to read."-John Hawkins, Right Wing News and Townhall.com The presumption of Barack Obama's presidential greatness began before he even won the presidency. Now that he's out of office, presidential "experts" and historians are ranking Obama as one of our nation's greatest presidents, placing him amongst Washington, Lincoln, Jefferson, and Truman. Obama's presidency was certainly consequential, but it was by no means great. Did Barack Obama really save America from another Great Depression? Did he really unite America or improve America's global image? Did he really usher in a new era of post-partisanship and government transparency? Did he really expand health coverage while lowering costs and cutting taxes? Did he really make America safer and stronger than it was when he first took office? According to his supporters in the media, Hollywood, and academia, he did. But they are wrong. And they're working aggressively to ensure their version of Obama's legacy is written into the history books. How can you discover and protect the truth? Matt Margolis and Mark Noonan have compiled everything you need to know about the presidency of Barack Obama into a single source. First published in 2016, this book has now been updated to include the entirety of Obama's presidency, and the shocking details that have come to light since he left office. The Worst President in History: The Legacy of Barack Obama compiles two hundred inconvenient truths about Obama's presidency-the facts that define his legacy: his real impact on the economy; the disaster that is Obamacare; his shocking abuses of taxpayer dollars; his bitterly divisive style of governing; his shameless usurping of the Constitution; his many scandals and cover-ups; his policy failures at home and abroad; the unprecedented expansion of government power...and more. In his farewell address to supporters on January 11, 2017, Barack Obama declared, "By almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started." This book destroys that narrative, putting Obama's presidency into historical context and offering an avalanche of facts that simply cannot be ignored. All of these facts are now at your fingertips in a single source. The Worst President in History: The Legacy of Barack Obama is your ultimate guide to Obama's real presidential record-the record he'd like history to forget.
Harry S Truman's national security legacy, as documented here by Truman scholars and political leaders on the 50th anniversary of the end of his presidency, is marked by a series of noteworthy foreign policy initiatives. Credited with establishing post-World War II order, Truman's political heritage also includes the creation of NATO and the United Nations, food and foreign aid programs, the Marshall Plan and the integration of the US armed forces. Contributions from distinguished former aides to President Truman and recognised national security experts make this book an especially important and unique read. Highlights include a conclusion by General Brent Scowcroft, National Security Advisor to Presidents Ford and Bush and a foreword by Clifton Truman Daniel, President Truman's grandson.
The news of the death of George Washington at Mount Vernon on December 14, 1799, was reported to have been "felt as an electric shock throughout the union." Martha Washington gave permission for Congress to have her husband's body reinterred under a marble monument to be constructed in the new capital in Washington, D.C. Grieving Americans organized and participated in over four hundred funeral processions and memorial services during the sixty-nine-day mourning period that culminated on February 22, 1800, the National Day of Mourning.
Washington's death came in a highly contentious period in American political history, and a variety of groups and individuals tried to take advantage of the occasion to advance their own agendas. Federalist officials, including President John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, themselves at odds on a number of issues, took a leading role in ceremonies that included mock funerals with empty caskets orchestrated by Hamilton, who also used the occasion to advocate for a large standing army. Although Jefferson and his Democratic Republicans were about to knock the Federalists out of political contention, in what Jefferson termed the "Revolution of 1800," in 1799 Federalists predominated in ceremonial and print commemorations of Washington. Religious leaders, whose moral authority was on the wane, tried to Christianize Washington, while Masons used the most illustrious member of their secret brotherhood to rehabilitate an image tarnished by charges of religious infidelity and association with the excesses of the French Revolution. Women of various stations and political stripes also took advantage of the occasion to help legitimize their participation in public life.
The biographical sketches included in over three hundred eulogies provide a unique historical perspective on who George Washington was in the eyes of his contemporaries.
The most authoritative and engrossing biography of the notorious dictator ever written Josef Stalin exercised supreme power in the Soviet Union from 1929 until his death in 1953. During that quarter-century, by Oleg Khlevniuk's estimate, he caused the imprisonment and execution of no fewer than a million Soviet citizens per year. Millions more were victims of famine directly resulting from Stalin's policies. What drove him toward such ruthlessness? This essential biography, by the author most deeply familiar with the vast archives of the Soviet era, offers an unprecedented, fine-grained portrait of Stalin the man and dictator. Without mythologizing Stalin as either benevolent or an evil genius, Khlevniuk resolves numerous controversies about specific events in the dictator's life while assembling many hundreds of previously unknown letters, memos, reports, and diaries into a comprehensive, compelling narrative of a life that altered the course of world history. In brief, revealing prologues to each chapter, Khlevniuk takes his reader into Stalin's favorite dacha, where the innermost circle of Soviet leadership gathered as their vozhd lay dying. Chronological chapters then illuminate major themes: Stalin's childhood, his involvement in the Revolution and the early Bolshevik government under Lenin, his assumption of undivided power and mandate for industrialization and collectivization, the Terror, World War II, and the postwar period. At the book's conclusion, the author presents a cogent warning against nostalgia for the Stalinist era.
In his major New York Times bestseller, Jimmy Carter looks back from ninety years of age and "reveals private thoughts and recollections over a fascinating career as businessman, politician, evangelist, and humanitarian" (Booklist). At ninety, Jimmy Carter reflects on his public and private life with a frankness that is disarming. He adds detail and emotion about his youth in rural Georgia that he described in his magnificent An Hour Before Daylight. He writes about racism and the isolation of the Carters. He describes the brutality of the hazing regimen at Annapolis, and how he nearly lost his life twice serving on submarines and his amazing interview with Admiral Rickover. He describes the profound influence his mother had on him, and how he admired his father even though he didn't emulate him. He admits that he decided to quit the Navy and later enter politics without consulting his wife, Rosalynn, and how appalled he is in retrospect. In his "warm and detailed memoir" (Los Angeles Times), Carter tells what he is proud of and what he might do differently. He discusses his regret at losing his re-election, but how he and Rosalynn pushed on and made a new life and second and third rewarding careers. He is frank about the presidents who have succeeded him, world leaders, and his passions for the causes he cares most about, particularly the condition of women and the deprived people of the developing world. "Always warm and human...even inspirational" (Buffalo News), A Full Life is a wise and moving look back from this remarkable man. Jimmy Carter has lived one of our great American lives-from rural obscurity to world fame, universal respect, and contentment. A Full Life is an extraordinary read from a "force to be reckoned with" (Christian Science Monitor).
For over fifteen years, Hillary Clinton has been one of the most polarising names in national politics, but while many writers have taken a close look at her stances on the issues, few have addressed her long-held religious beliefs. Based on Kengor's exhaustive research, "God and Hillary Clinton" intertwines Clinton's spiritual evolution with her personal history, discussing how her Methodist upbringing laid a strong Christian foundation that resulted in her leading Bible studies and prayer throughout her years in the Arkansas Governor's mansion. But although she is unarguably a Christian, Clinton has also encountered periods where she has strayed from her roots.Kengor offers readers some of the stranger revelations about Clinton's spiritual past, elucidating the times in her life when she drifted from the devout, including the erosion of her faith during the 60s and 70s and her experimentation with New Age mysticism in the White House. Furthermore, Kengor closely investigates her religious struggles incited by the Monica Lewinsky scandal as he looks at the spiritual implications of her husband's infidelities.
The five months covered by this volume encompass the end of Jefferson's first administration and point toward his second. At home, the government was still digesting the Louisiana Purchase, establishing territorial governments for the Orleans and Louisiana Territories, and trying to ascertain the boundaries of the acquisition. Abroad, the shifting alliances resulting from the ongoing war in Europe affected American relations with European nations and obstructed Madison's and Jefferson's goals in international affairs.
Changes in the diplomatic corps led to confusion, as Robert R. Livingston was replaced as minister to France by his brother-in-law, John Armstrong Jr., and as Charles Pinckney, America's minister to Spain, given permission to return, opted instead to remain in Madrid and assist James Monroe in negotiations there. Monroe, who had been unable to accomplish his mission of negotiating a convention with Great Britain that would prevent impressment, went to Madrid hoping to persuade Spain to ratify the Convention of 1802, accept the American interpretation of the Louisiana boundaries, and sell East Florida to the United States. Monroe's task was made more difficult by the refusal of France to support the U.S. position, something he learned at Paris while en route to Madrid. James Bowdoin, named to succeed Pinckney, was prevented by ill health from departing until spring. In the United States, British minister Anthony Merry's health kept him at Philadelphia for months and Spanish minister Carlos Yrujo's outrageous behavior and arrogant letters finally forced Madison to seek his recall.
In North Africa the crewmen of the U.S. frigate Philadelphia continued to languish in Tripolitan prisons. Morocco and Algiers, though restive at being prevented by U.S. blockades from trading with Tripoli, exercised caution in view of the increased American naval force in the region. A forceful Edward Preble was replaced as naval commander in the Mediterranean by Samuel Barron, whose long-term illness, reported in consular dispatches, hampered his effectiveness in the war against Tripoli.
Madison's correspondence also shows the growing impact of the European war on American commerce and shipping as ship captains, merchants, and family members wrote to complain of vessels seized under the increasing restrictions placed by Britain and France on neutral trade, and of sailors impressed by both major belligerents. British and French privateers also played havoc with American shipping and seamen, and their victims wrote Madison to complain. Requests for appointments, problems with Monroe's financial affairs, wine purchases, and family land issues also occupied Madison's time over this winter.
Included in the supplement are documents that have been acquired since the publication of the last series supplement in volume 17 of the Papers of James Madison, Congressional Series, in 1991. Access to people, places, and events discussed in this volume is facilitated by detailed annotation and a comprehensive index.
The Voices of Liberation series celebrates the lives and writings of South African and African liberation activists and heroes. The human, social and literary contexts presented in this series have a critical resonance and bearing on where we come from, who we are and how we can choose to shape our destiny. This series ensures that the debates and values that shaped the liberation movement are not lost. The series offers a unique combination of biographical information with selections from original speeches and writings in each volume. By providing access to the thoughts and writings of some of the many men and women who fought for the dismantling of apartheid, colonialism and capitalist legacy, this series invites the contemporary reader to engage directly with the rich history of the struggle for democracy and the restoration of our own identity. The title of the series has been carefully chosen as it speaks to its purpose - which is not only to make a particular voice resonate but to strengthen the voice from the South and Africa in particular. Chris Hani was a key figure in the South African liberation struggle, yet little has been written about this enigmatic leader of the SACP and Chief of Staff of Umkhonto we Sizwe. The year 2013, marks the 20 year anniversary of his assassination and HSRC Press views the publication of this book as extremely important, not only to commemorate his death but to highlight the principles and values for which he stood. As Chief of Staff of Umkhonto we Sizwe, Chris Hani was prepared to support the cessation of the armed struggle in the interests of the negotiations which would benefit the country as a whole; he represents the importance of dialogue and the relationship between identity, agency, citizenship and social action. Chris Hani believed in restoring people to their humanity and the need is now greater perhaps than ever before to hear his voice loud and clear.
The first biography of John Quincy Adams' talented and spirited wife, the only first lady born outside the United States Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, wife and political partner of John Quincy Adams, became one of the most widely known women in America when her husband assumed office as sixth president in 1825. Shrewd, intellectual, and articulate, she was close to the center of American power over many decades, and extensive archives reveal her as an unparalleled observer of the politics, personalities, and issues of her day. Louisa left behind a trove of journals, essays, letters, and other writings, yet no biographer has mined these riches until now. Margery Heffron brings Louisa out of the shadows at last to offer the first full and nuanced portrait of an extraordinary first lady. The book begins with Louisa's early life in London and Nantes, France, then details her excruciatingly awkward courtship and engagement to John Quincy, her famous diplomatic success in tsarist Russia, her life as a mother, years abroad as the wife of a distinguished diplomat, and finally the Washington, D.C., era when, as a legendary hostess, she made no small contribution to her husband's successful bid for the White House. Louisa's sharp insights as a tireless recorder provide a fresh view of early American democratic society, presidential politics and elections, and indeed every important political and social issue of her time.
Inside Campaigns introduces central factors that drive U.S election outcomes through the eyes of campaign managers. The authors, recognised experts in their field, draw on lessons learned by approximately 150 campaign managers to reveal what drives public opinion and voter turnout. The sample is evenly balanced between Democrats and Republicans and will give students a unique and valuable insight into how campaigns operate.
Shaykh Mithqal al-Fayiz's life spanned a period of dramatic transformation in the Middle East. Born in the 1880s during a time of rapid modernization across the Ottoman Empire, Mithqal led his tribe through World War I, the development and decline of colonial rule and founding of Jordan, the establishment of the state of Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict that ensued, and the rise of pan-Arabism. As Mithqal navigated regional politics over the decades, he redefined the modern role of the shaykh. In following Mithqal's remarkable life, this book explores tribal leadership in the modern Middle East more generally. The support of Mithqal's tribe to the Jordanian Hashemite regime extends back to the creation of Jordan in 1921 and has characterized its political system ever since. The long-standing alliances between tribal elites and the royal family explain, to a large extent, the extraordinary resilience of Hashemite rule in Jordan and the country's relative stability. Mithqal al-Fayiz's life and work as a shaykh offer a notable individual story, as well as a unique window into the history, society, and politics of Jordan.
In The Mind of Thomas Jefferson, one of the foremost historians of Jefferson and his time, Peter S. Onuf, offers a collection of essays that seeks to historicize one of our nation's founding fathers. Challenging current attempts to appropriate Jefferson to serve all manner of contemporary political agendas, Onuf argues that historians must look at Jefferson's language and life within the context of his own place and time. In this effort to restore Jefferson to his own world, Onuf reconnects that world to ours, providing a fresh look at the distinction between private and public aspects of his character that Jefferson himself took such pains to cultivate. Breaking through Jefferson's alleged opacity as a person by collapsing the contemporary interpretive frameworks often used to diagnose his psychological and moral states, Onuf raises new questions about what was on Jefferson's mind as he looked toward an uncertain future. Particularly striking is his argument that Jefferson's character as a moralist is nowhere more evident, ironically, than in his engagement with the institution of slavery. At once reinvigorating the tension between past and present and offering a new way to view our connection to one of our nation's founders, The Mind of Thomas Jefferson helps redefine both Jefferson and his time and American nationhood.
All American presidents, past and present, have cared deeply about power--acquiring, protecting, and expanding it. While individual presidents obviously have other concerns, such as shaping policy or building a legacy, the primacy of power considerations--exacerbated by expectations of the presidency and the inadequacy of explicit powers in the Constitution--sets presidents apart from other political actors. "Thinking about the Presidency" explores presidents' preoccupation with power. Distinguished presidential scholar William Howell looks at the key aspects of executive power--political and constitutional origins, philosophical underpinnings, manifestations in contemporary political life, implications for political reform, and looming influences over the standards to which we hold those individuals elected to America's highest office.
Howell shows that an appetite for power may not inform the original motivations of those who seek to become president. Rather, this need is built into the office of the presidency itself--and quickly takes hold of whomever bears the title of Chief Executive. In order to understand the modern presidency, and the degrees to which a president succeeds or fails, the acquisition, protection, and expansion of power in a president's political life must be recognized--in policy tools and legislative strategies, the posture taken before the American public, and the disregard shown to those who would counsel modesty and deference within the White House.
"Thinking about the Presidency" assesses how the search for and defense of presidential powers informs nearly every decision made by the leader of the nation.
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