This book systematically examines the first terms of every president from FDR to Barack Obama and assesses the leadership style and policy agenda of each. Success in bringing about policy change is shown to hinge on the leadership style and skill in managing a variety of institutional and public relationships. The second edition of this timely book adds chapters on George W. Bush and Obama and focuses on the significant domestic policy challenges of their respective times. The authors have reconfigured the analytical framework of the book to take into account the 'dynamic opportunity structure' that emerged during the George W. Bush administration. The Presidency and Domestic Policy provides unique insights into contemporary presidential leadership in a highly partisan age.

To understand the challenges of political leadership and how top executives succeed in accomplishing an Administration s objectives, business-in-government experts Paul R. Lawrence and Mark A. Abramson present the findings of a four-year study of top political appointees in the Obama Administration. The 42 participants Deputy Secretaries and agency heads provide case studies of how each approaches the management challenges and achieves the mission of their organization. Full of behind-the-scenes insights and practical advice from government political executives on how they face management challenges in real time, What Government Does: How Political Executives Manage offers indispensable insights to current and prospective political appointees and everyone interested in understanding how leaders make government agencies more effective. The new book, a follow-up to their previous book, Paths to Making a Difference: Leading in Government, presents an insightful framework of what government does. Instead of thinking about government by policy area, the authors present an alternative approach in which government executives are categorized by the type of agency they are managing. The book includes chapters on Deputy Secretaries, producers, regulators, infrastructors, scientists, and collaborators."

In this book, Justin DePlato examines and analyzes the reasons and justifications for, as well as instances of, executive emergency power in political thought and action. The book begins by analyzing the theory of executive emergency power across a wide breadth of philosophical history, from Ancient Greek, Renaissance, through modern American political thought. This analysis indicates that in political philosophy two models exist for determining and using executive emergency power: an unfettered executive prerogative or a constitutional dictatorship. The modern American approach to executive emergency power is an unfettered executive prerogative, whereby the executive determines what emergency power is and how to use it. The book addresses the fundamental question of whether executive power in times of crisis may be unfettered and discretionary or rather does the law define and restrain executive emergency power. The author reviews and analyzes seven U.S. presidencies that handled a domestic crisis-Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, Lincoln, G. W. Bush, and Obama-to show that presidents become extraordinarily powerful during crises and act unilaterally without oversight. The use of executive emergency power undermines the normal processes of democratic republicanism and harms the rule of law. The author analyzes the U.S. Constitution, formerly classified Department of Justice Memos, primary sourced letters, signing statements, executive orders, presidential decrees, and original founding documents to comprehensively conclude that presidential prerogative determines what emergency powers are and how they are to be executed. This book challenges the claim that presidents determine their emergency power with appropriate congressional oversight or consultation. The analysis of the empirical data indicates that presidents do not consult with Congress prior to determining what their emergency powers are and how the president wants to use them. Justin DePlato joins the highly contentious debate over the use of executive power during crisis and offers a sharp argument against an ever-growing centralized and unchecked federal power. He argues that presidents are becoming increasingly reckless when determining and using power during crisis, often times acting unconstitutional.

This book systematically examines the first terms of every president from FDR to Barack Obama and assesses the leadership style and policy agenda of each. Success in bringing about policy change is shown to hinge on the leadership style and skill in managing a variety of institutional and public relationships. The second edition of this timely book adds chapters on George W. Bush and Obama and focuses on the significant domestic policy challenges of their respective times. The authors have reconfigured the analytical framework of the book to take into account the 'dynamic opportunity structure' that emerged during the George W. Bush administration. The Presidency and Domestic Policy provides unique insights into contemporary presidential leadership in a highly partisan age.

For the Common Good showcases the insights, reflections, and recommendations of some of today's most forward-thinking and inspiring leaders, as they explore the challenges of leadership in the context of our global, 21st-century society. Featuring original essays by such luminaries as Nobel Prize winner John Hume; Leader-to-Leader Chair Frances Hesselbein; Harvard University's Howard Gardner; M.K. Gandhi Institute's Founder Arun Gandhi; poet David Whyte; and President Jimmy Carter, For the Common Good stresses the need for a new kind of leadership committed to promoting social welfare, justice, and opportunity. Against the all-too-familiar backdrop of corporate malfeasance, scandal in our religious institutions, political chicanery to serve ulterior motives, and constant reminders of the corruptive influences of power, the contributors apply their expertise in such fields as ecology, education, and conflict resolution to illuminate emerging roles and responsibilities of today's leaders. Collectively, the authors argue that because individuals, institutions, and societies are now so profoundly connected and inter-related, every decision of consequence has a ripple effect. Leaders of all stripes, including corporate executives, politicians, social activists, scientists, and educators, must display courage, integrity, humility, and the wherewithal to consider the long-term impact of their decision and actions. Most important, they must engage in dialogue and recognize that creative solutions to complex problems require collaboration across sectors and cultures to achieve common goals. The result is a provocative and multidimensional exploration of leadership in troubled and troublingtimes--but with a hopeful note that individuals and organizations will rise to the challenges.

There have been many serious abuses of presidential power in recent decades, including Watergate, the Iran-Contra scandal, and the Lewinsky affair, subsequently Americans have demonstrated renewed interest in discussing the relationship between character and political leadership. Through an investigation of the life and career of George Washington, often considered the exemplary moral president, the chapters offer a balanced scholarly contribution to this analysis.

Fishman, Pederson, Rozell, and their contributors examine the legacy of Washingtons presidency. Leading political scientists and historians describe and evaluate the impact of Washington's leadership on the institution of the presidency and on those who have since occupied the Oval Office. In the contemporary era of almost endless speculation about the role of character in presidential leadership, an analysis of Washington's character and the model he established is especially germane.

The chapters provide diverse interpretations of the value of understanding Washington's leadership and the character of the modern presidency. Some of the scholars conclude that Washington indeed laid the foundation for good character and strong leadership in the presidency. Others take a more critical approach and see Washington, like many of his successors, as a fallible human being who possessed both character strengths and weaknesses. The lasting value of this analysis for political scientists, historians, and other students of the American presidency is that it demonstrates the continued vibrant debate over Washington's authentic legacy to the office.

An intriguing exploration of the emotional relationship between historically significant leaders and their followers. In this wide-ranging historical exploration of transformational leadership, Popper examines why followers are influenced by leaders and what psychological dynamics exist between leaders and their subordinates, and, in the process, redefines the phenomenon of leadership. Exploring the emotional connections that bind charismatic leaders and those who support them, he contends that this multifaceted relationship is based on reciprocal need. By focusing on prominent figures throughout history who have altered the lives of their followers in profound ways, Popper shows how these leaders reinvented and disseminated value systems, for good (e.g., Nelson Mandela) and for ill (e.g., Hitler). Whether the influence of a charismatic leader is destructive and negative or constructive and positively transformative, this intriguing work argues that the reciprocal process that takes place between leader and follower is surprisingly similar. Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Hitler, Charles Manson, and Jim Jones, Popper defines and explores three types of leader-follower relationships: regressive relationships, which are characterized by mutual dependence; symbolic relationships, which are rooted in symbolic meaning; and developmental-transformational relationships, which permit positive moral and emotional development. The author has written widely on leadership issues. Surveys a range of leaders, whose influence was beneficial or malign.

At a crucial time in American history, John Tyler--elected vice president on the Whig ticket--became president upon the death of William Henry Harrison. The nation, after expanding across the continent, was suffering from sectional tensions, Indian conflicts, issues over slavery, and economic problems. Tyler's becoming president created a crisis for Whigs, who questioned his intentions, his past record, and his irregular political alliances. Soon, the course he set was unacceptable to both Whigs and Jacksonian Democrats. His presidency has not received the extensive scholarly study accorded many presidents. This bibliography provides an excellent beginning for those wishing to research Tyler and this critical period in American history.

The definitive study of Tyler is yet to be written. Much of what has been written about him has been highly opinionated. Yet, as this bibliography reveals, primary material on Tyler is abundant. The volume presents in usable format most of the materials by and dealing with Tyler, including both secondary and primary materials. It also includes relevant information on his contemporaries and covers major works dealing with the period. It provides a good introduction to the literature of the times of Tyler.

An examination of four charismatic personalities who shaped much of the political debate in the latter half of the 20th century, this study reveals how Gandhi, Mandela, Mao, and Gorbachev led movements that remade the world through their own selfless inspiration, dynamic political leadership, and genuine moral courage. DeLuca analyzes the relationship between politics, culture, and society by focusing upon the personalities of these four figures and the ways in which they addressed issues of social change and political upheaval. Though different in terms of time and location, the problems they faced were similar, be it in their attempts to overthrow a repressive political regime or to promote economic and institutional reform within an existing system.

While Gandhi's approach emphasized heightened spiritual awareness as a means of transforming the Indian people, Mandela's emphasis on a more militant form of social protest succeeded in stimulating the political energy of South Africa's black majority. Mao and GorbacheV's programs stood at opposite ends of the Marxist political spectrum. Mao made a popular revolution from below and sought to perpetuate the notions of total revolution and the complete transformation of the individual in Chinese society. Gorbachev, on the other hand, aimed to reform a stagnant Soviet system from above. Though his early initiatives engendered widespread enthusiasm, he was unable to restructure the Soviet system and ultimately found himself presiding over the collapse of the very system he had tried to revitalize.

Edited by Robert A. Rutland and Thomas A. Mason

Presidential style is an important attribute for holders of the nation's highest office, but the first volume of James Madison's presidential papers indicate that he was a reserved and unpretentious man concerned more with the substance than the style of the office.

As the 1809 letters show, President Madison was besieged by office seekers and eccentric citizens who expected the chief executive to show concern for their personal problem. Ravenous politicians sought jobs for themselves and relatives. Madison personally answered at length the many testimonials from citizens' rallies and political gatherings.

The domestic side of White House life--the decorating and improvement of the President's House--also forms an important segment of the documentary record.

The multiplicity of presidential concerns revealed in the volume add a new perspective to our historic view of the nation's highest office.

Using a variety of cases from history and today's life, the book examines character attackers targeting the private lives, behavior, values, and identity of their victims. Numerous historical examples show that character assassination has always been a very effective weapon to win political battles or settle personal scores.

The 2012 congressional elections played an equally vital role in determining the future course of America as the presidential race that topped the electoral ticket. Readers of this book will gain insights about the formative aspects of the 2012 campaign season as well as in depth coverage of key races for Congress. Exclusive to this volume are three chapters that look at important processes which impacted the campaign cycle: voter suppression laws passed in nearly every state, the role of Super PACs and independent expenditures in the wake of the Citizens United Supreme Court decision, and the results of redistricting and partisan gerrymandering throughout the country. Then the case studies follow the path of seven House and six Senate races from inception to election postmortem. The chapters are both narrative and provide analysis of an array of interesting and diverse contests from throughout the country. Each entry was written by one or more experts living in the state or region of the race. The authors provide succinct and highly readable chapters meant to illustrate the distinctive nature of the campaigns they are examining. Readers will see individual campaigns and elections "up close" and be able to compare and contrast one from another because of the common format employed throughout the book. Taken together, the chapters reveal that the roads to Congress, while similar in so many ways, each follow a unique route to Capitol Hill.

In 2000, for the first time in American political history, four former presidents were still alive after serving in the White House. This book critically and systematically examines press coverage of these four ex-presidents for three years after they left office. Through content analysis, the volume draws together the tone and major themes in press coverage of stories about Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, and George H. Bush. The study serves as a useful historic document, depicting the private lives of these former presidents from both parties as seen through the American press. The book is a unique examination of the relationship between ex-presidents and the press.

Examining the nature and scope of the relationship between the press and ex-presidents, the study assumes that although they are out of office and thus out of the limelight, ex-presidents still have powerful influence domestically and internationally. That influence makes it valuable to know how, and with what intensity, the press covers ex-presidents. This volume documents their post-White House careers through the prism of the press, enriching our understanding of life after the presidency.

This book examines the right to a neutral and detached decisionmaker as interpreted by the U.S. Supreme Court. This right resides in the Constitution's Fifth Amendment and Fourteenth Amendment guarantees to procedural due process and in the Sixth Amendment's promise of an impartial jury. Supreme Court cases on these topics are the vehicles to understand how these constitutional rights have come alive. First, the book surveys the right to an impartial jury in criminal cases by telling the stories of defendants whose convictions were overturned after they were the victims of prejudicial pretrial publicity, mob justice, and discriminatory jury selection. Next, the book articulates how our modern notion of judicial impartiality was forged by the Court striking down cases where judges were bribed, where they had other direct financial stakes in the outcome of the case, and where a judge decided the case of a major campaign supporter. Finally, the book traces the development of the right to a neutral decisionmaker in quasi-judicial, non-court settings, including cases involving parole revocation, medical license review, mental health commitments, prison discipline, and enemy combatants. Each chapter begins with the typically shocking facts of these cases being retold, and each chapter ends with a critical examination of the Supreme Court's ultimate decisions in these cases.

The Unsustainable Presidency develops a structural theory of the office by challenging and redefining the twin imperatives upon which the modern chief executive was constructed and by applying the theory to the three most recent presidents: Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama.

This essay collection is a retrospective analysis of the Washington administration's importance to the understanding of the modern presidency. Contemporary presidential scholarship gives little attention to the enormous impact that Washington's actions had on establishing the presidency. Most contemporary literature starts with 1933 and, although FDR's impact on the development of the modern institution of the presidency is undeniable, Washington's actions in office also established standards for practices that continue to this day.

This analysis of the Washington presidency begins with an examination of Washington's leadership and its relevance to the modern presidency. The second group of essays looks at different aspects of presidential powers and the precedents established by the Washington administration. The third section examines Washington's press coverage, looking at the origins of Washington's image and the various myths in the press as well as the president's difficult relations with his contemporary press. A thoughtful and important corrective that will be of interest to scholars, students, and researchers involved with the American presidency and its history.

The administrations of Presidents Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy faced critical international challenges - including, most notably, using nuclear weapons against Japan, intervening militarily in Korea, toppling an emerging regime in Guatemala, restraining the actions of US allies during the Suez Canal Crisis, overthrowing Castro's Cuban regime, and forcing the USSR to remove nuclear missiles from Cuban soil. In this meticulously documented book, Alex Roberto Hybel tests the extent to which today's most important foreign policy decision-making models can explain the actions of the principal figures responsible for addressing each crisis. The book carefully analyses each president's cognitive system, the advisory structure each leader set up, and the pervading mindsets of Washington's insiders from each period. By evaluating the quality of each president's foreign policy decision-making process, readers will become familiar with core foreign policy decisions, how they were formulated, and the types of cognitive impediments that in certain instances undermined the quality of the decision-making process.

A woman of intelligence and energy, Lou Henry Hoover's talents benefited a large number of cultural and philanthropic organizations, but her distaste for publicity obscured her many achievements until now. By the time her husband reached the White House in 1929, she had already established herself as a woman with high goals. The first woman to earn a university degree in geology, she collaborated with her husband in the translation of a classic book on mining methods. During World War I, she organized assistance for American travelers stranded in Europe, campaigned on behalf of the Commission for the Relief of Belgium, and set up a boarding house in Washington D.C. for young women working in war-related agencies.

Lou Hoover served as president of the Girl Scouts during its formative years, organized the Women's Division of the National Amateur Athletic Federation to encourage public participation in sports, and raised money for a number of cultural and philanthropic organizations. As First Lady, she redecorated the White House to make it a suitable residence for a head of state, cataloging its furnishings for posterity. She founded a school for underprivileged Appalachian children and ran a private, unpublicized relief network for Americans suffering under the Great Depression. After leaving the White House, she resumed the volunteer work that remained such a treasured part of her life.

The vice presidency is the second highest office to which an American can be elected. This office should be an ideal place to launch a campaign to capture the presidency, yet only two incumbent vice presidents have thus far been able to win the ultimate prize. Vance Kincade analyzes this dilemma and offers some answers to why vice presidents have difficulties gaining credibility to pursue the presidency and why Vice Presidents John C. Breckinridge, Richard Nixon, and Hubert Humphrey each failed in their campaigns for the presidency.

Kincade's primary focus is on the two vice presidents who ascended to the presidency, Martin Van Buren and George Bush. He explores how these two were able to avoid the dilemma that baffled the others. Was it something in their backgrounds that brought success? Was it serving as vice president under Andrew Jackson and Ronald Reagan that helped turn the trick? Could their successes be seen as fulfilling an historical cycle that found Van Buren and Bush in the right place at the right time? In the last section of this intriguing study, Kincade uses political science models to explain their victories and offers a guide to future vice presidents who attempt to join the exclusive club of vice presidents to reach the presidency. Scholars, students, and the general public interested in American political history and the presidency will find this study of particular value.

The proliferation of social media has altered the way that people interact with each other - leveling the channels of communication to allow an individual to be 'friends' with a sitting president. In a world where a citizen can message Barack Obama directly, this book addresses the new channels of communication in politics, and what they offer.

Burke McCarty sets out a complex alternative theory regarding the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln, namely the notion that the event was orchestrated by shadowy religious powers. McCarty gathers and presents correspondences and other documents; together these offer an alternate explanation for Lincoln's heinous murder. He alleges that a Treaty in Verona in 1822 was the start of a plot to kill an American President, a plot whose pieces would gradually fall into place in the four decades which followed. McCarty alleges involvement by the Pope and the Catholic church, plus other clandestine figures, pointing to what he considers coded references in letters. Modern historians and scholars consider alternative theories behind the death of President Lincoln as spurious conspiracy. The overwhelming evidence remains that John Wilkes Booth, a vain and agitated man with a craving for notoriety, acted alone in his scheme to murder Abraham Lincoln as the President watched a performance at Ford's Theater.