The book deals with both the short and the long-run effects of the Uruguay Round: the reduction in the obstacles to trade, the enlargement of the multilateral system, the new institutional framework and the balance between regionalism and multilateralism in world trade relations. Its conclusions are based on theory, political economy and empirical analysis.

This volume explores the claims of proponents of free-trade areas and analyzes two principal initiatives associated with recent US trade policy: NAFTA and APEC. The authors conclude that the US should reject preferential trading in favour of the more beneficial goal of non-preferential trading.

Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich sounds the warning bell that China
poses the biggest threat to the United States.

Every American needs to understand the threat to America's safety and prosperity
posed by China's reemergence as a world power. Unlike our other economic and
military rivals, China is the only country big enough and with enough human
resources to compete with us everywhere in the world. From the point of view of
Beijing, China has a long history of dominating the world, and the past century of
Western dominance is only a temporary blip.

Their strategy to overtake America involves using spying, extortion, lawsuits,
economic infiltration, intellectual property theft, propaganda and sabotage to weaken
the United States and strengthen China. Gingrich's research will show that it is clear
Chinese leaders are following this strategy to the letter, and that it is working as
planned.

It is possible for America to respond to the Chinese effort but doing so will require
many big changes and hard choices for our leaders in government and private sector.

That is why it is vital to build an understanding of the China challenge so there is
consensus and political support to be what must be done.

Newt Gingrich's TRUMP VS CHINA will serve as a rallying cry for the American people
and a plan of action for our leaders in government and the private sector. Written in a
language that every American can understand, but still rich in detail and accurate in
fact, TRUMP VS CHINA will lay out China's multi-pronged attack against the United
States and what we must do to combat it.

How the environmental provisions in US preferential trade agreements affect both the environmental policies of trading partners and the effectiveness of multilateral environmental agreements. As trade negotiations within the World Trade Organization seem permanently stalled, countries turn increasingly to preferential trade agreements (PTAs) between smaller groups of nations. Many of these PTAs incorporate environmental provisions, some of which require trading partners to enact new domestic environmental laws, and use the enforcement mechanisms available within trade agreements as tools for environmental protection. In Greening through Trade, Sikina Jinnah and Jean-Frederic Morin provide the first detailed examination of how the environmental provisions in US preferential trade agreements affect both the environmental policies of trading partners and the effectiveness of multilateral environmental agreements. They do so through a combination of in-depth qualitative case studies and quantitative analysis of an original dataset of 688 global PTAs. Jinnah and Morin explore the effects of linkages between PTAs and environmental treaties and the diffusion of environmental norms and policy through PTAs. Centrally, they argue that US trade agreements can serve as mechanisms both to export environmental policies to trading partner nations and third-party countries and to enhance the effectiveness of multilateral environmental agreements by strengthening their enforcement capacity. They caution that PTAs are not a panacea for environmental governance; deeper problems of unsustainable consumption and differential power dynamics between trading partners must be carefully navigated in deploying trade agreements for environmental protection.

In this work, the authors examine the problems that are likely to delay China's accession to the World Trade Organization. They propose guidelines for how the WTO should address the accession of not only China, but of other non-market economies as well.

The Polar North is known to be home to large gas and oil reserves and its positionholds signifi cant trading and military advantages, yet the maritime boundaries of the region remain ill-defined. In the twenty-first century the Arctic is undergoing profound change. As the sea ice melts, a result of accelerating climate change, global governance has become vital. In this first of three volumes, the latest research and analysis from the Fridtjof Nansen Institute, the world's leading Arctic research body, is brought together. Arctic Governance: Law and Politics investigates the legal and political order of the Polar North, focusing on governance structures and the Law of the Sea. Are the current mechanisms at work effective? Are the Arctic states' interests really clashing, or is the atmosphere of a more cooperative nature? Skilfully delineating policy in the region and analysing the consequences of treaty agreements, Arctic Governance's uncovering of a rather orderly 'Arctic race' will become an indispensable contribution to contemporary International Relations concerning the Polar North.

The Uruguay Round trade agreement, recently ratified by Congress, was the eighth in a series of negotiations under the auspices of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Like the ratification proceddings, the negotiations were both contentious and extended. In the end, they substantially changed the structure of the GATT. From its traditional emphasis on reducing formal barriers to trade in goods, the GATT has now moved to a broader agenda of issues that will dominate in a more integrated world economy. The new GATT encompasses a set of agreements governing trade in goods, trade in services, the protection of intellectual property rights, and new procedures for resolving trade disputes. All of these measures are to be unified under a new institutional structure, the World Trade Organization. In this book, the major features of the new GATT are reviewed and assessed in terms of their implications for the United States. The contributors are Alan Deardorff, University of Michigan; Bernard Hoekman, the World Bank; John Jackson, University of Michigan School of Law; and Tim Josling, Food Research Institute, Stanford University. Susan M. Collins is a senior fellow in the Economic Studies program at Brookings and associate professor of economics at Georgetown University. Barry P. Bosworth, a senior fellow at Brookings, is the editor and author of numerous Brookings books, including The Chilean Economy: Policy Lessons and Challenges (Brookings, 1994) and Saving and Investment in a Global Economy (Brookings, 1993).

Looking beyond the annual debate on MFN, the contributors to this book examine the complex economic, strategic and ideological issues confronting US policy-makers in this critical bilateral relationship.

The most ambitious round of multilateral trade negotiations since the formation of the GATT was formally launched in Punta del Este, Uruguay in 1986. With more than 100 nations participating in the "Uruguay Round" negotiations, complex economic problems and difficult political realities made reaching international accord on major trading issues a long and arduous process.;The three-volume set presents a history of these negotiations, portraying how participating nations reached their current positions on the proposed major changes in trade in agriculture and textiles, adoption of rules for trade in services, review of existing trade regulations, increased protection of intellectual property rights and the liberalization of the market for many important products.;The set contains information which should be useful for all involved in international trade. Legal practitioners, business executives, academics and government officials seeking to understand the position of the important players and grasp the implications of the final agreement should find this factually-objective and politically-neutral account of the negotiations a useful resource.;This chapter covers antidumping. The complete set and the three volumes are also available, as are other individual chapters, allowing for the purchase of only that information in which a customer has a specific interest.

The most ambitious round of multilateral trade negotiations since the formation of the GATT was formally launched in Punta del Este, Uruguay in 1986. With more than 100 nations participating in the "Uruguay Round" negotiations, complex economic problems and difficult political realities made reaching international accord on major trading issues a long and arduous process. The three-volume set presents a history of these negotiations, portraying how participating nations reached their current positions on the proposed major changes in trade in agriculture and textiles, adoption of rules for trade in services, review of existing trade regulations, increased protection of intellectual property rights and the liberalization of the market for many important products. The set contains information which should be useful for all involved in international trade. Legal practitioners, business executives, academics and government officials seeking to understand the position of the important players and grasp the implications of the final agreement should find this factually-objective and politically-neutral account of the negotiations a useful resource. This is volume 1 of the set. The complete set is also available, as are individual chapters, allowing for the purchase of only that information in which a customer has a specific interest.

Developing countries comprise a two-thirds majority of the membership of the World Trade Organization, with nearly 30 of these classed by the UN as being among the 48 least-developed countries in the world. In order to ensure the equitable participation of these countries in the benefits of the global trading system, the GATT Uruguay Round Agreements that created the WTO accorded special and differential treatment to developing countries. This guide covers these provisions of the WTO Agreements, with detailed information on how developing countries can benefit from special rules governing such areas as; access to developed country markets in all major commodities and services, the dispute settlement process, trade policy review, foreign direct investment, environmental and labour standards, and technical assistance. The Guide also offers the reader case studies on how some developing country members of the WTO (Uganda, India, and Cote d'Ivoire) are making progress in working with the obligations and the benefits provided to them by the WTO Agreements.

The most ambitious round of multilateral trade negotiations since the formation of the GATT was formally launched in Punta del Este, Uruguay in 1986. With more than 100 nations participating in the "Uruguay Round" negotiations, complex economic problems and difficult political realities made reaching international accord on major trading issues a long and arduous process.;The three-volume set presents a history of these negotiations, portraying how participating nations reached their current positions on the proposed major changes in trade in agriculture and textiles, adoption of rules for trade in services, review of existing trade regulations, increased protection of intellectual property rights and the liberalization of the market for many important products.;The set contains information which should be useful for all involved in international trade. Legal practitioners, business executives, academics and government officials seeking to understand the position of the important players and grasp the implications of the final agreement should find this factually-objective and politically-neutral account of the negotiations a useful resource.;This chapter covers trade-related investment measures. The complete set and the three volumes are also available, as are other individual chapters, allowing for the purchase of only that information in which a customer has a specific interest.

An examination of the performance of U.S. manufacturing in historical and global perspective indicates that, contrary to recent fears, international trade competition has not induced the deindustrialization of America. During the 1970s the U.S. manufacturing sector fared relatively well compared to its counterparts in other industrual countries and its own post-war track record. Most of its problems in the early 1980s are linked to domestic recession and the strong U.S. dollar. A number of implicit assumptions in the current discussion about U.S. industrial performance are shown in this book to be inappropriate changes in international trade are not the major reason for the declining share of manufacturing in U.S. employment: even though foreign productive capabilities are catching up with those of the United States, the U.S. comparative advantage in high-technology products has increased. The author looks at these and other issues and seeks to clarify some common misperceptions about U.S. manufacturing. He examines long-term trends and changes since 1973 in U.S. manufacturing employment, capital formation, research and development expenditures, and output. He looks closely at manufacturing trade flows and their major determinants and at the role of trade in the U.S. manufacturing sector. The last part of the book addresses policy options for the United States, including laissez-faire, matching foreign subsidies, and new industrial policies. Changes in U.S. policies are suggested that might facilitate efficient structural trade adjustment, improve trade policy, and compensate for market failures.

We need a world trade organization. We just don't need the one that we have. By pitching unequally matched states together in chaotic bouts of negotiating the global trade governance of today offers - and has consistently offered - developed countries more of the economic opportunities they already have and developing countries very little of what they desperately need. This is an unsustainable state of affairs to which the blockages in the Doha round provide ample testimony. So far only piecemeal solutions have been offered to refine this flawed system. Radical proposals that seek to fundamentally alter trade governance or reorient its purposes around more socially progressive and egalitarian goals are thin on the ground. Yet we eschew deeper reform at our peril. In What's Wrong with the World Trade Organization and How to Fix It Rorden Wilkinson argues that without global institutions fit for purpose, we cannot hope for the kind of fine global economic management that can put an end to major crises or promote development-for-all. Charting a different path he shows how the WTO can be transformed into an institution and a form of trade governance that fulfils its real potential and serves the needs of all.

Africa welcomes business investment and offers some of the world's highest returns and impacts. Africa has tremendous economic potential and offers rewarding opportunities for global businesses looking for new markets and long-term investments with favorable returns. Africa has been one of the world's fastest-growing regions over the past decade, and by 2030 will be home to nearly 1.7 billion people and an estimated $6.7 trillion worth of consumer and business spending. Increased political stability in recent years and improving regional integration are making market access easier, and business expansion will generate jobs for women and youth, who represent the vast majority of the population. Current economic growth and poverty-alleviation efforts mean that more than 43 percent of the continent's people will reach middle- or upper-class status by 2030. Unlocking Africa's Business Potential examines business opportunities in the eight sectors with the highest potential returns on private investment the same sectors that will foster economic growth and diversification, job creation, and improved general welfare. These sectors include: consumer markets, agriculture and agriprocessing, information and communication technology, manufacturing, oil and gas, tourism, banking, and infrastructure and construction. The book's analysis of these sectors is based on case studies that identify specific opportunities for investment and growth, along with long-term market projections to inform decision-making. The book identifies potential risks to business and offers mitigation strategies. It also provides policymakers with solutions to attract new business investments, including how to remove barriers to business and accelerate development of the private sector.

The legendary overland silk road was not the only way to reach Asia for ancient travelers from the Mediterranean. During the Roman Empire's heyday, equally important maritime routes reached from the Egyptian Red Sea across the Indian Ocean. The ancient city of Berenike, located approximately 500 miles south of today's Suez Canal, was a significant port among these conduits. In this book, Steven E. Sidebotham, the archaeologist who excavated Berenike, uncovers the role the city played in the regional, local, and "global" economies during the eight centuries of its existence. Sidebotham analyzes many of the artifacts, botanical and faunal remains, and hundreds of the texts he and his team found in excavations, providing a profoundly intimate glimpse of the people who lived, worked, and died in this emporium between the classical Mediterranean world and Asia.

A major contribution to the field of comparative state formation and the scholarship on long-term political development of Latin America "Ambitious and rich. . . . A sweeping and general theory of state formation and detailed historical reconstruction of essential events in Latin American political development. It combines structural elements with a novel emphasis on the political incentives and bargaining that shaped the map we have today."-Hillel David Soifer, Governance Latin American governments systematically fail to provide the key public goods for their societies to prosper. Sebastian Mazzuca argues that the secret of Latin America's failure is that its states were "born weak," in contrast to states in western Europe, North America, and Japan. State formation in post-Independence Latin America occurred in a period when capitalism, rather than war, was the key driver forging countries. In pursuing the short-term benefits of international trade, Latin American leaders created states with chronic weaknesses, notably patrimonial administrations and dysfunctional regional combinations. Mazzuca analyzes pathways leading to variations in country size and level of pacification: "port-led" state formation in Argentina and Brazil; "party-led" in Mexico, Colombia, and Uruguay; and "lord-led" in Central America, Venezuela, and Peru.

"The Evolution of the Trade Regime" offers a comprehensive political-economic history of the development of the world's multilateral trade institutions, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organization (WTO). While other books confine themselves to describing contemporary GATT/WTO legal rules or analyzing their economic logic, this is the first to explain the logic and development behind these rules.

The book begins by examining the institutions' rules, principles, practices, and norms from their genesis in the early postwar period to the present. It evaluates the extent to which changes in these institutional attributes have helped maintain or rebuild domestic constituencies for open markets.

The book considers these questions by looking at the political, legal, and economic foundations of the trade regime from many angles. The authors conclude that throughout most of GATT/WTO history, power politics fundamentally shaped the creation and evolution of the GATT/WTO system. Yet in recent years, many aspects of the trade regime have failed to keep pace with shifts in underlying material interests and ideas, and the challenges presented by expanding membership and preferential trade agreements.

The rapid emergence of China as a major industrial power poses a complex challenge for global resource markets. Backed by the Chinese government, Chinese companies have been acquiring equity stakes in natural resource companies, extending loans to mining and petroleum investors, and writing long-term procurement contracts for oil and minerals. These activities have aroused concern that China might be "locking up" natural resource supplies, gaining "preferential access" to available output, and extending "control" over the world's extractive industries. On the demand side, Chinese appetite for vast amounts of energy and minerals puts tremendous strain on the international supply system. On the supply side, Chinese efforts to procure raw materials can either exacerbate or help solve the problems of high demand.Evidence from the 16 largest Chinese natural resource procurement arrangements shows that Chinese efforts-like Japanese deployments of capital and purchase agreements in the late 1970s through the 1980s-fall predominantly into categories that help expand, diversify, and make more competitive the global supplier system. Investigation of smaller projects indicates the 16 largest do not suffer from selection bias. However, Chinese attempts to exercise control over mining of rare earth elements may constitute a significant exception. The investigative focus of this analysis is deliberately narrow and precise, assessing the impact of Chinese resource procurement on the structure of the global supply base. The broader policy discussion in the concluding chapter raises other separate important issues, including the impact of Chinese resource procurement on rogue states, on authoritarian leadership, on civil wars, on corrupt payments and the deterioration of governance standards, and on environmental damage. Such effects may make patterns of Chinese resource procurement objectionable, on grounds quite apart from the debate about possible "control" of access on the part of China and Chinese companies.

This book traces in an accurate and objective manner the sequence of events during the last twenty years which have influenced the organization fo the Canadian grain trade. During these years problems arising out of the production and marketing of western grain have been under continuous review in Canada, leading at different times to royal commissions of inquiry. The production and sale of cereals have become such a vital part of the economic life of the three prairie provinces and, indeed, of Canada, that anything affecting this great industry becomes at once a subject of general interest. These twenty years have witnessed momentous changes. The period marks a shift from free trading on the open market to the compulsory marketing of Canadian wheat and other grains through the medium of a Federal board endowed with wide powers. Basically, this change stems from conditions arising out of the Great Depression and World War II. And in one form or another the Canadian Wheat Board will continue to be a significant factor in the marketing of Canadian wheat. Noteworth also have been the dramatic recovery of the Pools and the negotiation of international agreements; and, on the farm front, the establishment of a permit system to control deliveries of grain to country elevators, and the enactment of legislation to protect producers against losses arising from the hazards of nature.