This volume assesses the implementation of the EU's cohesion policy and the role that the policy has in stimulating ten new member states from eastern and southern European countries to join the EU in 2004 and in attracting another three to four countries that will join in the near future.

This book offers guidelines for the upcoming discussions on reform, representing an attempt to work out conceptions for a better international competition order on the basis of the scientific approach 'law and economics'. It presents the dominant concepts of competition policy as a basis for an international competition order and formulates a synthesis. The result is a new neo-ordoliberal approach. Anti-dumping-measures are analysed of the effects on international competition and resource allocation, and alternatives and improvements are suggested. From national forms of competition policy a synthesis of international competition policies are derived. Currently reforms of the international competition order are heavily discussed and here a selection of the most important suggestions are presented, compared, and evaluated. Finally, this book offers strategies that might serve as second-best solutions, and though they may not be optimal for competition policy, they are politically feasible and an improvement on the current competition regulations. They would be a back-up in case the WTO competition regulations aren't realizable.

In his pathbreaking "Resource Wars," world security expert Michael Klare alerted us to the role of resources in conflicts in the post-cold-war world. Now, in "Blood and Oil," he concentrates on a single precious commodity, petroleum, while issuing a warning to the United States--its most powerful, and most dependent, global consumer.
Since September 11 and the commencement of the "war on terror," the world's attention has been focused on the relationship between U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East and the oceans of crude oil that lie beneath the region's soil. Klare traces oil's impact on international affairs since World War II, revealing its influence on the Truman, Eisenhower, Nixon, and Carter doctrines. He shows how America's own wells are drying up as our demand increases; by 2010 the United States will need to import 60 percent of its oil. And since most of this supply will have to come from chronically unstable, often violently anti-American zones--the Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea, Latin America, and Africa--our dependency is bound to lead to recurrent military involvement.
With clarity and urgency, "Blood and Oil" delineates the United States' predicament and cautions that it is time to change our energy policies, before we spend the next decades paying for oil with blood.

Examines 'regionalism' - countries working together in small trade groups, instead of the 'free' market of globalisation Shows that regionalism is growing, as a result of the pressures of globalisation Multidisciplinary - ideal for students in economics, globalisation, geography and international studies Explores issues including security, money issues, identity and integration Case studies include Asia, Africa, Europe, the Americas and the Middle East This book explores the phenomenon of regionalism. It is a contradiction of globalisation that there is a growing tendency for countries to enter into regional arrangements as a response to the pressures of operating in a global marketplace. The contributors explore how this pattern impacts on wider issues such as global governance, democracy, identity and trade. The book reviews the major theoretical approaches to regional cooperation including perspectives from international relations, political economy, economics and sociology. regionalism; issues of regional cooperation (such as security, monetary issues, identity and integration); and an exploration of specific case studies including the Middle East, Africa, the Americas, China, Europe, Asia and the Pacific. With a range of leading contributors, including Bjorn Hettne, Louise Fawcett and David Francis, this is an in-depth guide to the subject that will be of interest to students across the social sciences.

All is not well in the World Trade Organization. Does a global economy require global institutions? One possible alternative is interregionalism: economic integration between two distinct regions. This book explores the logic of interregionalism by focusing on the European Union, which has pursued agreements with Latin America, East Asia, and the Southern Mediterranean, among others. Why has the EU pursued this strategy? Based on a novel theoretical framework, the authors in this book explore EU interregionalism to provide us with insight into this new emerging face of the international political economy.

All is not well in the World Trade Organization. Does a global economy require global institutions? One possible alternative is interregionalism: economic integration between two distinct regions. This book explores the logic of interregionalism by focusing on the European Union, which has pursued agreements with Latin America, East Asia, and the Southern Mediterranean, among others. Why has the EU pursued this strategy? Based on a novel theoretical framework, the authors in this book explore EU interregionalism to provide us with insight into this new emerging face of the international political economy.

In the tradition of "The Prize," Kleveman gives readers the 21st-century chapter on the history, passion, and politics of oil and gas resources and the struggle to control them in a critical part of the world.

This book shows how large an impact the WTO has on developing countries. It assesses the subsidies given and shows how they will be affected by trade liberalization. It looks in particular at the TRIPS agreement and assesses the costs and benefits that it will have for developing countries.

World trade is governed by the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The WTO sets rules of conduct for the international trade of goods and services and for intellectual property rights, provides a forum for multinational negotiations to resolve trade problems, and has a formal mechanism for dispute settlement. It is the primary institution working, through rule-based bargaining, at freeing trade.In this book, Kyle Bagwell and Robert Staiger provide an economic analysis and justification for the purpose and design of the GATT/WTO. They summarize their own research, discuss the major features of the GATT agreement, and survey the literature on trade agreements. Their focus on the terms-of-trade externality is particularly original and ties the book together. Topics include the theory of trade agreements, the origin and design of the GATT and the WTO, the principles of reciprocity, the most favored nation principle, terms-of-trade theory, enforcement, preferential trade agreements, labor and environmental standards, competition policy, and agricultural export subsidies.

To what extent do domestic politics affect the agreement reached in an international trade negotiation? In order to address this question, Christopher C. Meyerson develops an approach to analyzing the relationship between domestic politics and international relations in trade policymaking. This approach is used to analyze both American and Japanese trade policymaking and US-Japan trade negotiations, especially during the GATT Uruguay Round agricultural negotiations between 1986 and 1994.

Developing countries have a major stake in the outcome of trade negotiations conducted under the auspices of the World Trade Organization (WTO). 'Agriculture and the WTO: Creating a Trading System for Development' explores the key issues and options in agricultural trade liberalization from the perspective of these developing countries. Leading experts in trade and agriculture from both developed and developing countries provide key research findings and policy analyses on a range of issues that includes market access, domestic support, export competition, quota administration methods, food security, biotechnology, intellectual property rights, and agricultural trade under the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture.Material is covered in summary and in comprehensive detail with supporting data, a substantial bibliography, and listings of online resources. This book will be of interest to policymakers and analysts in the fields of development economics and commodities pricing and trade.

Traditional theories suggest that developing countries lack influence in the trade regime. In A Social Theory of the WTO, Jane Ford uses a social theory or constructivist approach to show that developing countries played a critical role in strengthening multilateralism in the World Trade Organization. By adopting a new role in trade negotiations during the Uruguay Round negotiations, developing countries helped to strengthen trade rules and change the trading culture of limited multilateralism.

A detailed examination of WTO agreements regulating trade in goods, discussing legal context, policy background, economic rationale, and case law. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) has extended its institutional arsenal since the Kennedy round in the early 1960s. The current institutional design is the outcome of the Uruguay round and agreements reached in the ongoing Doha round (begun in 2001). One of the institutional outgrowths of GATT is the World Trade Organization (WT0), created in 1995. In this book, Petros Mavroidis offers a detailed examination of WTO agreements regulating trade in goods, discussing legal context, policy background, economic rationale, and case law. Each chapter examines a given legal norm and its subsequent practice. In particular, he discusses agreements dealing with customs clearance; "contingent protection" instruments, which allow WTO members unilaterally to add to the negotiated amount of protection when a certain contingency (for example, dumping) has occurred; TBT (Technical Barriers to Trade) and SPS (Sanitary and Phyto-sanitary Measures) agreements, both of which deal with such domestic instruments as environmental, health policy, or consumer information; the agreement on Trade Related Investment Measures (TRIM); sector-specific agreements on agriculture and textiles; plurilateral agreements (binding a subset of WTO membership) on government procurement and civil aviation; and transparency in trade relations. This book's companion volume examines the GATT regime for international trade.

This edited collection explores the legal foundations of the single market project in Europe, and examines the legal concepts and constructs which underpin its operation. While an apparently well-trodden area of EU law, such is the rapid evolution of the European Court's case law that confusion persists as to the meaning of core concepts. The approach adopted is a thematic one, with each theme being explored in the context of the different freedoms. The themes covered include discrimination, horizontality, mutual recognition, market access, pre-emption and harmonization, enforcement, mandatory requirements, flexibility, subsidiarity and proportionality. Separate chapters explore the link between competition law and the single market, the rapidly evolving case law on capital, and the external dimension of the single market. Contributors also address the WTO dimension, and its important implications for the single market project in Europe.

After an exploration of the experience gained by former central and eastern European countries in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Peter Naray gives an analysis of the Russian economic and social crisis and comes to the conclusion that this crisis is responsible for the delay of Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). The author criticizes the approach taken in Russian reforms because the country's historical legacy (weak legal system, underdeveloped political and economic institutions etc.) was neglected. The book describes the steps made by Russia towards WTO membership underlining the present and expected difficulties. It warns against a fundamentalist approach by the members of the WTO that may result in Russia's isolation in political and economic matters that would represent a danger to the whole world.

Policy makers in Southern Africa are increasingly convinced that regional trade liberalization can improve growth performance and stimulate development throughout the region. To succeed where previous attempts have failed, however, governments must address two key issues. The first of these is policy coordination - the broad range of domestic policies must be made compatible with the proposed trade reforms. The second is institution building - concerted attention must be devoted to strengthening weak institutions and infrastructure. The contributors are among the leading authorities on regional integration in Africa.

On the occasion of the 50th Anniversary of the multilateral trading system (GATT/WTO), the World Trade Organization (WTO) organized a symposium to discuss and analyze the current and future role of the world trading system. The rapid developments in the 1990s - not only political, but also economic and technological changes - have brought the WTO to a turning point in its existence. The new challenge, as the Director General stated in his opening remarks at the symposium, is not just to advance free trade against the forces of protectionism. The WTO's future agenda should also look at how investment and competition laws affect market access; whether differing labour or environmental standards confer a trade advantage and how this should be dealt with; whether taxation and innovation policies constitute a subsidy; whether governments should be allowed to regulate content on the Internet. These and other issues are a world away from "traditional" trade concerns such as tariffs or quotas, and yet all are included, in one form or another, on the new trade agenda. In this topical collection of essays, academics in international trade take a fresh look at the future of the global trading system and give an analysis of the new trade agenda.

The Post-Uruguay Round era has seen a proliferation of regional preferential trade agreements (PTAs), as well as progressive multilateral trade liberalization initiatives. This has stimulated theoretical discussion on whether the policy of pursuing PTAs will have a malign or a benign impact on multilateralism. In the former case, proliferation of PTAs may increase protection in global trade due to trade diversion effects, thereby creating impediments to the multilateral freeing of global trade. In the latter case, the expansion of PTA membership could ultimately lead to non-discriminatory global free trade. At the core of this discussion two issues are at stage: what determines the expansion of PTA membership and how to bring order into the architecture of the world trading system. While those questions are mainly studied from a specialist perspective in the literature, this volume offers a comprehensive view on this topic. In Multilateralism and Regionalism in the Post-Uruguay Round Era: What Role for the EU? international experts: Explain the reasons for the concurrent appearance of regionalism and multilateralism in the Post-Uruguay Round era; Shed light on the motives of both the two economic superpowers (the United States and the EU) and the developing countries for pursuing PTAs; Confront growing preferential regionalism with the academic consensus on the superiority of multilateralism; Discuss the future of the PTAs; Assess the access of the EU market for the products of LDCs; Offer a better understanding of the experience of African, Latin American and Asian countries concerning access to the EU market for their products; and Discuss the possibilities of disciplining the PTAroute towards global free trade within the WTO framework.

In Canada, the audio-visual and print industries are referred to as the cultural industries, whereas the United States calls them the entertainment industries. These language distinctions are accompanied by different domestic policies and political discourses. The United States has relatively open policies toward these activities, while Canada has adopted an inward-looking approach. Failure to integrate cultural industries into NAFTA and WTO has led to trade disputes between Canada and the United States over copyrights, television licensing, violence in media, and discriminatory magazine policy, indicating the need for an agreed-upon process for settling cultural trade disputes.
"Much Ado about Culture" explores the differing sets of policies--cultural nationalism versus the open option--and the resulting conflicts in the context of technological developments as well as international agreements dealing with trade, investment, copyright, and labor movements. The Canadian cultural industries are examined, from film and television production and distribution to broadcasting, publishing, and sound recording. Several areas of recent conflict, such as "Sports Illustrated," Country Music Television, and Borders Books, highlight the types of policies disputed, the process followed, and the conclusions reached. Finally, the authors propose an alternative approach to constraining national cultural policies by international agreement that would allow the gains from openness to be realized while serving legitimate cultural concerns.
Authored by the acknowledged experts on trade disputes in the cultural arena, this book will be essential reading for international economists, policymakers, andlawyers interested in the cultural industries.
Keith Acheson and Christopher Maule are Professors of Economics, Carleton University, Ontario.

NAFTA has been described by one expert as being a partial customs union. It is, in any case, a special kind of free trade area because it consists of two highly developed economies and one large third world economy. In this book, the contributors examine the specific interests of the three member countries, Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the creation of NAFTA. They also assess the influence of this trade area on their economics. Looking to the future, doubts are expressed about the feasibility of using NAFTA (a hope expressed by the USA) as a stepping stone in the creation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas. Instead, the contributors see the consolidation of MERCOSUR in Latin America and the creation of a new Trans-Atlantic Market - as proposed by Sir Leon Brittan - as more likely developments.

The Asia-Pacific Rim is still potentially one of the most dynamic areas of the global economy, and the European Union (EU) is the world's most prosperous market. The development of relations between the EU and Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is vitally important for the future economic evolution of both regions. This book traces the relationship between the EU and ASEAN, considering the current and future position of trade relations.After discussing international commerce and trade at the beginning of the twenty-first century, the authors explore regionalism in the global economy and the establishment of regional trade organizations, in particular the EU and ASEAN. They then contrast the direct organization-to-organization approach which has characterized EU-ASEAN relations with that of APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation). The book concludes with a substantial discussion of the institutional and policy changes that the EU and ASEAN need to enhance their future trading relationship. In addition, the authors offer insights from the EU-ASEAN experience for relations among other regional trade organizations. Regional Trading Blocs in the Global Economy will be welcomed by scholars and students interested in international trade, regional economics, European and Asian studies.

In April 1998 negotiations were launched to create a free trade area among thirty-four countries in the Western Hemisphere. The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) will eliminate barriers to trade in goods and services and will remove restrictions on investment among the countries of North, Central, and South America and the Caribbean. At the same time, negotiators in the World Trade Organization (WTO) are preparing to begin talks on agriculture and services, with the possibility of a new round of WTO negotiations. Trade policymakers are confronted with a wide range of complex issues and various forums for trade liberalization. Modern trade negotiations no longer focus only on barriers to trade in goods, but include a wide array of issues. This volume aims to clarify these issues. Contributors first address themes, including the evolution of regional arrangements in the Western Hemisphere and the relationship between regional trade arrangements and the multilateral trading system. Robert Hudec provides an in-depth analysis of the provisions and future implications of Article XXIV, the WTO article that regulates regional arrangements; Robert Lawrence examines regional arrangements and their relationship to the multilateral trading system; and Miguel Rodr?guez Mendoza tests several Latin American arrangements to see whether they comply with the WTO criteria. Other contributors discuss key components of the current trade policy agenda, including market access approaches, trade in services, investment, competition policy, intellectual property rights, trade remedy laws, and dispute settlement. Also examined are smaller economies in trade negotiations, and labor and the environment. The book serves both as an analytical examination of regionalism and multilateralism and a primer for international trade negotiators. Copublished with the Organization of American States

In this book, Edward J. Lincoln tackles the thorny issue of U.S. trade relations with Japan, the subject of so much tension in the 1990s. In so doing, he builds on his earlier Brookings book, Japan's Unequal Trade. Lincoln argues that statistical evidence shows only modest progress in diminishing Japan's "distinctiveness." Despite an upturn in the mid-1990s, import penetration, intra-industry trade, and inward foreign direct investment all remain low relative to most other nations. High profile negotiating efforts by both the Bush and Clinton administrations made progress in chipping away at protectionist barriers but fundamental problems remain. While Lincoln offers suggestions on what needs to be done by both sides, the most important lesson drawn from recent experience is that expectations should be lowered. Any feasible approach to making markets more open in Japan is likely to yield slow progress. Such realism--not to be confused with defeatism--is the only approach that has any chance of realizing gains over time.

A history of opium's dramatic fall from favor in colonial Southeast Asia During the late nineteenth century, opium was integral to European colonial rule in Southeast Asia. The taxation of opium was a major source of revenue for British and French colonizers, who also derived moral authority from imposing a tax on a peculiar vice of their non-European subjects. Yet between the 1890s and the 1940s, colonial states began to ban opium, upsetting the very foundations of overseas rule-how did this happen? Empires of Vice traces the history of this dramatic reversal, revealing the colonial legacies that set the stage for the region's drug problems today. Diana Kim challenges the conventional wisdom about opium prohibition-that it came about because doctors awoke to the dangers of drug addiction or that it was a response to moral crusaders-uncovering a more complex story deep within the colonial bureaucracy. Drawing on a wealth of archival evidence across Southeast Asia and Europe, she shows how prohibition was made possible by the pivotal contributions of seemingly weak bureaucratic officials. Comparing British and French experiences across today's Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, and Vietnam, Kim examines how the everyday work of local administrators delegitimized the taxing of opium, which in turn made major anti-opium reforms possible. Empires of Vice reveals the inner life of colonial bureaucracy, illuminating how European rulers reconfigured their opium-entangled foundations of governance and shaped Southeast Asia's political economy of illicit drugs and the punitive state.

A topical study of regional arrangements covering ASEAN, SAARC and APEC in Asia, NAFTA and MERCOSUR in the Americas, SADC, SACU and ECOWAS in Africa, and the European Union, EFTA and Eastern Europe. The book argues that foreign direct investment is complementary to trade and most regional arrangements can create trade and induce growth so long as they remain open and non-discriminatory. But they could also become stumbling blocks to globalization. The book demonstrates how US and EU trade policy will be crucial in shaping the world economy.