The trade in oil, gas, gems, metals and rare earth minerals wreaks havoc in Africa. During the years when Brazil, India, China and the other “emerging markets” have transformed their economies, Africa’s resource states remained tethered to the bottom of the industrial supply chain. While Africa accounts for about 30 per cent of the world’s reserves of hydrocarbons and minerals and 14 per cent of the world’s population, its share of global manufacturing stood in 2011 exactly where it stood in 2000: at 1 percent.

In his first book, The Looting Machine, Tom Burgis exposes the truth about the African development miracle: for the resource states, it’s a mirage. The oil, copper, diamonds, gold and coltan deposits attract a global network of traders, bankers, corporate extractors and investors who combine with venal political cabals to loot the states’ value. And the vagaries of resource-dependent economies could pitch Africa’s new middle class back into destitution just as quickly as they climbed out of it. The ground beneath their feet is as precarious as a Congolese mine shaft; their prosperity could spill away like crude from a busted pipeline.

This catastrophic social disintegration is not merely a continuation of Africa’s past as a colonial victim. The looting now is accelerating as never before. As global demand for Africa’s resources rises, a handful of Africans are becoming legitimately rich but the vast majority, like the continent as a whole, is being fleeced. Outsiders tend to think of Africa as a great drain of philanthropy. But look more closely at the resource industry and the relationship between Africa and the rest of the world looks rather different. In 2010, fuel and mineral exports from Africa were worth 333 billion, more than seven times the value of the aid that went in the opposite direction. But who received the money? For every Frenchwoman who dies in childbirth, 100 die in Niger alone, the former French colony whose uranium fuels France’s nuclear reactors. In petro-states like Angola three-quarters of government revenue comes from oil. The government is not funded by the people, and as result it is not beholden to them. A score of African countries whose economies depend on resources are rentier states; their people are largely serfs. The resource curse is not merely some unfortunate economic phenomenon, the product of an intangible force.

What is happening in Africa’s resource states is systematic looting. Like its victims, its beneficiaries have names.

The Dispute Settlement Reports of the World Trade Organization (WTO) include panel and appellate body reports, as well as arbitration awards, in disputes concerning the rights and obligations of WTO members under the provisions of the Marrakesh Agreement. These are the WTO authorized and paginated reports in English. They are intended as an addition to the library of all practising and academic trade lawyers, and for students worldwide taking courses in international economic or trade law. This volume reports on quantitative restrictions on imports of agricultural, textile and industrial products (India) and measures affecting the importation of milk and the exportation of dairy products (Canada).

The Dispute Settlement Reports of the World Trade Organization (WTO) include Panel and Appellate Body reports, as well as arbitration awards, in disputes concerning the rights and obligations of WTO members.

The Dispute Settlement Reports of the World Trade Organization (WTO) include panel and appellate body reports, as well as arbitration awards, in disputes concerning the rights and obligations of WTO members under the provisions of the Marrakesh Agreement. These are the WTO authorized and paginated reports in English. They are intended as an addition to the library of all practising and academic trade lawyers, and for students worldwide taking courses in international economic or trade law. This volume reports continues to report on measures affecting the export of civilian aircraft (Canada) and restrictions on imports of agricultural, textile and industrial products (India).

The Dispute Settlement Reports of the World Trade Organization (WTO) include Panel and Appellate Body reports, as well as arbitration awards, in disputes concerning the rights and obligations of WTO members under the provisions of the Marrakesh Agreement. These are the WTO authorized and paginated reports in English. An essential addition to the library of all practising and academic trade lawyers, and needed by students worldwide taking courses in international economic or trade law. DSR 1999: II reports on anti-dumping duty on dynamic random access memory semiconductors of one megabit or above from Korea (US), the regime for the importation, sale and distribution of bananas (US) and taxes on alcoholic beverages (Korea). The form of citation for this volume recommended by the WTO is DSR 1999: II.

The Dispute Settlement Reports of the World Trade Organization (WTO) include Panel and Appellate Body reports, as well as arbitration awards, in disputes concerning the rights and obligations of WTO members under the provisions of the Marrakesh Agreement. These are the WTO authorized and paginated reports in English. An essential addition to the library of all practising and academic trade lawyers, and needed by students worldwide taking courses in international economic or trade law. DSR 1999: III reports on subsidies provided to producers and exporters of automotive leather (Australia ), European Communities measures concerning meat and meat products (hormones) complaint by the United States and Canada, export financing programme for aircraft (Brazil) and measures affecting the export of civilian aircraft (Canada).

The Dispute Settlement Reports of the World Trade Organization (WTO) include Panel and Appellate Body reports, as well as arbitration awards, in disputes concerning the rights and obligations of WTO members under the provisions of the Marrakesh Agreement. These are the WTO authorized and paginated reports in English. An essential addition to the library of all practising and academic trade lawyers, and needed by students worldwide taking courses in international economic or trade law. DSR 1999: I reports on a range of cases, including taxes on alcoholic beverages (Korea), measures affecting importation of salmon (Australia), and measures affecting agricultural products (Japan). The form of citation for this volume recommended by the WTO is DSR 1999: I.

This text is an introduction to international economics for upper-level undergraduates and above. The first half examines the causes and effects of international trade, how tariffs and other trade policies affect the gains from trade, and the ways in which governments try collectively to regulate those policies. The second half deals with monetary matters--the behavior of exchange rates, how trade and capital flows affect the functioning of monetary and fiscal policies, the causes and management of currency crises, and the new European monetary union. This fourth edition assesses the outcome of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations, the work of the new World Trade Organization (WTO), and the challenges posed by regional trade blocs. A problem set follows each chapter.

Discourse of Reciprocity reveals patterns of press behavior in the US-Canada alliance at points where the nature of the alliance itself was under stress. Drawing on journalism studies, discourse analysis, political communication, and international relations, the book explores examples of international policymaking in national security, agriculture, and energy issues. Drawing on coverage in The New York Times and The Globe and Mail, the book articulates concepts of news as providing positive symbolic presence, exhibiting forbearance, and exhibiting cooperation. This trio of press behaviors-evident in the structure of the news coverage itself-matches the definition of reciprocity used in fields such as international relations and game theory. The book gives equal consideration to the coverage in The New York Times and The Globe and Mail, articulating country-specific examples of how press coverage enacts reciprocity. Five cases cover the period from 1980 to the present, including the Keystone pipeline proposal and the discovery of mad cow disease in North America. The cases include Liberal and Conservative governments in Canada and Republican and Democratic administrations in the United States. This binational study sheds light on an understudied dynamic contributing to the reciprocity that sustains the alliance. The book adds to the relatively limited literature on news coverage of alliances. The book also illustrates how to implement discourse analysis in news framing research in a much more extensive way than previous political communication or international relations literature.

Providing the first comprehensive examination of the key regulatory disciplines included in the new generation of EU free trade agreements (FTAs), this book investigates the EU's supposed deep trade agenda through a legal analysis of these FTAs. In doing so, Billy A. Melo Araujo determines whether there is any substance behind the EU's foreign policy rhetoric regarding the need to introduce regulatory issues within the remit of international trade law. At a time when the EU is busily negotiating so-called 'mega-FTAs', such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the plurilateral Trade in Services Agreement (TISA), Melo Araujo offers a timely insight into the important questions raised by such FTAs, in particular concerning the future of the multilateral trade system, the loss of policy autonomy, and the democratic legitimacy of regulating through treaty-making. The book provides a detailed analysis of the regulatory disciplines included in the more recent EU FTAs and explores the possible implications of such disciplines. Offering a significant contribution to a wider debate, this is a must read for those interested in the legal dimension of the EU's deep trade agenda.

The Oxford Handbook on the World Trade Organization provides an authoritative and cutting-edge account of the World Trade Organization. Its purpose is to provide a holistic understanding of what the WTO does, how it goes about fulfilling its tasks, its achievements and problems, and how it might contend with some critical challenges. The Handbook benefits from an interdisciplinary approach. The editorial team comprises a transatlantic partnership between a political scientist, a historian, and an economist. The distinguished and international team of contributors to the volume includes leading political scientists, historians, economists, lawyers, and practitioners working in the area of multilateral trade. All the chapters present original and state-of-the-art research material. They critically engage with existing academic and policy debates, and also contribute to the evolution of the field by setting the agenda for current and future WTO studies.The Handbook is aimed at research institutions, university academics, post-graduate students, and final-year undergraduates working in the areas of international organization, trade policy and negotiations, global economic governance, and economic diplomacy. As such, it should find an enthusiastic readership amongst students and scholars in History, Economics, Political Science, International Relations, Public Policy, and Law. Equally important, the book should have direct relevance for diplomats, international bureaucrats, government officials, and other policy-makers and practitioners in the area of trade and economic governance.

The United States and 11 other countries from both sides of the Pacific are currently negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The agreement is expected to set new benchmark for international trade through its comprehensive coverage of issues and binding regulations. It is expected to eventually mature into a regional trade agreement covering the entire Asia-Pacific. As of now, it does not include China and India, the two largest emerging markets and regional economies. The TPP has generated controversy for its excessive emphasis on trade issues, which have remained unresolved or unaddressed at the WTO due to differences between developed and emerging markets. It has also been criticized for adopting a negotiating style reflecting the US regulatory approach to international trade and also as a geo-political strategy of the US for supporting its strategic rebalancing towards Asia. From both economic and geo-political perspectives, the TPP has various significant implications for China and India that are examined in the book. This book sheds light on how China and India's entries in the TPP are mutually beneficial and how both countries can gain from the TPP by gaining preferential access to large markets and using it as an opportunity for introducing more outward-oriented reforms. The book also cautions that US must reconcile to the rebalancing of economic power within the grouping that will occur following the entries of China and India. Otherwise, the TPP and China and India might walk divergent paths and trade and regional integration in Asia-Pacific may not ever converge. This book will interest anyone who wishes to learn more about the TPP and its future implications and challenges and China and India's roles in global and regional trade.

International economic law is one of the crucial branches of international law, and of major importance both practically and conceptually. This document collection brings together all of the most important treaties, regulations, and other documents in this area. It presents the key documents of contemporary international economic law in one single volume, so to provide students as well as practitioners with an accessible reference guide. The book will feature a brief introduction, providing readers with a 'roadmap' through what is perceived by many as the maze of international economic law. The collection brings together documents relating to the three main pillars of international economic law, namely world trade law, international monetary law, and international investment law. These are preceded by texts of a more general character, notably issued by the United Nations and clarifying the parameters of international economic relations. This broad focus enables readers to view international economic law in its breadth and to avoid the pitfalls of a 'compartmentalised' approach, which exclusively focuses on, for example, WTO law or investment law without appreciating their interrelation. By bringing together key texts of all three branches, the book should be invaluable to students taking general courses of international economic law as well as more specialised courses such as WTO law or investment law.

The end of the 20th century will mark the beginning of a new era for the world trading system. More than 130 member countries of the World Trade Organization (WTO) will begin negotiations in 1999 on a broad range of subjects, including agriculture, services, intellectual property, and trade and the environment. The authors in this volume analyze the key issues that should be on the agenda of new WTO negotiations to meet the challenges generated by the Asian financial crisis, concerns about the impact of globalization on firms and workers, and the proliferation of regional trading pacts. They present a compelling case for comprehensive trade talks that include new issues such as investment and competition policy, in addition to subjects already part of the WTO's built-in agenda. The overview chapter by Jeffrey J. Schott examines the work of the WTO since its establishment in January 1995 (including its dispute settlement mechanism) and the key challenges facing new trade talks. In addition, Schott proposes a new negotiating strategy to produce concrete results without the lengthy delays of past trade talks. He recommends that governments commit to continuous negotiations in Geneva and use the regularly scheduled meetings of trade ministers to conclude a balanced "round-up" of agreements every two years. An appendix contains statements made by WTO Director General Renato Ruggiero and US Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky on the importance of WTO negotiations and the key US objectives in pursuing those talks.

International trade and investment in services are an increasingly important part of global commerce. Advances in information and telecommunication technologies have expanded the scope of services that can be traded cross-border. Many countries now allow foreign investment in newly privatized and competitive markets for key infrastructure services, such as energy, telecommunications, and transport. More and more people are travelling abroad to consume tourism, education, and medical services, and to supply services ranging from construction to software development. In fact, services are the fastest growing components of the global economy, and trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) in services have grown faster than in goods over the past decade and a half.
International transactions, however, continue to be impeded by policy barriers, especially to foreign investment and the movement of service-providing individuals. Developing countries in particular are likely to benefit significantly from further domestic liberalization and the elimination of barriers to their exports. In many instances, income gains from a reduction in protection to services may be far greater than from trade liberalization in goods.
In light of the increasing importance of international trade in services and the inclusion of services issues on the agendas of the multilateral, regional and bilateral trade negotiations, there is an obvious need to understand the economic implications of services trade and liberalization. A Handbook of International Trade in Services provides a comprehensive introduction to the subject, making it an essential reference for trade officials, policy advisors, analysts, academics, and students. Beginning with an overview on the key issues in trade in services and discussion of the GATS, the book then looks at trade negotiations in the service sector, the barriers to trade in services, and concludes by looking at a number of specific service sectors, such as financial services, e-commerce, health services, and the temporary movement of workers.

How can the poorer countries of the world be helped to help themselves through freer, fairer trade? In this challenging and controversial book Nobel prize-winning economist Joseph E. Stiglitz and his co-author Andrew Charlton address one of the key issues facing world leaders today. They put forward a radical and realistic new model for managing trading relationships between the richest and the poorest countries. Their approach is designed to open up markets in the interests of all and not just the most powerful economies, to ensure that trade promotes development, and to minimise the costs of adjustments. Beginning with a brief history of the World Trade Organisation and its agreements, the authors explore the issues and events which led to the failure of Cancun and the obstacles that face the successful completion of the Doha Round of negotiations. Finally they spell out the reforms and principles upon which a successful agreement must be based. Accessibly written and packed full of empirical evidence and analysis, this book is a must read for anyone interested in world trade and development.

A trusted economic commentator provides a penetrating account of the threats to China's continued economic rise Under President Xi Jinping, China has become a large and confident power both at home and abroad, but the country also faces serious challenges. In this critical take on China's future, economist George Magnus explores four key traps that China must confront and overcome in order to thrive: debt, middle income, the Renminbi, and an aging population. Looking at the political direction President Xi Jinping is taking, Magnus argues that Xi's authoritarian and repressive philosophy is ultimately not compatible with the country's economic aspirations. Thorough and well researched, the book also investigates the potential for conflicts over trade, China's evolving relationship with Trump, and the country's attempt to win influence and control in Eurasia through the Belt and Road initiative.

Americans have witnessed inconsistent and seemingly dramatic turnabouts in legislators' attitudes toward trade, with strong bipartisan support for free trade and the Uruguay Round in one instant and heated debate over participation in the World Trade Organization the next. Martha L. Gibson systematically traces the competing forces that interject conflict into an overall consensus on the value of a liberalized trade policy.

Cutting through the tangled web of congressional politics, Gibson shows why it is impossible to understand trade legislation without first understanding how electoral politics and the institutional rules of Congress distort legislators' interests, incentives, and policy goals. Gibson's book clearly shows that trade legislation is not made in a vacuum but is just one in a series of simultaneous games with competing goals in which legislators engage to satisfy the conflicting demands of constituents.

Trade policy has moved from the wings onto center stage. Between 1992 and 2000, U.S. exports rose by 55 percent. By the year 2000, trade summed to 26 percent of U.S. GDP, the United States imported almost two thirds of its oil, and was the world's largest host country for foreign investors. America's interest in a more open and prosperous foreign market is now squarely economic. This volume presents cases on five important trade negotiations all focused on ?making the rules, ? or the process of establishing how the trade system would operate. The cases not only explore the changing substance of trade agreements, but delve into the negotiation process. They explore not just the what of trade, but the who, how, and why of decision-making. By examining some of the most important recent negotiations, the reader can come to understand not just the larger issues surrounding trade, but how players seek to exert influence and how the system is evolving on day-to-day basis. This book presents a coherent description of the facts, that will allow for discussion and independent conclusions about policies, politics, and processes. An upcoming companion volume (ISBN 0-88132-363-2) will offer cases on settling trade disputes-or attempting to settle them. In both volumes particular attention is given to how trade decision-making occurs within the context of the American political system The two volumes will also be sold as a set ISBN 0-88132-364-0. Information on the second volume and the set will be available in the future.

Would Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) between the nations of the Middle East and the United States be beneficial? What type of economic benefits could be expected? Since the FTA with Jordon was signed in October 2000, Jordanian exports to the US increased from $72.8 million in 2000 to a stunning $1.267 billion in 2005 and the exports were so large that the bilateral balance of trade shifted from a Jordanian deficit of $239 million in 2000 to a surplus of $624 million in 2005. Would other Middle Eastern countries derive similar benefits? Lawrence uses the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model of world trade and economic activity to analyze the expected trade and other economic impacts of the prospective FTA and to examine bilateral trade and investment flows, bilateral trade frictions, and implications of the prospective accords for the bilateral, regional, and global trade relations of the countries involved.

This study guide compliments van Marrewijk's "International Trade and the World Economy", as it aims to review and deepen the student's understanding of the topics covered in the main textbook. It provides a set of questions relating to every chapter and these are sub-divided into four different types of questions: review, empirical, simulation and technical questions.

The relationship between the United States and the Muslim/Arab world has deteriorated since September 11, 2001. The United States is widely perceived as targeting Arab nations for their oil, especially in the wake of the war in Iraq. Measures are needed on both sides to build a more peaceful, prosperous Middle East. A free trade agreement with Egypt could be an instrument toward achieving this goal. If the United States were to select its FTA partners based on relative political importance in their regions, Egypt would top the list among Arab states. This study considers the key economic and political characteristics of Egypt as a potential FTA partner. It examines the benefits and challenges in pursuing bilateral negotiations with Egypt, examines the Bush proposal for a regional arrangement, and assesses the impact of a prospective FTA on other trading partners, on the Middle East/Arab world, and on the multilateral trading system. If an FTA with Egypt materializes, the gains can be substantial to all parties involved.

The Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM) is a little-known but important activity of the World Trade Organization (WTO). Its purpose is to strengthen observance of WTO commitments and promote trade liberalization by providing all member countries with current and objective information about the trade policies and practices of each member individually and by establishing a forum within which members can question one another's policies and practices in a nonconfrontational manner. Since the TPRM was established in 1989 as one of the first fruits of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, some 80 trade policy reviews (TPRs) have been completed, covering nearly 60 countries. A review of the TPRM itself is therefore timely. In light of eight years of experience with the process, it is fair to ask whether the TPRM is meeting the goals set for it at its inception. Are the reviews sufficiently probing and analytical to provide information of real value? Do they cover all relevant aspects of members' trade? Are they unbiased and objective? Does the WTO devote sufficient resources to the task of conducting the reviews-and to disseminating the information that they generate? Is the potential value of this information to those outside the trade negotiations process being realized? This monograph seeks to answer these questions and others.

By the year 2000, world trade in merchandise goods and commercial services will probably exceed $8 trillion, or $2 trillion more than in 1995. By that date, the World Trade Organization (WTO) may well have more than 130 member countries that account for about 95 percent of world trade. The millennium also will mark an important milestone for the WTO: new WTO negotiations on agriculture and services will be under way with the goal of achieving the progressive liberalization of remaining barriers to trade. This monograph explores how WTO members should prepare for these negotiations. It discusses the Singapore ministerial meeting and its importance in starting WTO deliberations, examines how the agenda of such talks should be crafted to meet these challenges to the trading system, proposes initiatives to achieve further trade reforms and to extend WTO obligations to other trade-related aspects of government policy, and explores whether such new initiatives are feasible-that is, whether there is sufficient political support for new trade reforms in the major trading nations. The text concludes with some recommendations on how the new WTO initiative could be launched and implemented over the next five years.