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Books > Business & Economics > Economics > International economics > International trade > Trade agreements & tariffs
Negotiations on a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) were officially launched at the Santiago Summit in April 1998. This study examines the prospects for the FTAA in light of recent economic and political turmoil in Latin America and the continuing impasse over US "fast-track" authority. The study evaluates progress to date in the trade talks and proposals for accelerating the target date of January 2005 for concluding negotiations, and it takes into account the results of the April 2001 Quebec Summit. It surveys regional interests in the wide-ranging negotiating agenda and assesses the "readiness" of countries to participate in a hemisphere-wide free trade zone (based on updated "readiness indicators" originally developed by Hufbauer and Schott in their 1994 study, Western Hemisphere Economic Integration).
Free trade agreements (FTAs) are proliferating in the Asia-Pacific region. For the first time, South Korea is pursuing such accords as part of a strategy to restructure its economy and sustain the recovery from its 1997-98 economic crisis. Should it open talks with its largest trading partner, the United States? This study examines the economic and political benefits and challenges of pursuing bilateral FTA negotiations, the impact of a prospective pact on other trading partners, on the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, and on the multilateral trading system.
This collection of essays provides the definitive survey of the importance of agricultural reform to the future of the world's trading system. There is growing consensus concerning the need to reduce the level of subsidies in agriculture and to open up the markets of the developed world more to the farmers of the developing world. However, while non-governmental organizations such as Oxfam may agree on this point with free trade economists, governments in Europe and the U.S. seem reluctant to give up their protectionist habits.
There is growing consensus among international trade negotiators and policymakers that a prime area for future multilateral discussion is competition policy. Competition policy includes antitrust policy (including merger regulation and control) but is often extended to include international trade measures and other policies that affect the structure, conduct, and performance of individual industries. This study includes country studies of competition policy in Western Europe, North America, and the Far East (with a focus on Japan) in the light of increasingly globalized activities of business firms. Areas where there are major differences in philosophy, policy, or practice are identified, with emphasis on those differences that could lead to economic costs and international friction. Alternatives for eliminating these costs and frictions are discussed, including unilateral policy changes, bilateral or multilateral harmonization of policies, and creation of new international regimes to supplement or replace national or regional regimes.
Trade experts from around the world discuss challenges confronting the World Trade Organization (WTO) as it charts its course for the years ahead. The authors offer recommendations to deal with important issues such as investment, competition and antidumping policy, environment and trade, labor standards, and Chinese accession to the WTO. Analysis of the implementation of the Uruguay Round accords, the breadth and scope of remaining barriers to trade that could be the subject of new liberalization efforts, the compatibility or inconsistency of regional and multilateral initiatives, and the political support in major trading countries for new WTO negotiations are also discussed. The overview and conclusions also appear in a separate monograph by Jeffrey J. Schott. Jeffrey J. Schott joined the Peterson Institute for International Economics in 1983 and is a senior fellow working on international trade policy and economic sanctions. During his tenure at the Institute, Schott was also a visiting lecturer at Princeton University (1994) and an adjunct professor at Georgetown University (1986-88). He was a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (1982-83) and an official of the US Treasury Department (1974-82) in international trade and energy policy. During the Tokyo Round of multilateral trade negotiations, he was a member of the US delegation that negotiated the GATT Subsidies Code. Since January 2003, he has been a member of the Trade and Environment Policy Advisory Committee of the US government. He is also a member of the State Department's Advisory Committee on International Economic Policy.
This book examines the various issues and concerns faced by Indian agriculture under the obligations of WTO and the Free Trade Agreements. While the issues discussed pertain mainly to India, the lessons can also be derived for many other similarly placed developing countries. The book delves into various aspects of Indian agricultural trade and evaluates the domestic policies and regulations of government while also looking at external factors like WTO, free trade agreements and non-tariff barriers. Chapters of this book have been contributed by eminent agricultural economists, lawyers and social scientists providing the perspective from their sector. This book highlights the challenges and opportunities for agriculture sector under the rapidly growing regional trade agreements and results of negotiations under the WTO. It also provides critical insights into the ongoing fisheries subsidies negotiations at the WTO and issues relating to non-tariff measures. The findings have broad implications for developing countries in general and India in particular. This book will greatly benefit trade negotiators, policymakers, civil society, farmer groups, researchers, students, and academics interested in issues related to the WTO, FTAs, tariff and non-tariff barriers and other allied issues concerning Indian agriculture. The techniques used in analytical part will mostly benefit the researchers as they can not only use these techniques and methodologies for their future research, but to also carry the research forward. The book is useful for many educational institutes which teach international trade, agricultural economics, and WTO and FTAs studies.
The Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between the EU and Canada (CETA), proposed Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the EU and the US (TTIP), and the plurilateral Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) between the EU and 22 other States have sparked a great deal of academic and public interest. This edited collection brings together leading experts in the field of international economic law to address the legal complexities of these treaties and provide an explanation of their core principles. In the first two chapters, this book examines changing conceptions of international economic law and the main motivations for negotiating mega-regional agreements. In nine further contributions, international experts examine sectoral issues such as the trade, investment, and dispute settlement procedures envisaged in these 'mega-regional' agreements. The book goes on to consider the progress made in intellectual property protection, the problems associated with data protection, human rights, labour, and environmental standards, issues of transparency and legitimacy, and the relationship between CETA, TTIP, and TiSA on the one hand and EU law on the other. It concludes with four chapters that discuss globalization and other fundamental questions surrounding these mega-regional agreements from economic, political science, and legal perspectives.
The TRIPS Agreement (for trade-related intellectual property rights) provides for the general protection of geographical indications (GIs) of product origin, including for example the special protection of wines and spirits and for the creation of a multilateral register for wines. The African Group of countries has been in the forefront of countries agitating in the World Trade Organization TRIPS Council for the extension of this special protection and of the multilateral register to industries which are of interest to developing countries, primarily agriculture. The so-called "extension question" is the central feature of the Doha Development Agenda at both the WTO and World Intellectual Property Organization. This book provides some empirical evidence and applied legal and economic reasoning to this debate. It provides both a general review of the key issues and a series of case studies from six Anglophone and four Francophone countries in Africa. These focus on major agricultural commodities such as coffee, cotton, cocoa and tea, as well as more specific and local products such as Argan oil and Oku white honey.
The United States and 11 other countries from both sides of the Pacific are currently negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The agreement is expected to set new benchmark for international trade through its comprehensive coverage of issues and binding regulations. It is expected to eventually mature into a regional trade agreement covering the entire Asia-Pacific. As of now, it does not include China and India, the two largest emerging markets and regional economies. The TPP has generated controversy for its excessive emphasis on trade issues, which have remained unresolved or unaddressed at the WTO due to differences between developed and emerging markets. It has also been criticized for adopting a negotiating style reflecting the US regulatory approach to international trade and also as a geo-political strategy of the US for supporting its strategic rebalancing towards Asia. From both economic and geo-political perspectives, the TPP has various significant implications for China and India that are examined in the book. This book sheds light on how China and India's entries in the TPP are mutually beneficial and how both countries can gain from the TPP by gaining preferential access to large markets and using it as an opportunity for introducing more outward-oriented reforms. The book also cautions that US must reconcile to the rebalancing of economic power within the grouping that will occur following the entries of China and India. Otherwise, the TPP and China and India might walk divergent paths and trade and regional integration in Asia-Pacific may not ever converge. This book will interest anyone who wishes to learn more about the TPP and its future implications and challenges and China and India's roles in global and regional trade.
The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has stirred passions like no other trade negotiation in recent history. Its supporters maintain that TTIP will produce spectacular growth and job creation; claims that are wholeheartedly rejected by its critics, who regard TTIP as a direct assault on workers' rights, health and safety standards and public services. In this incisive analysis, Gabriel Siles-Brugge and Ferdi de Ville scrutinize the claims made by TTIP's cheerleaders and scaremongers to reveal a far more nuanced picture behind the headlines. TTIP will not provide an economic 'cure-all', nor will it destroy the European welfare state in one fell swoop. Thanks to unprecedented levels of protest and debate around TTIP, however, neoliberal trade negotiations are well and truly back in the spotlight. In this respect, TTIP could well prove to be a 'game-changer' - just not in the way imagined by its backers.
International economic law is one of the crucial branches of international law, and of major importance both practically and conceptually. This document collection brings together all of the most important treaties, regulations, and other documents in this area. It presents the key documents of contemporary international economic law in one single volume, so to provide students as well as practitioners with an accessible reference guide. The book will feature a brief introduction, providing readers with a 'roadmap' through what is perceived by many as the maze of international economic law. The collection brings together documents relating to the three main pillars of international economic law, namely world trade law, international monetary law, and international investment law. These are preceded by texts of a more general character, notably issued by the United Nations and clarifying the parameters of international economic relations. This broad focus enables readers to view international economic law in its breadth and to avoid the pitfalls of a 'compartmentalised' approach, which exclusively focuses on, for example, WTO law or investment law without appreciating their interrelation. By bringing together key texts of all three branches, the book should be invaluable to students taking general courses of international economic law as well as more specialised courses such as WTO law or investment law.
The rapid emergence of China as a major industrial power poses a complex challenge for global resource markets. Backed by the Chinese government, Chinese companies have been acquiring equity stakes in natural resource companies, extending loans to mining and petroleum investors, and writing long-term procurement contracts for oil and minerals. These activities have aroused concern that China might be "locking up" natural resource supplies, gaining "preferential access" to available output, and extending "control" over the world's extractive industries. On the demand side, Chinese appetite for vast amounts of energy and minerals puts tremendous strain on the international supply system. On the supply side, Chinese efforts to procure raw materials can either exacerbate or help solve the problems of high demand.Evidence from the 16 largest Chinese natural resource procurement arrangements shows that Chinese efforts-like Japanese deployments of capital and purchase agreements in the late 1970s through the 1980s-fall predominantly into categories that help expand, diversify, and make more competitive the global supplier system. Investigation of smaller projects indicates the 16 largest do not suffer from selection bias. However, Chinese attempts to exercise control over mining of rare earth elements may constitute a significant exception. The investigative focus of this analysis is deliberately narrow and precise, assessing the impact of Chinese resource procurement on the structure of the global supply base. The broader policy discussion in the concluding chapter raises other separate important issues, including the impact of Chinese resource procurement on rogue states, on authoritarian leadership, on civil wars, on corrupt payments and the deterioration of governance standards, and on environmental damage. Such effects may make patterns of Chinese resource procurement objectionable, on grounds quite apart from the debate about possible "control" of access on the part of China and Chinese companies.
The global economic and financial crisis has awakened protectionist sentiments around the world, and policymakers have failed to actively seek trade liberalization. In light of this, some have proposed abandoning the Doha Round and starting over with a new agenda. Figuring Out the Doha Round argues that this is far from the time to drop the Doha Round and that it is now more important than ever to sustain political support for the rules-based multilateral trade system.This important new study recommends modest increments in market access commitments by G-20 countries beyond tariff and subsidy cuts in agriculture and nonagricultural market access (NAMA), and policy reforms in customs procedures and related areas that slash red tape and cut transactions costs for exporting and importing goods and services. With additional effort by the G-20 countries, WTO countries can put together a Doha package that is both ambitious and balanced between the interests of developed and developing countries. The study finds that following these recommendations can lead to a world GDP gain of almost $300 billion a year.
The negotiation of international trade agreements has become the issue of the moment. With Brexit, a change in administration in the United States, a fragile economic recovery in the Eurozone and China facing a slowdown in its growth, nothing is more critical to the future global economy than the terms of trade between its largest economic blocs. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) is Europe's most controversial trade agreement ever. Aimed at reducing regulatory barriers between the United States and the EU, it was expected to be fairly straightforward given strong business support on both sides of the Atlantic. It has not been so. The negotiations have dragged on far longer than anticipated and now look set to fail altogether. Yet the process of its negotiation, the terms of the potential agreement and its sticking points provide valuable lessons for policy-makers and academics tasked to bring future trade deals and arrangements to successful conclusions. Alasdair Young offers a penetrating analysis of the complexities of the TTIP negotiations and explores why they have proved so difficult to conclude, what motivates the different parties concerned and what implications there are for politics and policy. Young throws light on the limits of the transatlantic cooperation and the processes of globalization and teases out the implications for the UK in its post-Brexit trade negotiations and for other nations now facing a more protectionist stance from the United States.
International trade and the rapidly proliferating network of trade agreements have aroused passions for decades. While some blame trade agreements for exporting jobs, sowing poverty, furthering illegal migration, and robbing national sovereignty, others praise them as lynchpins of growth, pillars of peace, guarantors of security, and engines of globalization. Still others view them as useful instruments for fostering global trade and investment. This book examines whether trade agreements merit the blame levelled against them or the hopes pinned on them. It employs extensive new historical data on trade agreements to examine the features of the ongoing trade agreement wave; analyzes the future implications of trade agreements in the context of the multilateral trading system, world trade, and international politics; and puts forth novel policy proposals to make trade agreements a more constructive force in the global economy.
What is the role of trade to both expedite growth and to provide the transformative innovations needed in our post-Pandemic, post-Brexit, unstable world? Using historical examples to demonstrate how complex forces interplay into virtuous or vicious cycles of cumulative causation, Simmons and Culkin suggest alternative trade approaches to drive economic growth. Set within the socio-political space defined by a nascent Anglosphere and its implicit nationalism, they map alternative frameworks to embolden entrepreneurs to make the future. With fresh thinking Covid, Brexit and The Anglosphere equips academics, students, policymakers and general readers with the tools to drive growth in a post-Pandemic post- Brexit fragmenting world order facing rapidly advancing technical change.
"The Evolution of the Trade Regime" offers a comprehensive political-economic history of the development of the world's multilateral trade institutions, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organization (WTO). While other books confine themselves to describing contemporary GATT/WTO legal rules or analyzing their economic logic, this is the first to explain the logic and development behind these rules. The book begins by examining the institutions' rules, principles, practices, and norms from their genesis in the early postwar period to the present. It evaluates the extent to which changes in these institutional attributes have helped maintain or rebuild domestic constituencies for open markets. The book considers these questions by looking at the political, legal, and economic foundations of the trade regime from many angles. The authors conclude that throughout most of GATT/WTO history, power politics fundamentally shaped the creation and evolution of the GATT/WTO system. Yet in recent years, many aspects of the trade regime have failed to keep pace with shifts in underlying material interests and ideas, and the challenges presented by expanding membership and preferential trade agreements.
International trade and investment in services are an increasingly
important part of global commerce. Advances in information and
telecommunication technologies have expanded the scope of services
that can be traded cross-border. Many countries now allow foreign
investment in newly privatized and competitive markets for key
infrastructure services, such as energy, telecommunications, and
transport. More and more people are travelling abroad to consume
tourism, education, and medical services, and to supply services
ranging from construction to software development. In fact,
services are the fastest growing components of the global economy,
and trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) in services have
grown faster than in goods over the past decade and a half.
The transformation of the BRIC acronym from an investment term into a household name of international politics and into a semi-institutionalized political outfit (called BRICS, with a capital 'S'), is one of the defining developments in international politics in the past decades. While the concept is now commonly used in the general public debate and international media, there has not yet been a comprehensive and scholarly analysis of the history of the BRICS term. The BRICS and the Future of Global Order, Second Edition offers a definitive reference history of the BRICS as a term and as an institution-a chronological narrative and analytical account of the BRICS concept from its inception in 2001 to the political grouping it is today. In addition, it analyzes what the rise of powers like Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa means for the future of global order. Will the BRICS countries seek to establish a parallel system with its own distinctive set of rules, institutions, and currencies of power, rejecting key tenets of liberal internationalism, are will they seek to embrace the rules and norms that define today's Western-led order?
From the nation-building of Alexander Hamilton to the trade wars of Donald Trump, trade policy has been a key instrument of American power and wealth. The open trading system that the United States sponsored after the Second World War serves US interests by promoting cooperation and prosperity, but also allows the allies to become more independent and China to rise. The case studies in Trade and American Leadership examine how the value of preferential trade programs is undercut by the multilateral liberalization that the United States promoted for generations, and how trade sanctions tend either to be too economically costly to impose or too modest to matter. These problems are exacerbated by a domestic political system in which the gains from trade are unevenly distributed, power is fragmented, and strategies are easily undermined. Trade and American Leadership places special emphasis on today's challenges, and the rising danger of economic nationalism.
NAFTA entered into force in 1994 after a bitter Congressional debate. But NAFTA in operation has proved no less controversial than NAFTA before ratification, for both supporters and opponents of trade liberalization have cited experience with the agreement to justify their positions. To provide a factual basis for this ongoing debate, the authors will evaluate NAFTA's performance over the first seven years, comparing actual experience with both the objectives of the agreement's supporters and the charges of its critics. They will then examine future challenges and opportunities in the trade and investment relationships among the three partner countries and the broader implications for new trade initiatives throughout the hemisphere. Chapter 1 will describe trade, investment, and macroeconomic developments under NAFTA, beginning inauspiciously with the Mexican economic crisis of 1994 but moving on to impressive growth in trilateral trade and Mexican GDP. Chapter 2 will trace the implementation of NAFTA's dispute settlement provisions and the progress to date in implementing reforms. Chapter 3 will distill and update the findings in the authors? recent book NAFTA and the Environment: Seven Years Later (*) and recommend how to improve the performance of NAFTA's institutions in addressing environmental problems. In Chapter 4 the authors undertake a similar assessment of the operations of the North American Agreement on Labor Cooperation and the impact of NAFTA on employment and wages in the region. Chapters 5 and 6 will examine integration in the North American auto and energy markets. The final chapter will look forward and focus on the challenges facing North American economic integrationon important issues such as emigration, environment, energy, and exchange rates.
The legendary overland silk road was not the only way to reach Asia for ancient travelers from the Mediterranean. During the Roman Empire's heyday, equally important maritime routes reached from the Egyptian Red Sea across the Indian Ocean. The ancient city of Berenike, located approximately 500 miles south of today's Suez Canal, was a significant port among these conduits. In this book, Steven E. Sidebotham, the archaeologist who excavated Berenike, uncovers the role the city played in the regional, local, and "global" economies during the eight centuries of its existence. Sidebotham analyzes many of the artifacts, botanical and faunal remains, and hundreds of the texts he and his team found in excavations, providing a profoundly intimate glimpse of the people who lived, worked, and died in this emporium between the classical Mediterranean world and Asia.
One of the unique aspects of the WTO as an international organization is that it authorizes members to retaliate against violations by raising tariffs. These authorizations have become increasingly common and increasingly controversial. In this analysis of the retaliation system, Robert Lawrence considers the guiding principles that govern responses to WTO violations, examines how these principles are implemented in practice, and considers options for reform.
A Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is an agreement between two or more countries where the countries agree on certain terms and conditions that affect trade between them. There are more than 350 FTAs worldwide today. In the last two decades these agreements significantly expanded in scope, covering not only market access but also behind-the-border policy issues going far beyond WTO rules. Mega regional FTAs like Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) are coming into play. Developed countries are also establishing their own templates for FTA-making. This book is intended to bring about a greater level of understanding among readers in a systematic manner with respect to the vast changes taking place on the FTA scene worldwide and about India's own limited participation in this regard so far. FTAs are legal instruments, but they also substantially affect business, industry, and agriculture interests. There is a widely held perception in the country, not without some validity, that India's existing FTAs, even if limited, have benefitted the partner countries more than us. India has recently signed two FTAs- with the UAE and Australia. Discussions with the UK are at an advance stage and both the countries are expected to sign the FTA soon. This book tries to capture various aspects of these agreements keeping India's position in mind.
International trade has, for decades, been central to economic growth and improved standards of living for nations and regions worldwide. For most of the advanced countries, trade has raised standards of living, while for most emerging economies, growth did not begin until their integration into the global economy. The economic explanation is simple: international trade facilitates specialization, increased efficiency and improved productivity to an extent impossible in closed economies. However, recent years have seen a significant slowdown in global trade, and the global system has increasingly come under attack from politicians on the right and on the left. The benefits of open markets, the continuation of international co-operation, and the usefulness of multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have all been called into question. While globalization has had a broadly positive effect on overall global welfare, it has also been perceived by the public as damaging communities and social classes in the industrialized world, spawning, for example, Brexit and the US exit from the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The purpose of this volume is to examine international and regional preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which offer like-minded countries a possible means to continue receiving the benefits of economic liberalization and expanded trade. What are the strengths and weaknesses of such agreements, and how can they sustain growth and prosperity for their members in an ever-challenging global economic environment? The Handbook is divided into two parts. The first, Global Themes, offers analysis of issues including the WTO, trade agreements and economic development, intellectual property rights, security and environmental issues, and PTAs and developing countries. The second part examines regional and country-specific agreements and issues, including NAFTA, CARICOM, CETA, the Pacific Alliance, the European Union, EFTA, ECOWAS, SADC, TTIP, RCEP and the TPP (now the CPTPP), as well as the policies of countries such as Japan and Australia. |
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