This book provides readers with a unique opportunity to learn about one of the new regional trade agreements (RTAs), the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA), that has been operational since December 2015 and is now at the forefront of the field. This new agreement reflects many of the modern and up-to-date approaches within the international economic legal order that must now exist within a very different environment than that of the late eighties and early nineties, when the World Trade Organization (WTO) was created. The book, therefore, explores many new features that were not present when the WTO or early RTAs were negotiated. It provides insights and lessons about new and important trade issues for the twenty-first century, such as the latest approaches to the regulation of investment, twenty-first century services and the emerging digital/knowledge economy. In addition, this book provides new understandings of the latest RTA approaches of China and Australia. The book's contributors, all foremost experts on their subject matter within this field, explore the inclusion of many traditional trade and investment agreement features in the ChAFTA, showing their continuing relevance in modern contexts.

Despite its growing significance, the legal scrutiny of RTAs remains an underdeveloped academic field. This book considers how the interplay between multilateral and preferential liberalisation of trade in services increasingly raises concerns, both from the perspective of the beneficiaries of such liberalisation and that of regulators. With the application of a thorough article-by-article analysis, the author shows how these concerns lead to vast underutilisation of, and often prejudice against, the benefits of services liberalisation. The book meticulously analyses and compares the EU's obligations under the GATS and the services chapters of several RTAs to finally assess the merits of the various concerns. This book will be an invaluable resource for students and scholars of law and related subjects. It will also be of interest to government officials looking for a detailed analysis of the topic, and practitioners looking for a framework for analysing RTA provisions.

This book argues that the trade-distorting effects of advantages associated with SOEs are more severe from an economic perspective, and the behavior of SOEs after receiving advantages is of more concern, compared to private-owned enterprises (POEs). The premise is that the existence of SOEs per se is not the essential problem; rather, the underlying problems are (i) the disproportionate granting of advantages to SOEs (compared to POEs) and (ii) the behavior of SOEs once they receive advantages. The book offers a systematic analysis focusing on the various advantages granted to SOEs and their subsequent behavior. Its detailed analysis reveals the inadequacy of current WTO rules and is complemented by a number of concrete proposals.

As decisively as the collapse of the Soviet Union signaled a most definite conclusion to that utopian undertaking gone mad, so has NAFTA ended an economic counterpart in Mexico. The United States and Canada are embarking on a grand experiment, incorporating Mexico into their very own economies, creating the largest trading bloc in the world consisting of more than 360 million consumers in an economy that will surpass seven trillion American dollars. For corporate America, an enormous opportunity lies in the integration of the Mexican nation into the economic and social fabric of North America. International business consultant and economist Louis Nevaer explains what these opportunities are and offers sage advice on how U.S. corporations can capitalize on them.

The implementation of NAFTA heralds the final conclusion of the Mexican Revolution, and Mexico is now embarked on a race against time to make up for lost decades. Ernesto Zedillo, who will deliver Mexico to the 21st century, confronts enormous challenges as the authoritarian hegemony that characterizes the political economy of the Mexican nation-state is dismantled. NAFTA constitutes a blueprint for the systematic surrender of the Mexican economy. There is, however, no blueprint for the transformation of Mexico into a democracy. Herein lies the greatest risks to corporate America, for there is always the danger of self-destruction, as witnessed in some of the republics of the former Soviet Union. The discussion presented in this book examines the present realities of the Mexican nation in the age of free trade. In Part I opportunities and risks for corporate America are analyzed, not only within an economic context, but also within a cultural and historical one, as well. Presented in Part II are the processes that have shaped Mexico over the centuries--Spanish rule, Native American civilizations, the trauma of conquest--which have given rise to the Mexican persona and character. With this understanding as background, the American reader gains a strategic advantage in understanding how the Mexican psyche works and which buttons to push. Finally, Part III presents a practical approach to conducting business in Mexico, which ranges from the legal requirements of opening a subsidiary, to a warning about the prevalence of corruption in Mexican society, as well as the existence of racism in Mexican culture.

This book chronicles how a controversial set of policy assumptions about the Japanese economy, known as revisionism, rose to become the basis of the trade policy approach of the Clinton administration. In the context of growing fear over Japan's increasing economic strength, revisionists argued that Japan represented a distinctive form of capitalism that was inherently closed to imports and that posed a threat to U.S. high-tech industries. Revisionists advocated a "managed trade" solution in which the Japanese government would be forced to set aside a share of the market for foreign goods.
The author describes the role that various American academics, government officials, and business leaders played in developing revisionist thought. Revisionism was at its peak just as the Clinton administration came into office. The author uses extensive interviews with policy makers to trace the internal discussions inside the Clinton White House, which culminated in the adoption of revisionist policy and then to demands for "results-oriented" trade agreements during the Framework negotiations. This book details how Japan refused to accept these managed trade solutions, and fought to discredit revisionism and to rally global support against American unilateralism.

Was the 1993 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) designed as a definitive trade agreement, or as a stepping stone? This book reviews NAFTA's performances on trade, investment, intellectual property rights, dispute-settlement, as well as environmental and labor side-agreements within a theoretical construct.

This is the most in-depth study of the economic partnership between the European Union and the CARIFORUM countries, a group of fifteen small developing economies in the Caribbean. The CARIFORUM-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) is the first trade agreement of its kind, as it is a new type of WTO-compatible trade agreement between a group of developed countries and a group of developing countries. As a principal negotiator for CARIFORUM, Bernal's qualifications allow him to provide a unique perspective on the increasingly important topic of trade and economic development in the midst of globalization.
"Globalization, Trade, and Economic Development" comprehensively explores the components of the EPA from all angles, explains how the agreement provides opportunities to strengthen and accelerate economic development, and outlines the policies which can allow the CARIFORUM countries to seize these opportunities. Bernal's explanation of the institutional arrangements for the conduct of the negotiations by CARIFORUM is invaluable to governments and regional organizations in developing countries for coordinating groups to advance common and joint positions in international negotiations.

The process of food production and distribution has grown into a global corporate system in recent years. This has caused significant impacts on sustainability on an international scale, particularly for developing nations. Establishing Food Security and Alternatives to International Trade in Emerging Economies is a pivotal reference source for the latest scholarly research on agricultural trade relations and trade liberalization in the context of developing countries. Highlighting a range of pertinent topics such as crop productivity, rural development, and value-added agriculture, this book is ideally designed for academics, researchers, graduate students, and practitioners interested in the current state of global food markets. Topics Covered: The many academic areas covered in this publication include, but are not limited to: Climate Change Crop Productivity Food Safety Maritime Piracy Rural Development Trade Policies Value-Added Agriculture

This book examines aspects of the operation of the WTO dispute settlement system during the first ten years of the WTO. It covers a representative cross-section of the issues and situations WTO Members have dealt with under the Dispute Settlement Understanding. The book is unique in that it includes contributions from virtually the entire gamut of actors involved in the day-to-day operation of the WTO dispute settlement system: Member government representatives, private lawyers who litigate on behalf of Member governments in the system, Appellate Body members, Appellate Body Secretariat staff, and WTO Secretariat staff. It also includes contributions from several academics who closely follow and carefully scrutinize all that goes on within the system. It therefore provides fascinating insights into how the system has operated in practice, and how the lessons of the first decade can be applied to make the system even more successful in the years to come.

This book tries to integrate the different arrangements devised in the MTS for small and large NMEs into one analytical framework and explores two sets of rules (GATT/WTO-minus and GATT/WTO-plus) along three historical stages (shaping, weakening and strengthening). The focal point of this book is to uncover the composition and structure of the NME treatment in the MTS, its evolving logic and process, and the nature and trend of the political-economic relations between NMEs and the MTS.

A New York Times Bestseller! 2019 was the last great year for the world economy. For generations, everything has been getting faster, better, and cheaper. Finally, we reached the point that almost anything you could ever want could be sent to your home within days - even hours - of when you decided you wanted it. America made that happen, but now America has lost interest in keeping it going. Globe-spanning supply chains are only possible with the protection of the U.S. Navy. The American dollar underpins internationalized energy and financial markets. Complex, innovative industries were created to satisfy American consumers. American security policy forced warring nations to lay down their arms. Billions of people have been fed and educated as the American-led trade system spread across the globe. All of this was artificial. All this was temporary. All this is ending. In The End of the World is Just the Beginning, author and geopolitical strategist Peter Zeihan maps out the next world: a world where countries or regions will have no choice but to make their own goods, grow their own food, secure their own energy, fight their own battles, and do it all with populations that are both shrinking and aging. The list of countries that make it all work is smaller than you think. Which means everything about our interconnected world - from how we manufacture products, to how we grow food, to how we keep the lights on, to how we shuttle stuff about, to how we pay for it all - is about to change. A world ending. A world beginning. Zeihan brings readers along for an illuminating (and a bit terrifying) ride packed with foresight, wit, and his trademark irreverence.

As the prime force behind trade throughout the Western Hemisphere, the United States is emerging with two trade projects--the newly-signed North American Free Trade Agreement and the projected New American Community. This volume provides a clear, concise guide to all aspects of the 5-volume NAFTA accord, its side agreements, and the unfolding New American Community. It covers specific issues, rationalizations, ideologies, controversies, and recommended actions. With special emphasis on the North American Free Trade Agreement, the volume will provide a major resource for both academics and decision makers in industry and government. Written by a leading authority on U.S. Latin American trade, the volume includes entries, arranged alphabetically, on NAFTA and other trade-related topics. The NAFTA entries are based on the five-volume treaty or official government and nongovernmental publications. Since the New American Community is still emerging, the non-NAFTA entries are interpolations from past trade accords and existing nationwide agreements or ideas based on global concepts and directives, especially the European Union.

Reevaluating NAFTA seeks to answer the question: has NAFTA integrated North America? A fifteen-year NAFTA appraisal finds trade expansion boosting optimism, but also unveils stark asymmetry between developed and developing countries as well as top-heavy NAFTA regulations seriously constraining ground-level integration. Using empirical data analysis and a wide-reaching theoretical context, this book seeks to evaluate the results of NAFTA's 'fifteen-year itch' to identify what worked and what didn't, and ultimately, to point to the future of North American integration.

Exploring bilateral narratives of identity at a socio-discursive level from 1990 onwards, this book provides a new approach to understanding how Chile and Australia imagine and discursively construct each other in light of the bilateral Free Trade Agreement signed in 2008.

"Post-NAFTA North America" uniquely combines an institutional examination of NAFTA with a geo-economic and geo-political approach. The author argues that in the post-9/11 era, North America is evolving from a primarily economic space to a strategic 'securitized' one and that NAFTA has been utilized by the US as a regulatory framework for dealing with the pressures of globalization that have emerged in the post-Cold War era.

With the stagnation of the Doha Round of multilateral talks, trade liberalisation is increasingly undertaken through free trade agreements. Gabriel Siles-Brugge examines the EU's decision following the 2006 'Global Europe' strategy to negotiate such agreements with emerging economies. Eschewing the purely materialist explanations prominent in the field, he develops a novel constructivist argument to highlight the role of language and ideas in shaping EU trade policy. Drawing on extensive interviews and documentary analysis, Siles-Brugge shows how EU trade policymakers have privileged the interests of exporters to the detriment of import-competing groups, creating an ideational imperative for market-opening. Even during the on-going economic crisis the overriding mantra has been that the EU's future well-being depends on its ability to compete in global markets. The increasingly neoliberal orientation of EU trade policy has also had important consequences for its economic diplomacy with the developing economies of the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of states.

Condon explains key aspects of NAFTA and WTO rules on trade in goods and services, foreign direct investment and intellectual property protection and shows how these rules affect global business strategies. Cases are used to illustrate how these agreements work and how they affect crucial business interests. He examines the political context in which the negotiation and enforcement of trade agreements take place and how business people can enforce the rules and influence the negotiations to support global business strategies. He also shows how NAFTA, WTO, and global business strategy affect some of the major issues of our time, such as AIDS, global security, environmental protection, globalization protesters, and illegal migration from Mexico to the United States.

Anyone doing business from, to, and within the NAFTA region will find this essential reading. NAFTA and WTO interact in ways that can make or break a company's strategy. Business strategists must consider the impact of today's rules and how future developments will affect them. However, as Condon makes clear, this book is about more than just business. The globalization of law and business affects the lives of everyone. Scholars, researchers, students, and international business professionals will find the book of value, as will those involved with financial services, international law, and international relations.

To what extent do domestic politics affect the agreement reached in an international trade negotiation? In order to address this question, Christopher C. Meyerson develops an approach to analyzing the relationship between domestic politics and international relations in trade policymaking. This approach is used to analyze both American and Japanese trade policymaking and US-Japan trade negotiations, especially during the GATT Uruguay Round agricultural negotiations between 1986 and 1994.

This book offers guidelines for the upcoming discussions on reform, representing an attempt to work out conceptions for a better international competition order on the basis of the scientific approach 'law and economics'. It presents the dominant concepts of competition policy as a basis for an international competition order and formulates a synthesis. The result is a new neo-ordoliberal approach. Anti-dumping-measures are analysed of the effects on international competition and resource allocation, and alternatives and improvements are suggested. From national forms of competition policy a synthesis of international competition policies are derived. Currently reforms of the international competition order are heavily discussed and here a selection of the most important suggestions are presented, compared, and evaluated. Finally, this book offers strategies that might serve as second-best solutions, and though they may not be optimal for competition policy, they are politically feasible and an improvement on the current competition regulations. They would be a back-up in case the WTO competition regulations aren't realizable.

Mutual Recognition (MR) implies that each Member State is free to use the standards for production it prefers but cannot inhibit the import from other Member States lawfully using other standards, unless justified by emergency reasons. The home country rule then prevails on the host country. Barriers to entry diminish, competition rises in the internal market. This collection looks at a number of aspects of MR, including why its importance cannot be understood outside the general practice of free movement and how some elements of MR already emerge in the skilled labour market of professionals.

After describing NAFTA as 'the worst trade deal maybe ever signed anywhere', Donald Trump's election seemed to represent the final nail in the coffin for North American economic integration. Following a decade of stagnation, however, Trump's victory presents a timely opportunity to reconsider North American integration and evaluate NAFTA's democratic track record in Mexico. In this book, Pablo Calderon Martinez presents a detailed analysis of NAFTA's influence as a political tool for democracy in Mexico. Extending beyond a mere economic or social exploration of the consequences of NAFTA, Calderon Martinez uses a three-tiered analysis based on causality mechanisms to explain how the interactions between internationalisation and democratisation unfolded in Mexico. Calderon Martinez's analysis demonstrates that Mexico's internationalisation project under the framework of NAFTA gave shape to, if not made, Mexico's democratisation process. An original and timely resource for scholars and students interested in understanding how - in cases like Mexico where transitions to democracy are characterised by a finely poised balance of power - small influences from abroad can make significant long-lasting differences domestically.

A topical study of regional arrangements covering ASEAN, SAARC and APEC in Asia, NAFTA and MERCOSUR in the Americas, SADC, SACU and ECOWAS in Africa, and the European Union, EFTA and Eastern Europe. The book argues that foreign direct investment is complementary to trade and most regional arrangements can create trade and induce growth so long as they remain open and non-discriminatory. But they could also become stumbling blocks to globalization. The book demonstrates how US and EU trade policy will be crucial in shaping the world economy.

The most ambitious round of multilateral trade negotiations since the formation of the GATT was formally launched in Punta del Este, Uruguay in 1986. With more than 100 nations participating in the "Uruguay Round" negotiations, complex economic problems and difficult political realities made reaching international accord on major trading issues a long and arduous process. The three-volume set presents a history of these negotiations, portraying how participating nations reached their current positions on the proposed major changes in trade in agriculture and textiles, adoption of rules for trade in services, review of existing trade regulations, increased protection of intellectual property rights and the liberalization of the market for many important products. The set contains information which should be useful for all involved in international trade. Legal practitioners, business executives, academics and government officials seeking to understand the position of the important players and grasp the implications of the final agreement should find this factually-objective and politically-neutral account of the negotiations a useful resource. This is volume 3 of the set. It contains reprints of vital documents in the negotiation. The complete set is also available, as are individual chapters, allowing for the purchase of only that information in which a customer has a specific interest.

The TPP was negotiated among 12 economically diverse countries, including some most highly developed and rich countries (i.e., the United States, Japan, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and Singapore), some newly industrialized countries (i.e., Mexico and Malaysia), and some less-developed countries (i.e., Peru, Chile, and Vietnam). A new paradigm created in this context is that countries with vastly different economic developments can actually agree on a set of very high standards to regulate their economic activities, to liberalize their trade, and to protect intellectual property and foreign investment. The contents of the TPP also reflect its status of being a "new paradigm" as the "21st-Century Trade Agreement" and being a pioneer in rule making in many key regulatory areas. These include not only the improved and enhanced rules on traditional issues already covered by the WTO , such as goods, services, and IP rights, but also the carefully designed rules in areas that have never been addressed in the WTO or comprehensively covered in other FTAs , such as state-owned enterprises, electronic commerce, and labor and environmental issues. Although the United States has withdrawn from the TPP, the remaining countries are still putting efforts into establishing a TPP without the United States or a TPP with China. Economically speaking, the current 11 parties account for about 20 % of the global economy. If such agreement is put into force, there will be significant implications for the region, for the multilateral system, and even for other FTAs. The book addresses the potential of the TPP to change the ways trade and investments are conducted and argues for its potential to be the start of an international trade/economic law revolution. The book elaborates the relationship between the TPP and other existing trade agreements such as the WTO and other FTAs and explains how the TPP is to deal with traditional and new issues. Taken together, the authors argue that the implications of the TPP go beyond its current membership. It is hoped that the book will make an important contribution to the field of international economic law.