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Books > Business & Economics > Economics > International economics > International trade > Trade agreements & tariffs
Cross-border investments and cooperative business ventures are driving the global economy on an unprecedented scale. Business professionals and policy makers must be aware of the potential of trading blocs as a competitive weapon given the rising importance of multinational trade. The coming years promise to be the era of the Trade Pact Wars as Canada's recently announced trade talks with Chile, Germany's push for closer trans-Atlantic ties with the United States, and ASEAN efforts to promote intraregional trade all test the fledgling World Trade Organization in its role as the watchdog of global trade. Delener examines the rationale for international trading blocs and free trade with a focus on the implications for strategic planning of firms and national industry sectors. He looks at the development and conditions of the major existing regional trading blocs and discusses issues that will impact those who do business within them. NAFTA, the European Union, South American trading blocs, and efforts in Asia and Africa are all examined in detail. Strategic planning, anti-dumping issues, and global standards are also considered. The book provides professionals, researchers, and students with a firm grasp of the issues of central importance to strategic planning in global corporations and multinational trading blocs. Those who fail to grasp the significance of multinational trading blocs will face tough times while those who plan for it will see their nations and businesses thrive and prosper.
A comprehensive, critical analysis of the interactions between investment, trade and the environment. It examines the consequences of existing multilateral investment and trade regimes, including the WTO and the MAI for the environment, and asks how they should be reformed to protect it. In doing so, the text shows how these regimes can be greened without erecting protectionist barriers to trade that frustrate the development aspirations of poorer countries. The solution seeks to offer a way out of one of the most difficult dilemmas in international policy: how investment and trade can protect the environment without encouraging protectionism by the industrialized world.
Despite three decades of continuous globalization, transitional economies in many countries remain marginalized. In order to maximize the positive growth of employment creation opportunities in various sectors, including agriculture, existing patterns of long-run sustainable equilibrium relationships, technology transfers, and trade to promote export-led economic growth must be examined and identified. Regional Trade and Development Strategies in the Era of Globalization provides a comprehensive overview of globalization and regional initiative trends of trade and development through the examination of theoretical and practical experiences of their underpinning principles through approaches to overcome the obstacles of globalization and its positive and negative impacts on global trade and economic development. The content within this publication examines economic integration, foreign investment, and financial risk. It is designed for trade specialists, government officials, students, researchers, policymakers, business professionals, academicians, and economists.
This book presents a comprehensive view of recent developments in the theory of international trade agreements and political economy, by focusing on research by Raymond Riezman. This pioneering work introduced terms of trade effects and strategic behavior to the theory of international trade agreements. This is complemented by a careful analysis of how politics affects international trade agreements.The book brings together work which focuses on the question of why international trade agreements occur and what forms they take.
This book tries to integrate the different arrangements devised in the MTS for small and large NMEs into one analytical framework and explores two sets of rules (GATT/WTO-minus and GATT/WTO-plus) along three historical stages (shaping, weakening and strengthening). The focal point of this book is to uncover the composition and structure of the NME treatment in the MTS, its evolving logic and process, and the nature and trend of the political-economic relations between NMEs and the MTS.
As the prime force behind trade throughout the Western Hemisphere, the United States is emerging with two trade projects--the newly-signed North American Free Trade Agreement and the projected New American Community. This volume provides a clear, concise guide to all aspects of the 5-volume NAFTA accord, its side agreements, and the unfolding New American Community. It covers specific issues, rationalizations, ideologies, controversies, and recommended actions. With special emphasis on the North American Free Trade Agreement, the volume will provide a major resource for both academics and decision makers in industry and government. Written by a leading authority on U.S. Latin American trade, the volume includes entries, arranged alphabetically, on NAFTA and other trade-related topics. The NAFTA entries are based on the five-volume treaty or official government and nongovernmental publications. Since the New American Community is still emerging, the non-NAFTA entries are interpolations from past trade accords and existing nationwide agreements or ideas based on global concepts and directives, especially the European Union.
Reevaluating NAFTA seeks to answer the question: has NAFTA integrated North America? A fifteen-year NAFTA appraisal finds trade expansion boosting optimism, but also unveils stark asymmetry between developed and developing countries as well as top-heavy NAFTA regulations seriously constraining ground-level integration. Using empirical data analysis and a wide-reaching theoretical context, this book seeks to evaluate the results of NAFTA's 'fifteen-year itch' to identify what worked and what didn't, and ultimately, to point to the future of North American integration.
"Post-NAFTA North America" uniquely combines an institutional examination of NAFTA with a geo-economic and geo-political approach. The author argues that in the post-9/11 era, North America is evolving from a primarily economic space to a strategic 'securitized' one and that NAFTA has been utilized by the US as a regulatory framework for dealing with the pressures of globalization that have emerged in the post-Cold War era.
Exploring bilateral narratives of identity at a socio-discursive level from 1990 onwards, this book provides a new approach to understanding how Chile and Australia imagine and discursively construct each other in light of the bilateral Free Trade Agreement signed in 2008.
"The first detailed historical account of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) negotiations, this book covers the genesis of the project in the early 1990s to its demise in late 2003. It examines how the FTAA, an Inter-American policy idea, was incompatible with the predominant ideas and beliefs of Brazilian and American decision makers as to how they could and should conduct their countries' foreign trade policy in the Western Hemisphere. Its multidisciplinary nature and the incorporation of a case study of foreign policymaking in an emerging economy make it attractive to scholars and students of Political Sciences and International Relations, and to all those interested in the power dynamics in asymmetrical relations"--
With the stagnation of the Doha Round of multilateral talks, trade liberalisation is increasingly undertaken through free trade agreements. Gabriel Siles-Brugge examines the EU's decision following the 2006 'Global Europe' strategy to negotiate such agreements with emerging economies. Eschewing the purely materialist explanations prominent in the field, he develops a novel constructivist argument to highlight the role of language and ideas in shaping EU trade policy. Drawing on extensive interviews and documentary analysis, Siles-Brugge shows how EU trade policymakers have privileged the interests of exporters to the detriment of import-competing groups, creating an ideational imperative for market-opening. Even during the on-going economic crisis the overriding mantra has been that the EU's future well-being depends on its ability to compete in global markets. The increasingly neoliberal orientation of EU trade policy has also had important consequences for its economic diplomacy with the developing economies of the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of states.
Condon explains key aspects of NAFTA and WTO rules on trade in goods and services, foreign direct investment and intellectual property protection and shows how these rules affect global business strategies. Cases are used to illustrate how these agreements work and how they affect crucial business interests. He examines the political context in which the negotiation and enforcement of trade agreements take place and how business people can enforce the rules and influence the negotiations to support global business strategies. He also shows how NAFTA, WTO, and global business strategy affect some of the major issues of our time, such as AIDS, global security, environmental protection, globalization protesters, and illegal migration from Mexico to the United States. Anyone doing business from, to, and within the NAFTA region will find this essential reading. NAFTA and WTO interact in ways that can make or break a company's strategy. Business strategists must consider the impact of today's rules and how future developments will affect them. However, as Condon makes clear, this book is about more than just business. The globalization of law and business affects the lives of everyone. Scholars, researchers, students, and international business professionals will find the book of value, as will those involved with financial services, international law, and international relations.
To what extent do domestic politics affect the agreement reached in an international trade negotiation? In order to address this question, Christopher C. Meyerson develops an approach to analyzing the relationship between domestic politics and international relations in trade policymaking. This approach is used to analyze both American and Japanese trade policymaking and US-Japan trade negotiations, especially during the GATT Uruguay Round agricultural negotiations between 1986 and 1994.
This book offers guidelines for the upcoming discussions on reform, representing an attempt to work out conceptions for a better international competition order on the basis of the scientific approach 'law and economics'. It presents the dominant concepts of competition policy as a basis for an international competition order and formulates a synthesis. The result is a new neo-ordoliberal approach. Anti-dumping-measures are analysed of the effects on international competition and resource allocation, and alternatives and improvements are suggested. From national forms of competition policy a synthesis of international competition policies are derived. Currently reforms of the international competition order are heavily discussed and here a selection of the most important suggestions are presented, compared, and evaluated. Finally, this book offers strategies that might serve as second-best solutions, and though they may not be optimal for competition policy, they are politically feasible and an improvement on the current competition regulations. They would be a back-up in case the WTO competition regulations aren't realizable.
Mutual Recognition (MR) implies that each Member State is free to
use the standards for production it prefers but cannot inhibit the
import from other Member States lawfully using other standards,
unless justified by emergency reasons. The home country rule then
prevails on the host country. Barriers to entry diminish,
competition rises in the internal market. This collection looks at
a number of aspects of MR, including why its importance cannot be
understood outside the general practice of free movement and how
some elements of MR already emerge in the skilled labour market of
professionals.
While the long-term gains from liberalization are generally
accepted, liberalizing economies are, nevertheless, likely to face
short to medium term adjustment costs. Yet most developing
countries do not have well-developed social safety nets to address
these problems. This book gauges the possible development
implications of the current WTO trade negotiations by examining the
various proposals and assessing their likely economic impact. Eight
country studies examine the experiences of a number of countries at
different levels of development and across various regions to
ascertain the impact of their trade reforms and the factors
contributing to the outcomes.
A topical study of regional arrangements covering ASEAN, SAARC and APEC in Asia, NAFTA and MERCOSUR in the Americas, SADC, SACU and ECOWAS in Africa, and the European Union, EFTA and Eastern Europe. The book argues that foreign direct investment is complementary to trade and most regional arrangements can create trade and induce growth so long as they remain open and non-discriminatory. But they could also become stumbling blocks to globalization. The book demonstrates how US and EU trade policy will be crucial in shaping the world economy.
NAFTA has been described by one expert as being a partial customs union. It is, in any case, a special kind of free trade area because it consists of two highly developed economies and one large third world economy. In this book, the contributors examine the specific interests of the three member countries, Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the creation of NAFTA. They also assess the influence of this trade area on their economics. Looking to the future, doubts are expressed about the feasibility of using NAFTA (a hope expressed by the USA) as a stepping stone in the creation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas. Instead, the contributors see the consolidation of MERCOSUR in Latin America and the creation of a new Trans-Atlantic Market - as proposed by Sir Leon Brittan - as more likely developments.
Policy makers in Southern Africa are increasingly convinced that regional trade liberalization can improve growth performance and stimulate development throughout the region. To succeed where previous attempts have failed, however, governments must address two key issues. The first of these is policy coordination - the broad range of domestic policies must be made compatible with the proposed trade reforms. The second is institution building - concerted attention must be devoted to strengthening weak institutions and infrastructure. The contributors are among the leading authorities on regional integration in Africa.
World hunger is prevalent yet receives relatively less attention compared to poverty. The MDGs have taken a step to address this with the resolution of halving the number of starving people in the world by 2015. Hunger though is not a straightforward problem of producing enough to feed the world's population; it has many cross-cutting dimensions. This volume discusses the significance of human rights approaches to food and the way it relates to gender considerations, addressing links between hunger and the HIV/AIDS pandemic, agricultural productivity and the environment.
The fight between North and South over intellectual property (IP) reached new heights in the 1990s. In one corner, large multinational companies and developed countries sought to protect their investments. Opposing them, developing countries argued for the time and scope to pursue development strategies unshackled by rules forged to bolster the competitiveness of richer countries. The result was the WTO's deeply contested Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). Widely resented by developing countries, TRIPS nonetheless permits them some hard-won flexibility. Puzzling, however, is why some developing countries have used that flexibility and others have not. Even more curious is that many of the poorest countries have made least use of the room for manouevre, despite securing some extra concessions. For developing countries, TRIPS did not end the pro-IP offensive. At the urging of industry lobbyists, powerful countries backtracked on the flexibilities in TRIPS and pursued even stronger global IP rules. To prevent precedents for weaker IP standards in poorer countries, they issued threats to market access, aid, investment, and political alliances. Further, they used new trade deals and, more subtly, capacity building (assisted by the World Intellectual Property Organization, among others) to leverage faster compliance and higher standards than TRIPS requires. Meanwhile, 'pro-development' advocates from civil society, other UN agencies, and developing countries worked to counter 'compliance-plus' pressures and defend the use of TRIPS flexibilities, sometimes with success. Within developing countries, most governments had little experience of IP laws and deferred TRIPS implementation to IP offices cut-off from trade politics and national policymaking, making them more vulnerable to the TRIPS-plus agenda. In many of the poorest African countries, regional IP arrangements magnified this effect. For scholars of international political economy and law, this book is the first detailed exploration of the links between global IP politics and the implementation of IP reforms. It exposes how power politics occur not just within global trade talks but afterwards when countries implement agreements. The Implementation Game will be of interest to all those engaged in debates on the global governance of trade and IP
This volume assesses the implementation of the EU's cohesion policy and the role that the policy has in stimulating ten new member states from eastern and southern European countries to join the EU in 2004 and in attracting another three to four countries that will join in the near future.
This book examines the nature of the evolutionary relationship that
developed between the United States and the GATT (General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade) system, and considers the effects of this
relationship on their individual evolution and development. These
effects were felt, within the GATT system, on its role in
international trade, manner and method of functioning, form, and
the very nature of its existence; and, within the United States, on
its international trade policy and role in the system, the nature
of the relationship between the executive and legislative branches
vis-a-vis trade, and the relationship between the branches of
government and private industry. |
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