A witty, essential guide to our new era of economic competition. From Soumaya Keynes, podcaster and columnist at the Financial Times and Chad Bown, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics.

We used to take trade for granted. Trillions of dollars of goods and services crossed borders each year, made possible by a global, rules-based system. Nobody paid too much attention to supply chains: they just worked.

Now, Trump’s latest tariff announcement can crash markets, ruin your pension, and sour decades-long alliances. Brexit can sever Britain from its closest trading partners. China’s export restrictions on rare earths could bring the West’s car production to a crashing halt. Curbs on trade in cutting-edge chips could determine who wins the AI race. The stakes couldn't be higher.

In this irreverent guide to our economic world, Keynes and Bown explore the history, players, and rules of trade, asking how we prepare for what the future might hold. Could trade wars lead to hot wars? What can the West learn from China?

Timely, funny and informative, How to Win a Trade War argues that the old system is dead. But what will emerge in its place? And ultimately, what is at stake for you, your country, and your company?

The Research Handbook on Trade Wars presents an informative and in-depth account of the origins, dynamics, and implications of trade wars, which are growing both in scale and scope in today's increasingly interdependent global economy. Timely and comprehensive, it provides a holistic understanding of trade wars, including not only the domestic and international factors that influence the pattern of trade war onset and escalation, but also the stakeholders and processes that shape the outcomes of such highly intense trade conflicts. Leading scholars in the field present original and thought-provoking research material, critically engage with academic and policy debates, and make theoretical contributions as well as valuable policy recommendations. In addition to its in-depth analysis of the global, domestic, political, and economic origins of trade wars, this Research Handbook also examines the variation in the scope of trade wars, the forum for dispute settlement, the factors that influence the pattern of dispute escalation, and the linkages between national security considerations and commercial conflicts. Providing the frameworks necessary for understanding the political and economic logics of trade wars, this Handbook will be a valuable source of reference for researchers, government officials, businesses, and post-graduate students interested in international political economy, international economics, economic statecraft, public policy, and international relations.

The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), a modified and modernized version of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), will continue to govern most economic relationships in North America, including the more than $1.3 trillion in annual regional trade in goods and services, for the foreseeable future. USMCA preserves the bulk of the NAFTA structures that permit North American manufacturers to compete effectively with their European and Asian counterparts in North American and foreign markets. Once in effect, USMCA should largely resolve the chilling effect on investment and new hiring generated by three years of uncertainty over NAFTA's future. This book provides a detailed analysis and critique of the provisions of the USMCA and the USMCA's relation to NAFTA. It is designed to assist lawyers and non-lawyers alike, including law, economics and public policy scholars, business professionals and governmental officials who require an understanding of one of the worlds' most economically and politically significant regional trade agreements.

This insightful Handbook provides a comprehensive overview of the most recent developments in the academic debate on the numerous and complex linkages between international trade and climate change. Adopting a broad interdisciplinary approach, it brings together perspectives from scholars in economics, political science and legal studies to confront the critical environmental challenges posed by globalization. Initial chapters provide an overview of the key debates related to international trade and climate policy, engaging with empirical data from the US and China to assess the impact of new trade initiatives and policy on greenhouse gas emissions, carbon leakage and the increase of trade in carbon-intensive products. Contributors propose policy options that align international trade with climate change mitigation and address crucial legal and practical implications, including the implementation of Border Carbon Adjustments and international trade disputes. Offering critical and empirically-based perspectives on the future of international trade policy, this timely Handbook is crucial reading for scholars, researchers and graduate students in political science, public policy and climate research. Policymakers will also benefit from its unique and insightful policy recommendations.

In Power and Regionalism in Latin America: The Politics of MERCOSUR, Laura Gomez-Mera examines the erratic patterns of regional economic cooperation in the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), a political-economic agreement among Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and, recently, Venezuela that comprises the world's fourth-largest regional trade bloc. Despite a promising start in the early 1990s, MERCOSUR has had a tumultuous and conflict-ridden history. Yet it has survived, expanding in membership and institutional scope. What explains its survival, given a seemingly contradictory mix of conflict and cooperation? Through detailed empirical analyses of several key trade disputes between the bloc's two main partners, Argentina and Brazil, Gomez-Mera proposes an explanation that emphasizes the tension between and interplay of two sets of factors: power asymmetries within and beyond the region, and domestic-level politics. Member states share a common interest in preserving MERCOSUR as a vehicle for increasing the region's leverage in external negotiations. Gomez-Mera argues that while external vulnerability and overlapping power asymmetries have provided strong and consistent incentives for regional cooperation in the Southern Cone, the impact of these systemic forces on regional outcomes also has been crucially mediated by domestic political dynamics in the bloc's two main partners, Argentina and Brazil. Contrary to conventional wisdom, however, the unequal distribution of power within the bloc has had a positive effect on the sustainability of cooperation. Despite Brazil's reluctance to adopt a more active leadership role in the process of integration, its offensive strategic interests in the region have contributed to the durability of institutionalized collaboration. However, as Gomez-Mera demonstrates, the tension between Brazil's global and regional power aspirations has also added significantly to the bloc's ineffectiveness.

As the ice around the Arctic landmass recedes, the territory is becoming a flashpoint in world affairs. New trade routes, cutting thousands of miles off journeys, are available, and the Arctic is thought to be home to enormous gas and oil reserves. The territorial lines are new and hazy. This book looks at how Russia deals with the outside world vis a vis the Arctic. Given Russia's recent bold foreign policy interventions, these are crucial issues and the realpolitik practiced by the Russian state is essential for understanding the Arctic's future.Here, Geir Honneland brings together decades of cutting-edge research - investigating the political contexts and international tensions surrounding Russia's actions. Honneland looks specifically at 'region-building' and environmental politics of fishing and climate change, on nuclear safety and nature preservation, and also analyses the diplomatic relations surrounding clashes with Norway and Canada, as well as at the governance of the Barents Sea. The Politics of the Arctic is a crucial addition to our understanding of contemporary International Relations concerning the Polar North.

The 1970s were a decade of historic American energy crises - major interruptions in oil supplies from the Middle East, the country's most dangerous nuclear accident, and chronic shortages of natural gas. In Energy Crises, Jay Hakes brings his expertise in energy and presidential history to bear on the questions of why these crises occurred, how different choices might have prevented or ameliorated them, and what they have meant for the half-century since - and likely the half-century ahead. Hakes deftly intertwines the domestic and international aspects of the long-misunderstood fuel shortages that still affect our lives today. This approach, drawing on previously unavailable and inaccessible records, affords an insider's view of decision-making by three U.S. presidents, the influence of their sometimes-combative aides, and their often tortuous relations with the rulers of Iran and Saudi Arabia. Hakes skillfully dissects inept federal attempts to regulate oil prices and allocation, but also identifies the decade's more positive legacies - from the nation's first massive commitment to the development of alternative energy sources other than nuclear power, to the initial movement toward a less polluting, more efficient energy economy. The 1970s brought about a tectonic shift in the world of energy. Tracing these consequences to their origins in policy and practice, Hakes makes their lessons available at a critical moment - as the nation faces the challenge of climate change resulting from the burning of fossil fuels.

The first East Asia Summit in 2005 prompted discussions of enlargement of ASEAN free trade agreements to include all major trading blocs and their regional and global implications. In this timely and original study, Tran Van Hoa and Charles Harvie explore the likely effects of new regional development. With more than half of the world's consumption and production market, well-defined trade agreements in Asia remain crucial to the economic growth and stability of the area. This book contains scholarly and well-researched contributions from internationally renowned experts from ASEAN, East and South Asia and Oceania who discuss this major new development and its impact on trade, investment, services, development, industry, poverty and economic relations. An important collection of new research, this volume will be used by economists, trade experts, academics, students, government advisers, policymakers and all those interested in these significant contemporary developments and their far-ranging implications in an enlarged Asia.

This book examines the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), an ambitious venture in regional market integration which builds on the principles of the North American Free Trade Agreement. It assesses the long-term corporate and public policy measures to cope with the increased monetary, fiscal and structural interdependence that will be required if the benefits of the FTAA are to be realized.The contributors suggest that with enlightened US leadership and the cooperation of Brazil, Mexico and Argentina, the FTAA could eventually match the EU in the world economy and as a multilateral leader. Initiatives to promote a culture of relational cooperation in a system of liberalized global commerce are stressed. In Latin America, there is an urgent need for such cooperation in order to enhance the region's lackluster growth rate and reduce the occurrences and severity of financial crises. The United States, Canada and Mexico will also benefit from the development of dynamic structural links with their regional neighbours. The authors highlight the importance for US policy initiatives to be complemented by constructive and harmonious corporate collaborations. This spirit of alliance capitalism will help ensure the FTAA promotes social justice as well as economic efficiency. This fully integrated volume, written by leading specialists in the field, will become an indispensable source for analysis of the prospects and role of the FTAA in the global economy. It will be warmly welcomed by informed readers such as international business experts, bankers, corporate executives, economists dealing with fiscal and monetary integration, and those interested in Latin American business.

Trade and environment issues are achieving ever greater prominence in the WTO. This timely volume contains key papers on this important and highly contentious issue. There is a natural linkage between trade and environment through the use of policy instruments. But when does more trade help or hurt the environment? There is clash between the market-opening principles of free trade, as reflected in the WTO, and the environmental quality and market regulating instincts of environmentalists. This volume examines the conceptual issues involved, as well as the manner in which the subject has been handled by the WTO. It will be an invaluable source of reference for students and researchers alike.

This authoritative collection brings together major articles written by leading economists, political scientists and legal scholars to analyse the complexities of the modern global system of intellectual property rights (IPRs) and its relationship with the WTO. The papers selected consider the role of IPRs in the knowledge economy, itself a force for rapid globalisation. They first place IPRs into context as a trade issue and their controversial role within the WTO. Several articles analyse the ability of IPRs to encourage innovation and support markets, emphasising controversial problems in developing countries: special attention is given to the role of patents in biodiversity and essential medicines. Additional contributions provide important theoretical and empirical perspectives on the economics of IPRs in the global economy, including effects on trade, investment, innovation, growth, and technology policies. This authoritative volume will be an important source of reference for scholars and policymakers seeking to understand the development and trade impacts of intellectual property protection. 21 articles, dating from 1991 to 2003

The events in Seattle and other cities around the world demonstrate that globalisation and trade liberalisation are currently under severe pressure. There are also reasons to believe that these pressures are being translated into measures to increase the protection of domestic markets. This book addresses what are arguably the four most important origins of these pressures: macroeconomic conditions, labour policy, trade and the environment, and market imperfections.The authors first address the role of macroeconomic conditions and policies, and demonstrate how these can have a crucial role in explaining 'slippages' of trade policy. The second origin of instability is labour policy, in particular the pressures to introduce universal labour standards. The third economic origin the book considers is the relationship between trade and the environment and the attempts to link trade policies to environmental standards. The fourth origin of protectionist pressure comes from the presence of various market imperfections and the extent to which they affect competition. The authors conclude that multilateral agreements can be extremely helpful in creating the right environment for equitable trade policies, but warn that complete success can only be achieved once major hurdles are overcome in the highly controversial and politically sensitive areas of labour, environment and competition. Offering a unique perspective on the threat to globalisation, this book should be widely read by students, practitioners and policymakers in the spheres of international trade, transition and development studies, and competition, labour and environmental economics.

The Polar North is known to be home to large gas and oil reserves and its position holds significant trading and military advantages, yet the maritime boundaries of the region remain ill-defined. In the twenty-first century the Arctic is undergoing profound change. As the sea ice melts, a result of accelerating climate change, global governance has become vital. In this first of three volumes, the latest research and analysis from the Fridtjof Nansen Institute, the world's leading Arctic research body, is brought together. Arctic Governance: Law and Politics investigates the legal and political order of the Polar North, focusing on governance structures and the Law of the Sea. Are the current mechanisms at work effective? Are the Arctic states' interests really clashing, or is the atmosphere of a more cooperative nature? Skilfully delineating policy in the region and analysing the consequences of treaty agreements, Arctic Governance's uncovering of a rather orderly 'Arctic race' will become an indispensable contribution to contemporary International Relations concerning the Polar North.

Since its foundation in 1995, the World Trade Organization, with its extensive legal provisions, has been defining the world trade relations and also had an enormous impact on both European and national economic law. At the same time, the WTO is perceived within the political discussion as a symbol for the world trade relations as a whole, the challenges of globalization and justice of the world trade order. Due to the expansion, consolidation and the increased enforcement of its rules, the relevance of the World Trade Organization will continue to increase. This book describes the institutional system, the basic principles and the vast variety of rules of the World Trade Organization. It aims at clarifying the structures and the general concepts, in order to enable the reader to get a better understanding of the issues at stake in many of the discussions and controversies on world trade.

The collapse of the Doha Round hangs heavily over an already troubled world economy. Some have concluded that this failure is simply the result of a lack of political will and a pre-occupation with issues such as terrorism. But as Kent Jones reveals in The Doha Blues, the World Trade Organization needs serious structural changes, not just political backbone. He shows for instance that the WTO--now with 153 members--has become increasingly unwieldy in terms of concluding trade agreements and he suggests that countries organize around specific platform positions, a strategy that would make the "holy grail" of consensus once again possible. Jones also argues for financial support for poorer countries so that they can participate effectively in negotiations and he contends that the principle of the "single undertaking" (that "there is no agreement until everything is agreed") has become a serious and perhaps crippling constraint, and must be modified. Jones is a leading authority on trade policy and his book illuminates the real stumbling blocks to trade liberalization and highlights the way around them.

The perceived impact of WTO law on the domestic regulatory autonomy of WTO Members is increasingly becoming the subject of controversy and debate. This book brings together in an integrated analytical framework the main WTO parameters defining the interface between the WTO and domestic legal orders, and examines how WTO adjudicators, i.e. panels and the Appellate Body, have construed those rules. A critical analysis identifies the flaws or weaknesses of these quasi-judicial solutions and their potential consequences for Members' regulatory autonomy. In an attempt to identify a more proper balance between WTO law and regulatory autonomy, it develops an innovative interpretation of the National Treatment obligations in GATT and GATS, drawing upon compelling arguments from legal, logic and economic theory.

Discussion of trade barriers has come round - inevitably it seems - to national regimes of regulatory protection. Indeed, state regulation has the potential to undermine the very legitimacy of the global trading system. A compelling reconciliation between these two paramount values is essential. This text has a twofold purpose: to consider what has so far been accomplished in this mission in the field of international economic law, and to prescribe some solutions to continuing problems. This latter endeavour amounts to a coherent and integrated plan that will enhance the acceptability of free markets to governments, traders, and other stakeholders alike. The challenges analysed in depth here include: the development in the global trade regime of non-trade policy objectives, which still tend to be treated as mere exceptions to general obligations; the built-in emphasis on products rather than measures; the novel risks associated with the development of modern technology; the case-by-case approach of WTO jurisprudence, which generally fails to investigate whether the substance of any given domestic regulation is necessary to the policy goals of the state in question; and the "technical and economic feasibility" of complying with international trade obligations. The author conducts his analysis in a broad context encompassing the WTO system, the European Union, and the North American Free Trade Agreement. He finds that the clash, despite the particular institutional characteristics of these various organizations, is a major concern of them all. The jus gentium of international trade, he offers, is an imperative combining the good faith principle with the communitarian duty to cooperate. Exactly how to go about ordering this imperative is what this book is about.

This year, the "Yearbook Commercial Arbitration" has reached the milestone of thirty years of documenting the law and practice of international commercial arbitration. The Yearbook provides up-to-date and informative material to arbitration scholars and practitioners in the form of arbitral awards and court decisions, as well as newly adopted or amended arbitration rules. An indispensable feature of the Yearbook is the reporting on the 1958 New York Convention, which in this volume includes the greatest number of cases yet - 79 court decisions from 12 countries throughout the world. These cases are indexed and linked to the General Editor's earlier-published Commentaries on the New York Convention, facilitating research on any aspect of the Convention. The Yearbook also contains recent court decisions applying the 1961 European Convention, the 1975 Inter-American Arbitration Convention and the UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Arbitration, as well as leading cases on topical issues from a variety of jurisdictions. Austrian, French, German, Italian, Russian, Spanish and Swedish decisions are translated into English, giving the reader access to material which might otherwise be inaccessible. Arbitral awards made under the auspices of the Iran-US Claims Tribunal, the International Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce, the German Maritime Arbitration Association and the Hamburg Friendly Arbitration deal with procedural and substantive issues of general interest to the business and legal communities. New and amended rules adopted by the China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission (CIETAC), the China Maritime Arbitration Commission (CMAC) and the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) are reproduced and information is provided on arbitration legislation recently enacted in Chile, Denmark, Norway, Philippines and Poland. A Bibliography and List of Journals keep the reader up-to-date on relevant literature. The worldwide scope and variety of the materials of the Yearbook assure the reader of a comprehensive annual overview of international commercial arbitration.