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Books > Business & Economics > Economics > International economics > International trade > Trade agreements & tariffs
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Starting a Resurgent America
- Solutions: Destabilized America, Economy, Trade Policy, Social Security, Medicare, Obamacare, Education, Child Care, Immigration, Reviving Industry, Crime, Security, Terrorism, Prisons, Poverty, Unemployment, Media Excesses,
(Paperback)
Stephen Blaha
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Discovery Miles 6 490
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Recent elections have focused on negatives: how to cut programs and
how to raise taxes. This book proposes a positive solutions
oriented approach to solve the root causes of the country's
economic problems: the milking of America by foreign trade
agreements that has brought the country and many of the people to
the brink of bankruptcy. It shows the primary cause of our decline
is a multi-decade trade imbalance fed by an unfair trade policy of
low import duties, and the relatively high level of American
workers' wages compared to foreign wages. The granting of "Most
Favored Nation" status to China in the early 1990's, together with
China's extraordinary low average wages and China's robber baron
attempts to capture major industries such as pharmaceuticals, have
led to a massive trade imbalance. In this book we propose a
solution to the foreign trade problem that will level the playing
field for America and foreign countries. In addition we propose
specific NEW solutions for the problem areas listed in the title.
Dr. Blaha is a historian and economist, as well as a physicist,
with a practical approach to the many major problems facing America
including a better alternative than Obamacare, a powerful solution
for environmental pollution, and a revived space program based on
building a new space travel infrastructure. An action oriented
approach
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) entered into force
on January 1, 1994. The overall economic impact of NAFTA is
difficult to measure since trade and investment trends are
influenced by numerous other economic variables, such as economic
growth, inflation, and currency fluctuations. The agreement may
have accelerated the trade liberalization that was already taking
place, but many of these changes may have taken place with or
without an agreement. Nevertheless, NAFTA is significant because it
was the most comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA) negotiated at
the time and contained several groundbreaking provisions. This book
provides an overview of North American trade liberalization before
NAFTA, an overview of NAFTA provisions, the economic effects of
NAFTA, and policy considerations. This book also examines the
integration of North America's agricultural and food markets as a
result of the North American Free Trade Agreement.
Fiscal policy is an important factor influencing the growth
performance of countries. However, compared to the large empirical
literature on the effects of monetary policy on economic activity,
fiscal policy has received less attention. In this book, the
authors present current research in the study of fiscal policy and
the macroeconomy as well as the challenges of fiscal policy in the
current global environment. The book brings a global perspective to
the practice of fiscal policy by presenting case studies from the
United States, the European Union, and the Caribbean. Topics
discussed in the book include international dimensions of fiscal
policy, public debt and the economy, austerity versus stimulus and
economic growth, the correction of economic imbalances in Europe,
the long term impact of fiscal devaluation, the cyclicality of
fiscal policy, the appropriate debt ceilings for small states,
lessons from the banking union framework in the Euro Area, fiscal
policy and competitiveness, policy lessons from debt restructuring
in Jamaica, estimating the structural fiscal balance in small
islands and fiscal policy rules and fiscal performance.
What have WTO accessions contributed to the rules-based
multilateral trading system? What demands have been made by
original WTO members on acceding governments? How have the acceding
governments fared? This volume of essays offers critical readings
on how WTO accession negotiations have expanded the reach of the
multilateral trading system not only geographically but also
conceptually, clarifying disciplines and pointing the way to their
further strengthening in future negotiations. Members who have
acceded since the WTO was established now account for twenty per
cent of total WTO membership. In the age of globalization there is
an increased need for a universal system of trade rules. Accession
negotiations have been used by governments as an instrument for
domestic reforms, and one lesson from the accession process is that
there are contexts which lead multilateral trade negotiations to
successful outcomes even in the complex and multi-polar
twenty-first century economic environment.
This book brings together and interprets the information relating
to Canada's contacts with Asiatic countries since the beginning of
the Second World War. Lucidly written and freshly presented, it
will be of great interest to everyone concerned with international
affairs. As Canada's policies in the Far East and Southeast Asia
are the result of Canadian policies in general, Dr. Angus discusses
the general policies first and then their particular application.
He deals with the nature of Canadian nationalism; the war years and
post-war adjustment; Canadian Far Eastern policy and the United
Nations; the peace settlement with Japan and security; trade policy
and access to resources; economic assistance and the forms it
takes; cultural intercourse, human rights, and immigration; and
Canadian opinion about the Far East. Dr. Angus' book is published
by the University of Toronto Press for the Canadian Institute of
International Affairs.
Power inequalities and mistrust have characterized many interstate
relationships. Yet most international relations theories do not
take into account power and mistrust when explaining cooperation.
While some scholars argue that power relations inhibit cooperation
between states, other scholars expect interstate cooperation
regardless of the power relations and level of trust. Strategic
Cooperation: Overcoming the Barriers of Global Anarchy argues that
although states benefit from cooperation, they are also wary of the
power relations between states, making cooperation difficult.
Successful and cooperative bilateral relationships are formed
between strong and weak states that are power asymmetric and have
mistrust of one another, but they are built in such as way as to
overcome the problem of power asymmetry and mistrust. This book
answers how and why states that are in power asymmetry and have
mistrust of one another are able to build a cooperative bilateral
relationship. It argues that states forge a relationship due to
strategic needs such as economic or security needs. Slobodchikoff
has developed a database composed of the whole population of
bilateral treaties between Russia and each of the former Soviet
republics, and examines all of these bilateral relationships. He
finds that Russia indeed forged relationships with the former
republics based on its strategic interests. However, despite
Russia's strategic interests, it had to build a bilateral
relationship that would address the issues of mistrust and power
asymmetry between the states. To achieve this, Russia and the
former Soviet republics created treaty networks, which served to
legitimize as well as legalize the independent status of each of
the former republics while also increasing the cost to Russia of
violating any of the treaties. This book argues that strong treaty
networks account for a more cooperative relationship between
states, allowing both states to cooperate by alleviating the
problems of mistrust and power asymmetry.
Trusting Trade and the Private Sector for Food Security in
Southeast Asia challenges policy makers who oversee the rice sector
in Southeast Asia and reexamines deep-rooted precepts about their
responsibilities. The authors argue that fixating on national
self-sufficiency has been costly and counterproductive, and
cooperation can both improve rice production at home and expand
regional trade. Trusting Trade specifically examines private sector
participation in the rice and (yellow) maize markets in five
countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)
Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. The
study identifies both the private sector s potential role in
providing greater regional food security and feasible ways to
strengthen public and private sector cooperation in managing
regional food supply chains. Trusting Trade also examines
actionable ways to deepen and strengthen regional markets that
support trade in food staples. The study s recommendations are
meant to be implemented primarily through new forms of partnerships
between the public and private sectors. Trusting Trade will be of
interest to policy makers in the ASEAN member states and its
development partners as well as others interested in food security,
supply chains, and trade in Southeast Asia."
Much has been written about the trilateral relationship between
Canada, the United States, and Mexico, and the free trade
agreements that this relationship has spawned. In Making North
America, James Thompson uses the Canada-US Free Trade Agreement of
1988 and the North American Free Trade Agreement of 1994 to
demonstrate that there has been an often-unrecognized impulse
behind the process of North American integration - national
security. Featuring interviews with key decision-makers from all
three countries, including Brian Mulroney, George H.W. Bush, and
Carlos Salinas, Making North America is a rigorous analysis of the
role national security has played in North American integration.
Furthermore, Thompson's evidence suggests that the processes at
work in North America are part of a global phenomenon where regions
are progressively coalescing into larger-scale political entities.
The American position on Russia during the First World War was
defined by the same idealism that guided our relations with other
countries. Woodrow Wilson and American leaders had hailed the
Revolution of March 1917 as an expression of the true spirit of
Russia, a harbinger of democracy. The Bolshevik revolt and the
civil war that followed were, in their eyes, only temporary
disturbances. Still, the growth of the new democracy would only
prosper if the Russians could restore order to their beleaguered
land. In this book Linda Killen examines a hitherto neglected
instrument of American policy in Russia-the Russian Bureau of the
War Trade Board. With support from the administration, the bureau
was established by Congress in October 1918 as a public corporation
with a fund of $5 million to facilitate trade between Russia and
America, for government and business leaders thought that the
Russians could be helped to resolve their problems with the income
from trade. The bureau was also to assist in two areas essential to
trade, stabilizing the currency and restoring the transportation
system. With the signing of the peace treaty, however, the bureau
as a wartime agency was dissolved in June 1919 and its work
assigned to the State Department. As one of the first American
attempts at foreign aid, the bureau's program was necessarily
tentative, but Linda Killen shows that, as a specific case, the
bureau offers an instructive example. It reveals a widespread
ignorance of Russian affairs both in government and in business
circles. More importantly, it demonstrates the fatal weakness of an
idealistic policy that was blind to political realities. Perhaps,
the bureau's most tangible "accomplishment" came when its $5
million were finally transferred to the Trans-Siberian Railroad to
purchase new equipment. Yet, ironically, it was the hated
Bolsheviks who benefitted from this aid when they seized Siberia
and used the new equipment to restore the rail line to efficient
operation. This detailed study of the Russian Bureau sheds new
light on a turbulent and tragic area of American diplomacy.
Unfortunately, the democratic Russia that Wilson sought to help may
never have existed except in his mind and never came to be.
This monograph addresses Asia's rise in global free trade agreement
(FTA) activity. This has sparked concerns about the erosion of the
World Trade Organization (WTO) trading system and the Asian "noodle
bowl" (multiple and possibly conflicting FTAs). The study
identifies for policymakers how best to minimize the costs of FTAs
while maximizing their benefits. It reexamines key trends and
challenges in Asian FTAs and offers new information from analysis
of FTAs, economic models, and firm surveys. This analysis supports
strengthening business support for FTAs; rationalizing rules of
origin and upgrading their administration; expanded coverage of
agricultural and services trade; forging comprehensive "WTO-plus"
agreements; and encouraging a region-wide FTA. The analysis
suggests a bottom-up approach to global trade liberalization as a
complement to WTO processes.
Regional and bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) have taken on
greater significance amidst an evolving international trading
environment. Member countries in FTAs agree to eliminate trade
barriers on all or most goods and services traded among them.
Uncertainties associated with global negotiations under the World
Trade Organization (WTO) Doha Development Agenda, along with other
factors, have contributed to an upsurge in bilateral and regional
trade agreements. This book examines the possible impacts on U.S.
agricultural trade of two recently implemented FTAs in which the
United States is not a partner; the FTAs between the ASEAN
countries and China and between the ASEAN countries and
Australia/New Zealand. Also discussed is the potential effects on
U.S. agricultural exporters of pending bilateral TAs between the
United States and Korea, Colombia, and Panama.
This study examines U.S.-Mexico sugar trade with special attention
given to the impact of changes in trade and market environments
caused by implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA) and the introduction of high fructose corn syrup (HFCS).
These two factors contributed to shaping sugar markets in the
United States and Mexico as well as sugar trade between the two
countries. The study includes two sections: (1) a description of
the sugar markets from an historic point of view and (2) an
empirical study forecasting the market and trade outlook.In section
one, characteristics of the sugar industry and transition of the
sugar markets brought by the two factors (NAFTA and HFCS) are
presented. Adoption of HFCS shaped the U.S. sweetener market in the
1980s and a similar phenomenon appears to be beginning in Mexico.
This is explained by not only income growth but also the provisions
of NAFTA that facilitate U.S. HFCS to enter the Mexican market and
restrict Mexican sugar to the U.S. market. Although Mexico is
promised favorable access to the U.S. market under NAFTA, it has
not been successful in exporting sugar; rather, the focus has been
to suppress HFCS adoption in the domestic market.Next, an empirical
study comprised of three analyses is presented. Regression results
from the market analysis showed that the estimated price
elasticities for both sugar demand and supply are significant and
inelastic. These estimates are built into the second model that
examines bilateral trade. Results from simulations of the trade
analysis indicate Mexico's HFCS adoption rate will determine the
magnitude of Mexico's sugar export, which consequently poses a
significant influence on U.S. markets. Also the way the U.S.
government allocates quotas among exporters will have a significant
impact, particularly on the costs of the U.S. sugar program. Game
theory analysis is then used to assess what strategies the involved
participants will prefer. The results suggest that there will be a
conflict of interests and that the U.S. HFCS industry may play an
influential role in forming a sugar policy.
The rise of the new major powers in the global system has attracted
considerable attention. This has focused on the emergence of
Brazil, Indian Russia and, above all China, and the consequences
for both the global balance of power and the nature of
international relations. In addition to these national powers we
are witnessing a proliferation and intensification of regionalism.
The rise of regional blocs such as the EU, MERCOSUR and ASEAN is
bringing a new component to the global system. As these regional
groupings seek to establish relations with major powers and with
each other, they not only become global actors in their own right,
but also create a new level of interaction, that has been termed
'interregionalism'. This paper explores the nature, extent and
implications of the emergence of this new form of international
relations.
Central America has put the promotion of international trade at the
center of its development agenda. Over the past years the region
has witnessed the successful conclusion of negotiations for a
significant number of free trade agreement, most notably the
Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA)
with the US and the Association Agreement (AA) with the European
Union signed in May 2010. The priority given to international trade
by Central America is unsurprising. Trade is generally perceived as
being both beneficial for growth and a means for advancement for
developing countries. There are now plenty of positive experiences
with developing countries that have anchored their development
strategies around the promotion of trade. The region should be
congratulated without reservations for the effort made on this
front. However, the real work starts now, with the recognition that
trade agreements create opportunities but do not guarantee results.
Three main questions are addressed in the background papers
prepared for this study. How does trade liberalization enhance the
volume of trade? What is the impact of higher trade flows on
growth? Is the growth associated with trade equitable and
sustainable? The main conclusions of the study therefore aim to
inform the ongoing policy discussion on how Central America can get
the most out of its free trade agreements: a key message that
emerges is that this will depend on the ability of countries to
create an enabling policy and institutional environment; one that
will stimulate trade flows as well as the growth impact of these
flows, while ensuring that growth is inclusive and sustainable.
Asia has entered the 21st century as an economic superpower and is
inevitably also becoming a political superpower. This evolution is
the subject of this continuing series which includes in its scope
the entire spectrum of contemporary politics and economics of Asia.
The coverage is intended to deal with Asia, its political dynamics,
economic policies, institutions and its future. It discusses topics
that include: U.S.-South Korea relations; trade promotion authority
and the Korea Free Trade Agreement; China's military modernisation
efforts; U.S.-Vietnam economic and trade relations; and, U.S.-China
trade relations and China's currency policy.
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