In late 2015, against a background of growing populist opposition to international trade agreements, the European Commission announced its willingness to negotiate a comprehensive bilateral investment agreement with Taiwan. While this should be relatively straightforward, this book warns that it is unlikely to be so. The major stumbling block is not Chinese opposition, as is so often assumed, or populist resistance but a lack of sufficient political will on both sides. This stems from a mutual lack of awareness which in turn is due to the relative stagnation of bilateral trade. A successful outcome would therefore act as a catalyst in developing relations further. The author examines the principal obstacles to reaching an agreement and the ways of overcoming them. The book should be of interest to policy makers, negotiators and advisors involved in the forthcoming negotiations but also to anyone with an interest in the EU's relations with Taiwan.

All of the GCC countries-Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates-are undergoing historic socio-economic transitions. They are facing enormous strains on public finances and challenging economic outlooks, due to fluctuating oil prices, demographic pressures, high unemployment rates, and a lack of economic diversification. These countries also are likely to feel the rising impact of climate change, and global policies to deal with it, over the coming decades. In addition, seemingly unstoppable shifts in the long-standing international order, notably the rise of China and uncertainties about U.S. leadership, have potentially serious implications for the Middle East and beyond. This policy-oriented book of essays by noted scholars and experts considers the key trends shaping Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, ranging from the COVID-19 pandemic, to climate change, economic disruptions, demographics and other domestic concerns, and shifts in the global order. The book's chapters address such questions as: How will global megatrends impact the GCC? How can GCC states adjust and diversify their economies to meet the dual challenges of fluctuating oil prices and climate change? How can these states adjust their labor markets to absorb and support women and youth? How will inter GCC disagreements impact the region moving forward? And how will GCC relations with international actors shift in the coming years? This timely book, with its comprehensive analyses and policy recommendations, will be of interest to a wide range of readers interested in the GCC region, including policymakers, academics, and researchers at think tanks and nongovernmental organizations.

Ashworth traces the growth of customs and excise, and their integral role in shaping the framework of industrial England. He examines their influence on elements such as state power, technical advance, and the evolution of a consumer society. If there was a unique pathway of industrialization, it was less a distinct entrepreneurial and technocentric culture, than one predominantly defined within an institutional framework spearheaded by the excise and a wall of tariffs.

Revealing a powerful economic motive behind Taiwan's 1990 application for GATT membership, CHO questions those who interpreted it solely as a political move designed to break that island nation's diplomatic isolation. Flourishing economically since the 1950s despite non-GATT membership, matters changed for Taiwan in the 1980s when it became both big and small. As a big trader, its dual trade regime was no longer tolerated, while as a small economy with little political clout, Taiwan was pushed to liberalize its trade practices by bilateral pressures. Taiwan believes that the most-favored nation principle and diffuse reciprocity embedded in GATT/WTO's multilateralism will sheild Taiwan from the pernicious effects of bilateral asymmetry while simultaneously providing it with more international living space.

Renewed tensions between Russia and the West have fueled speculation that Moscow's apparent designs on the Arctic region could help stimulate a new cold war. Vladimir Putin's openly nationalistic ambitions, as demonstrated most vividly with his seizure of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, might seem to justify such concerns. This book by a noted expert shifts the debate over Russia's strategy from what Moscow could do in the Arctic to the realities of what Putin's Russia likely will do. Buchanan challenges the widely held assumption that the Arctic is emerging as one of the most important strategic theaters in a potentially dangerous new cold war between Russia and the West. In fact, she explains that Putin's Arctic aspirations rely heavily upon continued international cooperation via commercial partnerships with Western energy firms and Eastern injections of capital-all of which could be at risk in a new cold war. Three main themes are intertwined throughout the book: Russian Arctic interests; Putin's vision to regain great power status; and the emerging narrative of a new cold war in the Arctic. Weaved together, they dovetail nicely to present a qualitative assessment of Russian Arctic strategy devoid of ideological biases. The unique departure for the book is that it makes the case that Russia's renewed great power ambitions under Putin are not the only explanation for Russian Arctic strategy. By exploring the broader context of Putin's actions, the book fills a gap in literature. It will be of interest both to specialists and to anyone interested in relations between Russia and the West as well as the numerous questions about how the Arctic region will be exploited-and who will do the exploiting.

A comprehensive, critical analysis of the interactions between investment, trade and the environment. It examines the consequences of existing multilateral investment and trade regimes, including the WTO and the MAI for the environment, and asks how they should be reformed to protect it. In doing so, the text shows how these regimes can be greened without erecting protectionist barriers to trade that frustrate the development aspirations of poorer countries. The solution seeks to offer a way out of one of the most difficult dilemmas in international policy: how investment and trade can protect the environment without encouraging protectionism by the industrialized world.

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) broke new ground in such areas as investment regulation and intellectual property protection, and, for the first time, linked labor and environmental issues to international trade policy. Implementation of this agreement required the creation of several new institutions: some mandated by the treaty itself; others resulting from supplemental labor and environmental legislation; and a few created in response to increased economic activity among the members. This book provides, for the first time, an in-depth examination and analysis of the structure, functions, and performance of the NAFTA institutions from their inception to the present day.

A Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is an agreement between two or more countries where the countries agree on certain terms and conditions that affect trade between them. There are more than 350 FTAs worldwide today. In the last two decades these agreements significantly expanded in scope, covering not only market access but also behind-the-border policy issues going far beyond WTO rules. Mega regional FTAs like Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) are coming into play. Developed countries are also establishing their own templates for FTA-making. This book is intended to bring about a greater level of understanding among readers in a systematic manner with respect to the vast changes taking place on the FTA scene worldwide and about India's own limited participation in this regard so far. FTAs are legal instruments, but they also substantially affect business, industry, and agriculture interests. There is a widely held perception in the country, not without some validity, that India's existing FTAs, even if limited, have benefitted the partner countries more than us. India has recently signed two FTAs- with the UAE and Australia. Discussions with the UK are at an advance stage and both the countries are expected to sign the FTA soon. This book tries to capture various aspects of these agreements keeping India's position in mind.

Who is afraid of the World Trade Organization, the WTO? The list appears to be long. Many workers, and especially unions that represent them, claim that WTO agreements increase import competition and threaten their jobs. Other groups emphasize the role of the WTO in the allegedly ill effects of globalization in general. Many environmentalists share this concern, claiming that the WTO encourages pollution and prevents governments from defending national environmental standards. Then there are human rights advocates ready to violate WTO rules by imposing trace sanctions in defense of human rights. Still other groups fear that the WTO compromises national sovereignty, taking away a countrys right to govern its trade and even its own domestic policies. This book is in response to the many misinformed and often hysterical arguments leveled against the WTO during recent protests in Seattle and elsewhere. In this timely and engaging volume, Kent Jones explains the compelling reasons for establishing the WTO as an agreement to promote world trade, and the consensus-based structure of all its enforcement mechanisms. While Jones does not dismiss the threat that recent political protests pose for the trading system, he does reveal the fallacies in their arguments and presents a strong case in favor of the World Trade Organization, with proposals for reconciling trade and non-trade goals in the world economy.

This book addresses the role of domestic courts in the enforcement of international trade agreements by examining the experiences of Brazilian and the European Union courts. This comparative study analyzes the differences, similarities and consequences of Brazilian and European courts' decisions in relation to the WTO agreements, which have "direct effect" in Latin American emerging economies, but not in the European Union or other developed countries. It observes that domestic courts' enforcement of international trade agreements has had several unintended and counterproductive consequences, which were foreseeable in light of international scholarly debate on the direct effect of WTO agreements. It draws lessons from these jurisdictions' experiences and argues that the traditional academic literature that fosters domestic courts' enforcement of international law should be reconsidered in Latin America in relation to international trade agreements. This book defends the view that, as a result of their function and objectives together with the principles of popular sovereignty and democratic self-government, international trade agreements should not be considered to be self-executing or to have direct effect. This empirical work will be valuable to anyone interested in the effects of international trade rules at the domestic level and the role of domestic judges in international law.

What role should international trade rules and the World Trade Organization (WTO) play in the protection of the environment? While many environmentalists argue that trade rules and procedures must be made more "green," many trade proponents fear that the international trading system will be undermined by extreme demands of environmentalists.

In this essay, Gary Sampson scrutinizes these contending views and assesses the effects of trade liberalization on the environment; the role of the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism; the potential impact of WTO rules, including those dealing with production processes; and the relationship that should exist between the WTO and specific multilateral environmental agreements.

In his discussion of these issues, Sampson puts forward a priority agenda for trade and environmental ministers and proposes ways to enhance the WTO's environmental protection role and strengthen the trading system at the same time.

An authority on Asia and globalization identifies the challenges China's growing power poses and how it must be confronted "Timely and thought-provoking. . . . An unsparing analysis of how Washington's elite fell into the grip of their China delusion."-James Kynge, Financial Times "Prestowitz doesn't just point out problems; he offers a detailed, 25-page 'Plan for America.' An excellent comprehensive study from an expert on the subject."-Kirkus, Starred Review When China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001, most experts expected the WTO rules and procedures to liberalize China and make it "a responsible stakeholder in the liberal world order." But the experts made the wrong bet. China today is liberalizing neither economically nor politically but, if anything, becoming more authoritarian and mercantilist. In this book, notably free of partisan posturing and inflammatory rhetoric, renowned globalization and Asia expert Clyde Prestowitz describes the key challenges posed by China and the strategies America and the Free World must adopt to meet them. He argues that these must be more sophisticated and more comprehensive than a narrowly targeted trade war. Rather, he urges strategies that the United States and its allies can use unilaterally without contravening international or domestic law.

This handbook describes the historical and legal background to the TRIPS Agreement, its role in the WTO and its institutional framework. It reviews the following areas: general provisions and basic principles; copyright and related rights; trademarks; geographical indications; patents; industrial designs, layout-designs, undisclosed information and anti-competitive practices; enforcement of IPRs; dispute settlement in the context of the TRIPS Agreement; TRIPS and public health; and current TRIPS issues. It contains a guide to TRIPS notifications by WTO members and describes how to access the official documentation relating to the TRIPS Agreement and related issues. Furthermore, it includes the legal texts of the TRIPS Agreement and the relevant provisions of the WIPO conventions referred to in it, as well as subsequent relevant WTO instruments and related non-WTO treaties. The new edition covers the public health revision of the Agreement that entered into force in 2017 and provides updates on other recent developments.

This handbook describes the historical and legal background to the TRIPS Agreement, its role in the WTO and its institutional framework. It reviews the following areas: general provisions and basic principles; copyright and related rights; trademarks; geographical indications; patents; industrial designs, layout-designs, undisclosed information and anti-competitive practices; enforcement of IPRs; dispute settlement in the context of the TRIPS Agreement; TRIPS and public health; and current TRIPS issues. It contains a guide to TRIPS notifications by WTO members and describes how to access the official documentation relating to the TRIPS Agreement and related issues. Furthermore, it includes the legal texts of the TRIPS Agreement and the relevant provisions of the WIPO conventions referred to in it, as well as subsequent relevant WTO instruments and related non-WTO treaties. The new edition covers the public health revision of the Agreement that entered into force in 2017 and provides updates on other recent developments.

Provides a roadmap for mature industrialized countries to contribute to and benefit from global trade on new terms. Global trade is heading toward chaos. Globalization has in part been a zero-sum game over the last 20 years, as China's middle and upper classes have grown sharply while Western economies have stagnated. Wealthy countries, most notably the United States and the United Kingdom, are now on the brink of abandoning free trade as it includes both the principles and the theories behind it because their economies cannot compete with those of China and some developing countries. Prevailing protectionist attitudes and policies are based on short-term thinking and will disappoint future generations. According to author David S. Jacoby, a "new multilateralism" can provide a way out of this impending disaster by preserving innovation and growth while also curbing the impact of countries that manipulate currency, disparage the environment, and violate human rights. Jacoby clearly explains how industrialized nations can compete on a basis of differentiated technology and innovation while letting developing countries compete on a basis of manufacturing, components, and materials and makes a strong case for why the West should recommit to global trade. Explains the reasons behind current populist trends around the world Identifies the challenges and failures of globalization Profiles countries that have developed under different trade frameworks Assesses models of isolationism and protectionism Delivers a policy prescription for a new global trade order

In pharmaceutical patent law, the problem of lack of policy direction and inappropriate legal framework is widespread - particularly among jurisdictions with little to no pharmaceutical research or manufacturing. This book aims to inform public policy and influence debate through a comprehensive review of Hong Kong's pharmaceutical patent law. By demonstrating the need for a holistic review of pharmaceutical patent laws and evaluating Hong Kong's system in light of health policy, economic and social factors, Bryan Mercurio recommends changes to the legal framework and constructs a more efficient and effective system for Hong Kong. He thoroughly evaluates the international framework and best practice models to offer a global perspective to each issue before providing local context in the analysis. While the focus of the book is Hong Kong, the analysis on pharmaceutical patent law and policy extends to other jurisdictions facing issues on reforming their national system.

This is a comprehensive graduate textbook on International Trade. It surveys both the theoretical and empirical literature, and reports new results. International Trade addresses the need to synthesize and integrate the new advances in a field that has become a key element of policy discussions.

Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have been proliferating for more than two decades, with the negotiations for a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and a Trans-Pacific Partnership being just the tip of the iceberg. This volume addresses some of the most pressing issues related to the surge of these agreements. It includes chapters written by leading political scientists, economists and lawyers which theoretically and empirically advance our understanding of trade agreements. The key theme is that PTAs vary widely in terms of design. The authors provide explanations as to why we see these differences in design and whether and how these differences matter in practice. The tools for understanding the purposes and effects of PTAs that are offered will guide future research and inform practitioners and trade policy experts about progress in the scientific enquiry into PTAs.

This book argues that investor risk in emerging markets hinges on the company a country keeps. When a country signs on to an economic agreement with states that are widely known to be stable, it looks less risky. Conversely, when a country joins a group with more unstable members, it looks more risky. Investors use the company a country keeps as a heuristic in evaluating that country's willingness to honor its sovereign debt obligations. This has important implications for the study of international cooperation as well as of sovereign risk and credibility at the domestic level.

The volume explores a question that sheds light on the contested, but largely cooperative, nature of Arctic governance in the post-Cold War period: How does power matter -and how has it mattered - in shaping cross-border cooperation and diplomacy in the Arctic? The role of power in global governance cooperation has been explored in international relations and political geography literature, yet largely overlooked in an Arctic context. Through carefully selected case studies - from Russia's role in the Arctic Council to the diplomacy of indigenous peoples' organizations - this book seeks to shed light on how power performances are enacted to constantly shore up Arctic cooperation in key ways. The conceptually-driven nature of the inquiry makes the book appropriate reading for courses in international relations and political geography, while the carefully selected case studies lend themselves to courses on Arctic politics. -- .

The book provides an analytical overview of the World Trade Organisation's Anti-Dumping Agreement, as interpreted by WTO Panels and the Appellate Body. The Anti-Dumping Agreement is often perceived as being the most technical and controversial WTO agreement. While the basic concepts of dumping and resulting injury may appear deceptively simple, complex methodology related to the calculation of dumping and injury margins, as well as the very detailed procedural requirements that authorities need to comply with before taking anti-dumping action, make the Anti-Dumping Agreement difficult to apply and understand in practice. While the book of necessity goes into great detail about the intricacies of anti-dumping law and practice, it attempts to explain the various concepts in a relatively non-technical manner by means of simplified examples that are easy to grasp for experts and non-experts alike. The book also pays extensive attention to interpretations of the various provisions of the Anti-Dumping Agreement by WTO panels and the Appellate Body. There have been more WTO cases under the Anti-Dumping Agreement than under any other WTO Agreement, reflecting both the increased recourse to anti-dumping measures by WTO members all over the world and the complexity of abiding by the WTO rules. WTO Panels and the Appellate Body, called upon to review administrative determinations and aspects of national legislation, have done a remarkable job in interpreting the WTO rules. For WTO members, wishing to impose anti-dumping measures in a WTO-consistent manner, knowledge not only of the Agreement itself, but also of such interpretations, is therefore a must.

This manuscript examines Sino-Middle Eastern relations on a bilateral level. It highlights the depth of China's involvement in Central Asia with each country on a five dimensional approach: security cooperation, energy security, trade relations, political relations, and cultural relations. Regarding each of these criteria, Central Asia enjoys a strategic significance to China's national security, vital interests, territorial integrity, sovereignty, regime survival, and economic prosperity. China has been an integral part of the political developments on the Central Asian political scene for over the past two millennia. Their bilateral ties grew steadily since the independence of Central Asian republics in 1992, culminating into strategic partnership two decades later. China and its partners in the region have embarked on the construction of the most ambitious gas pipelines network, joint ventures in oil upstreaming and downstreaming, mammoth highway and railroad projects, trade zones, construction projects, and above all, strategic security coordination in reference to unified and an integrated response to regional security threats. Both sides are also engaged in a process of revival of the Silk Road in terms of its cultural diversity and trade relations. Sino-Central Asian volume of trade reached $50 billion heading steadily toward $100 in the coming five years.

Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have been proliferating for more than two decades, with the negotiations for a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and a Trans-Pacific Partnership being just the tip of the iceberg. This volume addresses some of the most pressing issues related to the surge of these agreements. It includes chapters written by leading political scientists, economists and lawyers which theoretically and empirically advance our understanding of trade agreements. The key theme is that PTAs vary widely in terms of design. The authors provide explanations as to why we see these differences in design and whether and how these differences matter in practice. The tools for understanding the purposes and effects of PTAs that are offered will guide future research and inform practitioners and trade policy experts about progress in the scientific enquiry into PTAs.

This volume assembles a stellar group of scholars and experts to examine preferential trade agreements (PTAs), a topic that has time and again attracted the interest of analysts. It presents a discussion of the evolving economic analysis regarding PTAs and the various dysfunctions that continually place them among the priority items for (re)negotiation by the WTO. The book explores recent empirical research that casts doubt on the old 'trade diversion' school and debates why the WTO should deal with PTAs and if PTAs belong under the mandate of the WTO as we now know it.

Originally published in 1955, this book examines the first trade union between the Dutch and Belgian Netherlands, a precursor to the modern Benelux, from 1816 to 1830. Wright focuses on the role played by the trade agreement in uniting disparate parts of the Dutch provinces in Europe and abroad, and how, despite the union's relative success, politics undermined King William I's end goal of an independent Dutch Empire. This book will be of value to economic historians and anyone with an interest in Dutch history.