When it came into force in 1994, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) joined the economic futures of Canada, Mexico, and the United States, with systematic rules governing trade and investment, dispute resolution, and economic relations. However, economic integration among the three countries extends considerably beyond trade and investment. The NAFTA agreement takes a very narrow view of integration, barely addressing such vital issues as immigration policy and labor markets, the energy sector, environmental protection, and law enforcement. The governments of Canada, Mexico, and the United States now must confront the question of whether NAFTA is enough. Do they want to keep their trilateral relationship focused on economic matters or are they interested in integrating more deeply --perhaps initiating a process to build a North American Community similar to the European Union? This volume contains thoughtful discussions about the future of North America by knowledgeable experts from each of the three countries. Robert Pastor has written one of the more comprehensive books on the subject, Toward a North American Community (Institute for International Economics, 2001). Andr's Rozental is an ambassador at large for Mexico and president of Consejo Mexicano de Asuntos Internationacionales, the country's leading foreign policy association in Mexico. Perrin Beatty is a former foreign minister of Canada and currently the president and CEO of the Canadian Manufacturers and Exporters. The governments of Canada, the United States, and Mexico face thorny challenges as they decide whether and how to accelerate smooth, and institutionalize the integration process. Pastor, Rozenthal, and Beatty encourage greater dialogue among the three governments and their citizens, as well as more systematic thinking among policymakers and citizens about the promise and challenges of further North American integration. This volume considers the promise and challenges of further North American integration, including: - migration, security cooperation, and cross-border commerce - the establishment of a permanent North American Court on Trade and Investment, to replace the current ad hoc tribunals -the possibility of widening NAFTA to incorporate countries in Central America and the Caribbean -collaboration in dealing with criminal drug trafficking, environmental protection, energy and water management, and transportation, communications and other infrastructure development.

How can the poorer countries of the world be helped to help themselves through freer, fairer trade? In this challenging and controversial book Nobel prize-winning economist Joseph E. Stiglitz and his co-author Andrew Charlton address one of the key issues facing world leaders today. They put forward a radical and realistic new model for managing trading relationships between the richest and the poorest countries. Their approach is designed to open up markets in the interests of all and not just the most powerful economies, to ensure that trade promotes development, and to minimise the costs of adjustments. Beginning with a brief history of the World Trade Organisation and its agreements, the authors explore the issues and events which led to the failure of Cancun and the obstacles that face the successful completion of the Doha Round of negotiations. Finally they spell out the reforms and principles upon which a successful agreement must be based. Accessibly written and packed full of empirical evidence and analysis, this book is a must read for anyone interested in world trade and development.

The perceived impact of WTO law on the domestic regulatory autonomy of WTO Members is increasingly becoming the subject of controversy and debate. This book brings together in an integrated analytical framework the main WTO parameters defining the interface between the WTO and domestic legal orders, and examines how WTO adjudicators, i.e. panels and the Appellate Body, have construed those rules. A critical analysis identifies the flaws or weaknesses of these quasi-judicial solutions and their potential consequences for Members' regulatory autonomy. In an attempt to identify a more proper balance between WTO law and regulatory autonomy, it develops an innovative interpretation of the National Treatment obligations in GATT and GATS, drawing upon compelling arguments from legal, logic and economic theory.

This work is a study of the impacts of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). By focusing on the issue of justice in the contexts of globalization and neo-colonialism, the book contributes to a broader discussion of the significance of NAFTA. Authors Laurence French and Magdaleno ManzanOrez emphasize cultural and ethnic issues in the relations of NAFTA partners and enrich treatment of the topic by bringing to bear sociology, political science, justice studies, psychology, and educational theory. The authors relate classical sociological theory to contemporary issues of social and criminal justice.

The South Caucasus has established itself as a corridor for transporting energy from Azerbaijan to Georgia, Turkey, and on to Europe, symbolized by the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline. This new infrastructure has created an east-west "Eurasian bridge" in which transnational extra-regional actors, especially the European Union and international financial institutions, have played a critical role. This book offers an original exploration of integration in the energy and transport sectors amongst Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, and the capacity of this to fundamentally change relations between these countries. In the period studied, from the mid-1990s to 2008, integration in energy and transport did not result in broader political, security, and sociocultural integration in any significant way. The author sets his analysis in a theoretical framework, drawing on theories of integration, but also grounds it in the detailed, empirical knowledge that is the measure of true expertise.

Power inequalities and mistrust have characterized many interstate relationships. Yet most international relations theories do not take into account power and mistrust when explaining cooperation. While some scholars argue that power relations inhibit cooperation between states, other scholars expect interstate cooperation regardless of the power relations and level of trust. Strategic Cooperation: Overcoming the Barriers of Global Anarchy argues that although states benefit from cooperation, they are also wary of the power relations between states, making cooperation difficult. Successful and cooperative bilateral relationships are formed between strong and weak states that are power asymmetric and have mistrust of one another, but they are built in such as way as to overcome the problem of power asymmetry and mistrust. This book answers how and why states that are in power asymmetry and have mistrust of one another are able to build a cooperative bilateral relationship. It argues that states forge a relationship due to strategic needs such as economic or security needs. Slobodchikoff has developed a database composed of the whole population of bilateral treaties between Russia and each of the former Soviet republics, and examines all of these bilateral relationships. He finds that Russia indeed forged relationships with the former republics based on its strategic interests. However, despite Russia's strategic interests, it had to build a bilateral relationship that would address the issues of mistrust and power asymmetry between the states. To achieve this, Russia and the former Soviet republics created treaty networks, which served to legitimize as well as legalize the independent status of each of the former republics while also increasing the cost to Russia of violating any of the treaties. This book argues that strong treaty networks account for a more cooperative relationship between states, allowing both states to cooperate by alleviating the problems of mistrust and power asymmetry.

Agriculture has been the unruly horse of the GATT/WTO system for a long time and efforts to halter it are still ongoing. This Research Handbook focuses on aspects of agricultural production and trade policy that are recognized for their importance but are often kept out of the limelight, such as the implication of national and international agricultural production and trade policies on national food security, global climate change, and biotechnology. It provides a summary of the state of the WTO agriculture negotiations as well as the relevant jurisprudence, but also, and uniquely, it focuses on the new and emerging issues of agricultural trade law and policy that are rarely addressed in the existing literature. With contributions from a multi-disciplinary team of leading analysts from around the world, this Research Handbook will appeal to trade negotiators, international trade law and policy academics as well as postgraduate students in the field. Contributors include: K. Anderson, D. Blandford, M. Cardwell, I. Carreno, M.G. Desta, G. Dutfield, C. Haberli, L.A. Jackson, T. Josling, E. Laurenza, A. Matthews, J.A. McMahon, F. Smith, S. Switzer

Several years have passed since the 'store wars' over barriers to foreign products at Japanese distribution firms. Yet among English-speaking readers, how these firms operate remains a puzzle. In this book, the best Japanese scholars in their fields attempt to unravel that puzzle. Avoiding culture-based explanations, they employ a systematic and rigorous economic logic---yet, since they also avoid mathematical notation, the argument remains accessible to generalist readers.

In recent years, the EU has negotiated a number of so-called 'new generation' Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with a significant number of emerging and industrialized partners, such as Canada, Singapore, Japan, Vietnam and others. This timely book gives an overview of the main constitutional issues the EU faces in negotiating, concluding and implementing these FTAs. Featuring contributions by international specialists on EU external action, this book demonstrates why these FTAs have become challenging for the EU, as well as analysing how the EU has dealt with its institutional constraints in order to remain a major international trade actor. Chapters first examine questions around EU competences and democratic issues raised by these agreements, before dealing with their implementation and enforcement, approaching these topics specifically from an EU law perspective. Drawing on a broader research project conducted by the well-regarded LAwTTIP network, this invaluable book addresses contemporary debates and future challenges for EU institutions and Member States. Scholars and advanced students of international economic relations and international and European economic law, particularly those with an interest in EU external action, will find this book essential reading. It will also prove useful to those working in EU institutions and WTO administration. Contributors include: J. Auvret-Finck, I. Bosse-Platiere, F. Casolari, E. Castellarin, F. Castillo De La Torre, M. Chamon, L.-M. Chauvel, A. de Nanteuil, J.F. Delile, M. Gatti, E. Neframi, N. Neuwahl, C. Rapoport, G. Sangiuolo, A. Suse, C. Tovo, W. Weiss, J. Wouters

Developing countries make up the majority of the membership of the World Trade Organization. Many developing countries believe that the welfare gains that were supposed to ensue from the establishment of the WTO and the results of the Uruguay Round remain largely unachieved. Coming on the heels of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the ongoing Doha Development Round, launched in that Middle Eastern city in the fall of 2001, is now on 'life support'. It was inaugurated with much fanfare as a means of addressing the difficulties faced by developing countries within the multilateral trading system. Special and differential treatment provisions in the WTO agreement in particular are the focus of much discussion in the ongoing round, and voices for change are multiplying because of widespread dissatisfaction with the effectiveness, enforceability, and implementation of those special treatment provisions.

The transformation of the BRIC acronym from an investment term into a household name of international politics and into a semi-institutionalized political outfit (called BRICS, with a capital 'S'), is one of the defining developments in international politics in the past decades. While the concept is now commonly used in the general public debate and international media, there has not yet been a comprehensive and scholarly analysis of the history of the BRICS term. The BRICS and the Future of Global Order, Second Edition offers a definitive reference history of the BRICS as a term and as an institution-a chronological narrative and analytical account of the BRICS concept from its inception in 2001 to the political grouping it is today. In addition, it analyzes what the rise of powers like Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa means for the future of global order. Will the BRICS countries seek to establish a parallel system with its own distinctive set of rules, institutions, and currencies of power, rejecting key tenets of liberal internationalism, are will they seek to embrace the rules and norms that define today's Western-led order?

This book offers a critical reflection of the North-South regional trade agreements (RTAs), known as the Economic Partnership Agreements, negotiated between the EU and the African, Caribbean, and Pacific countries. Conceiving of regions as legal regimes, Clair Gammage highlights the challenges facing developing countries when negotiating RTAs with developed countries. North-South Regional Trade Agreements as Legal Regimes offers a rich analysis of the negotiations between the EU and the southern African regional group as well as a factual presentation of liberalisation under the final agreement. Interrogating the assumption that economic growth will lead to sustainable development, this book draws insights from the experience of the Caribbean countries as they implement their Economic Partnership Agreement to question the extent to which RTAs between developed and developing countries will and can promote development through trade. This unique book will appeal to academics and advanced students in international trade law and development law. Trade practitioners in government, the private sector and civil society, including those involved in policy making and challenging the policy making process will appreciate the author's lucid analysis of analysis of the law and the broader concept of promoting development through trade.

Donald Trump's New World Order addresses U.S. foreign policy initiatives during Mr. Trump's Presidency, appeasing traditional enemies such as Russia and undermining allies such as NATO and the European Union. In the book, Ambassador T. Hamid Al-Bayati outlines, region by region, policy by policy, the administration's misguided, and sometimes corrupt, initiatives and decisions, which could potentially lead to regional conflict and global war. Highlighted within the text are the administration's relationships and interactions with Russia, China, North Korea, and the Middle East, as well as within the United States. The author's critical review of Trump's foreign policy includes the impact of trade wars, military escalation, and changing global relationships, Ambassador Al-Bayati paints a stark picture of the present standing of the U.S. and a dark future that looms on the horizon. Many experts agree that Trump's foreign policy lacks coordination, consistency, and organization. Trump often contradicts himself and his supporting staff. Concerned Americans and U.S. allies struggle to find coherence in the Trump administration's foreign policy. It zigs and zags, with senior administration officials saying one thing and President Trump contradicting them without warning the next day. It punishes U.S. allies and coddles U.S. adversaries; it privileges demagogy over democracy. Mr. Trump's approach appears impulsive, improvisational and inchoate-devoid of clear purpose, values or even ideology. Ambassador Al-Bayati leaves nothing unexplored as he strives to organize and explain the current and future implications of Mr. Trump's presidency and policy.

This volume focuses on the crucial economic, political and legal aspects of global trading arrangements in the current transitional stage of the integration process. It provides an evaluation of the deepening and widening of the integration process, and places particular emphasis on the contentious issues which arise in the process of integrating previously unequal partners.Nations are contemplating taking part in various integration initiatives and schemes for a variety of purposes. They anticipate discernible improvements in the well-being of their citizens - that is, a rise in living standards resulting from closer economic integration. The international diverse group of authors begins by examining the general issues confronted by countries engaging in various levels of integration. They then go on to discuss theoretical and empirical studies of the implications of economic integration on welfare and public policy. It specifically addresses issues such as the impact on industry in participating countries and the effects of NAFTA on Mexico. This book will be welcomed by practitioners, academics and students interested in economic integration, international economics, political science and international business.

This monograph offers the first systematic overview of the protection of human rights in trade agreements in the Americas. Traditionally, trade agreements in the Americas were concerned with economic questions and paid little attention to human rights. However, in the wake of the 'new regionalism', which emerged at the end of the last century, more clauses addressing social issues such as labour rights and environmental standards were inserted in trade agreements. As economic integration increased, a framework for the protection of human rights evolved. This book argues that this framework allows for human rights protection on a transnational level, while constructing regional identities. Looking at the four key regional integration processes, namely the Caribbean Community, the Central American Integration System, the Andean Community of Nations and the Southern Common Market, and also at the North American Free Trade Agreement, it shows how the integration process has reached a considerable degree of consolidation. Writing on key sources in English for the first time, this book will be essential reading for all free trade and human rights scholars.

Twenty years after NAFTA, the consensus seems to be that the regional project in North America is dead. The trade agreement was never followed up by new institutions that might cement a more ambitious regional community. The Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP), launched with some fanfare in 2005, was quietly discontinued in 2009. And new cooperative ventures like the US-Canada Beyond the Border talks and the US-Mexico Merida Initiative suggest that the three governments have reverted to the familiar, pre-NAFTA pattern of informal, incremental bilateralism. One could argue, however, that NAFTA itself has been buried, and yet the region somehow lives on, albeit in a form very different from regional integration in other parts of the world. A diverse group of contributors, from the United States, Canada, and Mexico, with experience in academia, government service, think tanks and the private sector bring to bear a sophisticated and much needed examination of regional governance in North America, its historical origins, its connection to the regional distribution of power and the respective governments' domestic institutions, and the variance of its forms and function across different issue areas. The editors begin by surveying the literature on North American regional politics, matching up developments there with parallel debates and controversies in the broader literatures on comparative regional integration and international policy coordination more generally. Six contributors later explore the mechanisms of policy coordination in specific issue-areas, each with an emphasis on a particular set of actors, and with its own way of characterizing the relevant political and diplomatic dynamics. Chapters on the political context for regional policy coordination follow leading to concluding remarks on the future of North America. At a time when scholarly interest in North America seems to be waning, even while important and interesting political and economic developments are taking place, this volume will reinvigorate the study of North America as a region, to better understand its past, present and future.

The Dispute Settlement Reports of the World Trade Organization (WTO) include Panel and Appellate Body reports, as well as arbitration awards, in disputes concerning the rights and obligations of WTO members under the provisions of the Marrakesh Agreement. These are the WTO authorized and paginated reports in English. An essential addition to the library of all practicing and academic trade lawyers, and needed by students worldwide taking courses in international economic or trade law. The form of citation for this volume recommended by the WTO is DSR 2000: V.

The African Continental Free Trade Area is expected to be a game changer for development ambitions in Africa. The design of the Agreement Establishing the African Continental Free Trade Area reflects an explicit commitment to create a framework for deeper socioeconomic integration and improved cooperation that enables trade, investment and the mobility of people, to support industrialization and the development of a dynamic services sector. Such achievements could ultimately generate decent jobs and increase revenue and thereby contribute to inclusive growth on the continent. A greater emphasis on deeper intraregional trade, cross-border investments in infrastructure and fostering 'made in Africa' trade and industrialization policies is key to the continent's future prosperity and resilience to global financial, food-related, climatic and pandemic-related shocks. For the African Continental Free Trade Area to be a game changer, countries in Africa need to adopt policies that enhance consistency between trade measures, diversification objectives and inclusivity. Unless this is accomplished, the Free Trade Area may be restricted to a trade liberalization agenda and thereby not fulfil the hopes and aspirations of the people of Africa. If effectively implemented, the African Continental Free Trade Area can help address challenges emanating from the excessive reliance in Africa on the supply of primary commodities and goods embodying limited value added to world markets

The eleventh volume in the series India's National Security Annual Review 2011 concludes from a detailed analysis of India's security environment that there are some major security threats, but not of such magnitude as to impede its economic growth and political stability. On top of the list of India's external security concerns is China's growing military and economic power, its assertiveness vis-a-vis countries on its periphery and its endeavour to contain India, manifest in its strategic nexus with Pakistan and incursions into India's borders. Added to these is the intractable boundary dispute, a persistent destablising factor in the bilateral relations. India nevertheless is trying to cope with China's pressures by improving its defence capability and engaging China diplomatically. Pakistan remains another major security threat because of its covert policy of exporting terrorism into India despite its loud rhetoric on containing terrorist outfits, and the increasing radicalisation of its society, politics and security forces with worrisome implications of a possible jihadi take-over of the state. On the other hand are such positives as India's enduring strategic partnership with Russia and a growing one with the US, and its promising engagements with ASEAN, Africa and neighbouring countries which are either conflict-ridden (Afghanistan, Sri Lanka), or undergoing significant political transformation (Bangladesh, Nepal, Myanmar). India's internal security situation offers a mixed picture with a lull in insurgent movements in the northeast and popular unrest in the Kashmir valley, but persisting challenges posed by left-wing extremism in tribal areas. Addressing such and other issues, this book would be indispensable for policy makers, members of the strategic community, and students of defence studies, international relations and political science.

The World Trade Organization (WTO), the successor to GATT, is rapidly establishing itself as the third pillar of the Bretton Woods institutions alongside the World Bank and the IMF. The prolonged international negotiations which led to its establishment have produced a complex set of agreements which not only constitute the most profound revision of the rules governing world trade, but extend these rules into a range of issues and economic sectors not hitherto regarded as falling within its ambit. This book, by an author who was intimately involved in the Uruguay Round which led to the creation of the WTO, is an indispensable and concise explanation of what the WTO agreements actually provide for. It deals with the full range of technical provisions and issues, explaining where necessary the background, terms involved, and implications of the new provisions. Together with its companion volume which criticizes the Agreements from the point of the view of the developing countries, it provides public officials, NGO leaders and economists in general with an essential explanation of the new rules governing world trade.

This book analyses whether, and how, equity and equitable principles can be employed as juridical tools in the legal reasoning of judges and lawyers in World Trade Organization (WTO) disputes where there is interaction between norms derived from the multilateral trade regime and other international legal regimes. Bringing the literature on equity and equitable principles in international law up to date this book tackles several legal problems which have emerged in WTO dispute settlement practice as well as engaging with the concept of the fragmentation of international law. The book provides an original argument about the role and significance of equity and equitable principles in the debate over fragmentation by providing a coherent methodology for addressing conflicts and overlaps between WTO and non-WTO norms in the context of Dispute Settlement Body proceedings.

ASEAN economies as a group have signed free trade agreements with China, Japan, Korea, India and Australia/New Zealand. There is now a growing interest in forming a larger regional agreement. The ultimate goal is to operate economies more efficiently and achieve higher growth but the immediate task is to attain a higher level of integration. This book contributes to the literature on the analysis of regional trading arrangements. The book adopts the approach to pay great attention to the design and operation of production supply chains in the East Asian region. The book also provides a basis of the assessment on the progress of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) to lead broader and deeper engagement that embodied in the existing ASEAN+1 agreements in which its participants were involved by identifying the key features of those agreements.

By focusing on the wider process of negotiations, this novel volume presents the first systematic analysis of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The authors include outstanding scholars and relevant practitioners from across disciplines and various academic institutions around Europe and North America, but also from outside of the transatlantic basin. While presenting a thorough examination of the process of TTIP negotiations, the volume is divided into four parts with each part examining a broader theme and offering three or four shorter exploratory chapters that are accessible to academics, students, policy-makers and a wider audience. The volume explores historical and theoretical aspects of TTIP (with chapters by Gamble, Keohane and Morse, Telo), the beginnings of the TTIP talks and the role of individual actors (Mayer, Novotna, Dur and Lechner, Strange), TTIP's possible knock-on effects and consequences for third parties (Aggarwal and Evenett, Duchesne and Ouellet, Zhang, Ponjaert) as well as impact on multilateral institutions and regimes complexes (Mavroidis, Mortensen, Meunier and Morin, Pauwelyn). The authors highlight dynamics which underline the relationship between the United States and the European Union and argue that TTIP promises to have vast implications not just for economics but global governance and international system.

This indispensable volume brings together the key contributions to the academic literature on the subject of the political economy of trade policy. Topics covered include unilateral and multilateral trade policies, international trade agreements and administered protection. In their comprehensive introduction, the editors present an insightful discussion of the political economy approach, the development of multilateral trade agreements, the trade and internal motives that guide unilateral trade policy and the features that characterise unilateralism. This volume is essential for professors, researchers and policymakers concerned with international trade policy.

Scholars and policymakers have long been interested in the relationship between international institutions, foreign trade, and interstate conflict. This timely volume presents the most important published articles that address these crucial issues. The articles are organized into three parts. The first part presents and evaluates the core theoretical arguments about the linkage between foreign economic relations and political-military hostilities. The second part addresses the origins of various international institutions designed to influence global commerce, how these institutions operate, and the extent to which they shape the flow and content of overseas trade. The final part analyzes how economic disputes are settled within the World Trade Organization.