Twenty years after NAFTA, the consensus seems to be that the regional project in North America is dead. The trade agreement was never followed up by new institutions that might cement a more ambitious regional community. The Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP), launched with some fanfare in 2005, was quietly discontinued in 2009. And new cooperative ventures like the US-Canada Beyond the Border talks and the US-Mexico Merida Initiative suggest that the three governments have reverted to the familiar, pre-NAFTA pattern of informal, incremental bilateralism. One could argue, however, that NAFTA itself has been buried, and yet the region somehow lives on, albeit in a form very different from regional integration in other parts of the world. A diverse group of contributors, from the United States, Canada, and Mexico, with experience in academia, government service, think tanks and the private sector bring to bear a sophisticated and much needed examination of regional governance in North America, its historical origins, its connection to the regional distribution of power and the respective governments' domestic institutions, and the variance of its forms and function across different issue areas. The editors begin by surveying the literature on North American regional politics, matching up developments there with parallel debates and controversies in the broader literatures on comparative regional integration and international policy coordination more generally. Six contributors later explore the mechanisms of policy coordination in specific issue-areas, each with an emphasis on a particular set of actors, and with its own way of characterizing the relevant political and diplomatic dynamics. Chapters on the political context for regional policy coordination follow leading to concluding remarks on the future of North America. At a time when scholarly interest in North America seems to be waning, even while important and interesting political and economic developments are taking place, this volume will reinvigorate the study of North America as a region, to better understand its past, present and future.

This book provides a detailed study of practices of China (Shanghai) Pilot Free Trade Zone (Shanghai FTZ henceforth). It aims to answer questions related to establishing the Shanghai FTZ and improving its practices, such as the future of world's macro-economy, the Shanghai FTZ's position in Chinese and world economy, government transition and international trade upgrading, as well as financial sector opening up strategies and innovations. By answering these questions, implications for possible future policy developments are provided. Though the operation of Shanghai FTZ is the main focus, this book delves deeper into the question of how China will further reform its financial system in the future. Similar to the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, which heralded China's economic transformation in the 1980s and 1990s, the Shanghai FTZ may well be such a pioneer project, pointing to the future economic path that China might tread. Written by the foremost Chinese economists - with some involved in the setup process of the Shanghai FTZ, this book is a must read for anyone who is interested in the prospects of the Shanghai FTZ and the future direction of the Chinese economic development.

Donald Trump's New World Order addresses U.S. foreign policy initiatives during Mr. Trump's Presidency, appeasing traditional enemies such as Russia and undermining allies such as NATO and the European Union. In the book, Ambassador T. Hamid Al-Bayati outlines, region by region, policy by policy, the administration's misguided, and sometimes corrupt, initiatives and decisions, which could potentially lead to regional conflict and global war. Highlighted within the text are the administration's relationships and interactions with Russia, China, North Korea, and the Middle East, as well as within the United States. The author's critical review of Trump's foreign policy includes the impact of trade wars, military escalation, and changing global relationships, Ambassador Al-Bayati paints a stark picture of the present standing of the U.S. and a dark future that looms on the horizon. Many experts agree that Trump's foreign policy lacks coordination, consistency, and organization. Trump often contradicts himself and his supporting staff. Concerned Americans and U.S. allies struggle to find coherence in the Trump administration's foreign policy. It zigs and zags, with senior administration officials saying one thing and President Trump contradicting them without warning the next day. It punishes U.S. allies and coddles U.S. adversaries; it privileges demagogy over democracy. Mr. Trump's approach appears impulsive, improvisational and inchoate-devoid of clear purpose, values or even ideology. Ambassador Al-Bayati leaves nothing unexplored as he strives to organize and explain the current and future implications of Mr. Trump's presidency and policy.

The World Trade Organization (WTO), the successor to GATT, is rapidly establishing itself as the third pillar of the Bretton Woods institutions alongside the World Bank and the IMF. The prolonged international negotiations which led to its establishment have produced a complex set of agreements which not only constitute the most profound revision of the rules governing world trade, but extend these rules into a range of issues and economic sectors not hitherto regarded as falling within its ambit. This book, by an author who was intimately involved in the Uruguay Round which led to the creation of the WTO, is an indispensable and concise explanation of what the WTO agreements actually provide for. It deals with the full range of technical provisions and issues, explaining where necessary the background, terms involved, and implications of the new provisions. Together with its companion volume which criticizes the Agreements from the point of the view of the developing countries, it provides public officials, NGO leaders and economists in general with an essential explanation of the new rules governing world trade.

Fresh water resources are at the same time ecological, economic, social, and cultural goods and must be managed accordingly. However, efforts to manage these resources are complicated by tensions arising from possible clashes between the regimes favouring privatization, trade and investment liberalization, and domestic and international regimes governing water resources, environmental protection and human rights. The relationships between the international economic and legal framework on the one hand and fresh water resource management and protection on the other, are complex and multifaceted. This book addresses the key interdisciplinary issues that increasingly confront policy makers, tribunals, arbitration bodies and other institutions. It focuses primarily on law, but also includes perspectives from economics, political science and other disciplines. It examines such questions as are governments free to decide whether or not to export water resources? Can foreign investors sue host states for adopting measures to control water pollution? Can international trade rules be used to reduce or eliminate water related subsidies? Do rules on the liberalization of water services affect domestic and international human rights obligations relating to water supply? More generally, how do the procedural rights of states, individuals, affected communities and investors affect decisions regarding the right to drinking water, the rights of investors to exploit water resources, and the rights of governments to protect their lakes, rivers and groundwater?

The eleventh volume in the series India's National Security Annual Review 2011 concludes from a detailed analysis of India's security environment that there are some major security threats, but not of such magnitude as to impede its economic growth and political stability. On top of the list of India's external security concerns is China's growing military and economic power, its assertiveness vis-a-vis countries on its periphery and its endeavour to contain India, manifest in its strategic nexus with Pakistan and incursions into India's borders. Added to these is the intractable boundary dispute, a persistent destablising factor in the bilateral relations. India nevertheless is trying to cope with China's pressures by improving its defence capability and engaging China diplomatically. Pakistan remains another major security threat because of its covert policy of exporting terrorism into India despite its loud rhetoric on containing terrorist outfits, and the increasing radicalisation of its society, politics and security forces with worrisome implications of a possible jihadi take-over of the state. On the other hand are such positives as India's enduring strategic partnership with Russia and a growing one with the US, and its promising engagements with ASEAN, Africa and neighbouring countries which are either conflict-ridden (Afghanistan, Sri Lanka), or undergoing significant political transformation (Bangladesh, Nepal, Myanmar). India's internal security situation offers a mixed picture with a lull in insurgent movements in the northeast and popular unrest in the Kashmir valley, but persisting challenges posed by left-wing extremism in tribal areas. Addressing such and other issues, this book would be indispensable for policy makers, members of the strategic community, and students of defence studies, international relations and political science.

The legendary overland silk road was not the only way to reach Asia for ancient travelers from the Mediterranean. During the Roman Empire's heyday, equally important maritime routes reached from the Egyptian Red Sea across the Indian Ocean. The ancient city of Berenike, located approximately 500 miles south of today's Suez Canal, was a significant port among these conduits. In this book, Steven E. Sidebotham, the archaeologist who excavated Berenike, uncovers the role the city played in the regional, local, and "global" economies during the eight centuries of its existence. Sidebotham analyzes many of the artifacts, botanical and faunal remains, and hundreds of the texts he and his team found in excavations, providing a profoundly intimate glimpse of the people who lived, worked, and died in this emporium between the classical Mediterranean world and Asia.

This edited collection explores the legal foundations of the single market project in Europe, and examines the legal concepts and constructs which underpin its operation. While an apparently well-trodden area of EU law, such is the rapid evolution of the European Court's case law that confusion persists as to the meaning of core concepts. The approach adopted is a thematic one, with each theme being explored in the context of the different freedoms. The themes covered include discrimination, horizontality, mutual recognition, market access, pre-emption and harmonization, enforcement, mandatory requirements, flexibility, subsidiarity and proportionality. Separate chapters explore the link between competition law and the single market, the rapidly evolving case law on capital, and the external dimension of the single market. Contributors also address the WTO dimension, and its important implications for the single market project in Europe.

This book analyses whether, and how, equity and equitable principles can be employed as juridical tools in the legal reasoning of judges and lawyers in World Trade Organization (WTO) disputes where there is interaction between norms derived from the multilateral trade regime and other international legal regimes. Bringing the literature on equity and equitable principles in international law up to date this book tackles several legal problems which have emerged in WTO dispute settlement practice as well as engaging with the concept of the fragmentation of international law. The book provides an original argument about the role and significance of equity and equitable principles in the debate over fragmentation by providing a coherent methodology for addressing conflicts and overlaps between WTO and non-WTO norms in the context of Dispute Settlement Body proceedings.

ASEAN economies as a group have signed free trade agreements with China, Japan, Korea, India and Australia/New Zealand. There is now a growing interest in forming a larger regional agreement. The ultimate goal is to operate economies more efficiently and achieve higher growth but the immediate task is to attain a higher level of integration. This book contributes to the literature on the analysis of regional trading arrangements. The book adopts the approach to pay great attention to the design and operation of production supply chains in the East Asian region. The book also provides a basis of the assessment on the progress of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) to lead broader and deeper engagement that embodied in the existing ASEAN+1 agreements in which its participants were involved by identifying the key features of those agreements.

By focusing on the wider process of negotiations, this novel volume presents the first systematic analysis of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The authors include outstanding scholars and relevant practitioners from across disciplines and various academic institutions around Europe and North America, but also from outside of the transatlantic basin. While presenting a thorough examination of the process of TTIP negotiations, the volume is divided into four parts with each part examining a broader theme and offering three or four shorter exploratory chapters that are accessible to academics, students, policy-makers and a wider audience. The volume explores historical and theoretical aspects of TTIP (with chapters by Gamble, Keohane and Morse, Telo), the beginnings of the TTIP talks and the role of individual actors (Mayer, Novotna, Dur and Lechner, Strange), TTIP's possible knock-on effects and consequences for third parties (Aggarwal and Evenett, Duchesne and Ouellet, Zhang, Ponjaert) as well as impact on multilateral institutions and regimes complexes (Mavroidis, Mortensen, Meunier and Morin, Pauwelyn). The authors highlight dynamics which underline the relationship between the United States and the European Union and argue that TTIP promises to have vast implications not just for economics but global governance and international system.

By focusing on the wider process of negotiations, this novel volume presents the first systematic analysis of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The authors include outstanding scholars and relevant practitioners from across disciplines and various academic institutions around Europe and North America, but also from outside of the transatlantic basin. While presenting a thorough examination of the process of TTIP negotiations, the volume is divided into four parts with each part examining a broader theme and offering three or four shorter exploratory chapters that are accessible to academics, students, policy-makers and a wider audience. The volume explores historical and theoretical aspects of TTIP (with chapters by Gamble, Keohane and Morse, Telo), the beginnings of the TTIP talks and the role of individual actors (Mayer, Novotna, Dur and Lechner, Strange), TTIP's possible knock-on effects and consequences for third parties (Aggarwal and Evenett, Duchesne and Ouellet, Zhang, Ponjaert) as well as impact on multilateral institutions and regimes complexes (Mavroidis, Mortensen, Meunier and Morin, Pauwelyn). The authors highlight dynamics which underline the relationship between the United States and the European Union and argue that TTIP promises to have vast implications not just for economics but global governance and international system.

The American Century began in 1941 and ended on January 20, 2017. While the United States remains a military giant and is still an economic powerhouse, it no longer dominates the world economy or geopolitics as it once did. The current turn toward nationalism and "America first" unilateralism in foreign policy will not make America great. Instead, it represents the abdication of our responsibilities in the face of severe environmental threats, political upheaval, mass migration, and other global challenges. In this incisive and forceful book, Jeffrey D. Sachs provides the blueprint for a new foreign policy that embraces global cooperation, international law, and aspirations for worldwide prosperity-not nationalism and gauzy dreams of past glory. He argues that America's approach to the world must shift from military might and wars of choice to a commitment to shared objectives of sustainable development. Our pursuit of primacy has embroiled us in unwise and unwinnable wars, and it is time to shift from making war to making peace and time to embrace the opportunities that international cooperation offers. A New Foreign Policy explores both the danger of the "America first" mindset and the possibilities for a new way forward, proposing timely and achievable plans to foster global economic growth, reconfigure the United Nations for the twenty-first century, and build a multipolar world that is prosperous, peaceful, fair, and resilient.

Twenty years after NAFTA, the consensus seems to be that the regional project in North America is dead. The trade agreement was never followed up by new institutions that might cement a more ambitious regional community. The Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP), launched with some fanfare in 2005, was quietly discontinued in 2009. And new cooperative ventures like the US-Canada Beyond the Border talks and the US-Mexico Merida Initiative suggest that the three governments have reverted to the familiar, pre-NAFTA pattern of informal, incremental bilateralism. One could argue, however, that NAFTA itself has been buried, and yet the region somehow lives on, albeit in a form very different from regional integration in other parts of the world. A diverse group of contributors, from the United States, Canada, and Mexico, with experience in academia, government service, think tanks and the private sector bring to bear a sophisticated and much needed examination of regional governance in North America, its historical origins, its connection to the regional distribution of power and the respective governments' domestic institutions, and the variance of its forms and function across different issue areas. The editors begin by surveying the literature on North American regional politics, matching up developments there with parallel debates and controversies in the broader literatures on comparative regional integration and international policy coordination more generally. Six contributors later explore the mechanisms of policy coordination in specific issue-areas, each with an emphasis on a particular set of actors, and with its own way of characterizing the relevant political and diplomatic dynamics. Chapters on the political context for regional policy coordination follow leading to concluding remarks on the future of North America. At a time when scholarly interest in North America seems to be waning, even while important and interesting political and economic developments are taking place, this volume will reinvigorate the study of North America as a region, to better understand its past, present and future.

Over the past seven decades, since the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was established in 1947, there has been a phenomenal increase in international trade in goods, largely due to sustained efforts by the world's main trading nations to reduce and eliminate tariff barriers in a multilaterally orchestrated manner. This publication reviews how the procedures and practices relating to tariff negotiations and renegotiations have evolved over this time. In particular, this new edition recounts how negotiations to expand the duty-free coverage of the Information Technology Agreement were concluded and provides an account of tariff renegotiations regarding successive enlargements of the European Union. It also covers tariff negotiations for the accession of a number of new members to the WTO, such as China and Russia. This book will be of particular interest to negotiators, members of government, trade ministries, economists and academics specialized in trade policy.

With the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations moribund, it is time to reconsider the future of trade negotiations as an impetus for reform. Services trade is a leading-edge behind-the-border issue, so a services perspective offers critical insights into the future of trade negotiations more generally. This book traces the author's thinking on how to make sense of services trade reform, drawing on her analytical, empirical and policy-related work on services issues from both academic and government perspectives. It covers policy reform, policy forums, and what it takes politically to achieve reform, and offers critical new insights into the future of trade negotiations.The book shows policy makers how to approach the economics and politics of services trade reform domestically, consistent with relevant special features of services trade. It shows analysts the full policy implications of those special features, including what they mean and how services reform should be treated in the future in national and international forums. In covering such broad territory, the book draws together published material that previously has been scattered across place and time, including modelling that establishes empirically the special features of services that are relevant.

Following its foundation in 1957, the European Economic Community set about establishing itself as a major player on the world stage. One of the first key arenas in which the new organisation began to make its presence felt was the GATT negotiations that took place between 1963 and 1967, known as the Kennedy Round. Through a reconstruction of these on-going negotiations, this book charts the emergence of the EEC as a world trading power and the strategies it adopted that were to have a lasting effect upon European trade policies. As well as proving an important background to the Kennedy Round, the study explains how the EEC/European Union became a powerful actor in international trade, championing a liberal attitude toward the industrial sector but a protectionist one in agriculture. It also addresses the impact of the EEC/EU as regional trading area on the multilateral and global trading system and the EEC/EU trade policy-making. Through an historical analysis of these topics, a much fuller understanding of the actual role and stance of the EEC/EU in world trade is provided, one that not only illuminates events at the time, but provides essential background to the challenges still faced by the international trading system and the World Trade Organization. Based on a wealth of documentary research drawn from European and US archives, this book will be welcomed by all wishing to better understand the complex nature of international trade in an increasingly globalised market place.

Traditional theories suggest that developing countries lack influence in the trade regime. In A Social Theory of the WTO, Jane Ford uses a social theory or constructivist approach to show that developing countries played a critical role in strengthening multilateralism in the World Trade Organization. By adopting a new role in trade negotiations during the Uruguay Round negotiations, developing countries helped to strengthen trade rules and change the trading culture of limited multilateralism.

This work seeks to look beyond the seemingly endless deadlock in the WTO's Doha round of trade negotiations that began in November 2001 and were first scheduled to conclude by January 1, 2005. As well as offering an incisive analysis of the ills of the round, with particular attention directed at the poorest and least developed countries, the book expands on how the round could be moved forward elaborating on the Statement on the Doha Development Agenda that was negotiated in Johannesburg . The work as a whole provides the reader with a critical analysis of the implications of the negotiations for development and poverty reduction as well as proposals for moving beyond the current impasse. The volume brings together contributions from serving and former ambassadors to the WTO, key practitioners, and civil society representatives along with those of leading scholars. Each chapter explores an area of critical importance to the round; and together they stand as an important contribution to debates not only about the Doha round but also about the role of trade in the amelioration of poverty in the poorest countries.

This work seeks to look beyond the seemingly endless deadlock in the WTO's Doha round of trade negotiations that began in November 2001 and were first scheduled to conclude by January 1, 2005. As well as offering an incisive analysis of the ills of the round, with particular attention directed at the poorest and least developed countries, the book expands on how the round could be moved forward elaborating on the Statement on the Doha Development Agenda that was negotiated in Johannesburg . The work as a whole provides the reader with a critical analysis of the implications of the negotiations for development and poverty reduction as well as proposals for moving beyond the current impasse. The volume brings together contributions from serving and former ambassadors to the WTO, key practitioners, and civil society representatives along with those of leading scholars. Each chapter explores an area of critical importance to the round; and together they stand as an important contribution to debates not only about the Doha round but also about the role of trade in the amelioration of poverty in the poorest countries.

China's joining the World Trade Organization at the end of 2001 signifies a milestone in the country's global integration after two decades of economic reforms that have fundamentally transformed the economic organization of China. This collection seeks to identify the gendered implications within China of the country's transition from socialism to a market economy and its opening up to international trade and investment. The changes have created greater wealth for some, while at the same time, serious gender, class, ethnic, and regional disparities have also emerged. Drawing from historical, analytical, and policy-oriented work, the essays in this collection explore women's well-being relative to men's in rural and urban China by looking at land rights, labor-market status and labor rights, household decision-making, health, the representation of women in advertising and beauty pageants. This book was previously published as a special issue of the journal, Feminist Economics, the official journal of the International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE). All contributions have been subjected to the journal's rigorous peer review process and comply with the journal's editorial policies, as overseen by the editor, Diana Strassmann, and the journal's editorial team, including the associate editors, the editorial board, numerous volunteer reviewers, and the journal's in-house editorial staff and freelance style editors. The special issue and book have been made possible by the generous financial support of Rice University and the Ford Foundation-Beijing.

The TRIPS Agreement (for trade-related intellectual property rights) provides for the general protection of geographical indications (GIs) of product origin, including for example the special protection of wines and spirits and for the creation of a multilateral register for wines. The African Group of countries has been in the forefront of countries agitating in the World Trade Organization TRIPS Council for the extension of this special protection and of the multilateral register to industries which are of interest to developing countries, primarily agriculture. The so-called "extension question" is the central feature of the Doha Development Agenda at both the WTO and World Intellectual Property Organization. This book provides some empirical evidence and applied legal and economic reasoning to this debate. It provides both a general review of the key issues and a series of case studies from six Anglophone and four Francophone countries in Africa. These focus on major agricultural commodities such as coffee, cotton, cocoa and tea, as well as more specific and local products such as Argan oil and Oku white honey.

This work explains how countries that depend on the export of primary commodities, like coffee or cotton, are caught in a trap: the more they produce the lower the price falls on the international market. If they try to add value to their commodities by processing them, they run into tariff barriers imposed by the rich industrialized nations. To make matters worse, they have to compete with subsidized exports dumped on the world market by rich surplus-product countries. This edition contains an additional chapter which reports on the outcome of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the creation of the new World Trade Organization. It examines the impact of rapid economic liberalization on the livelihoods and natural environments of poor communities and recommends ways in which trade could be regulated to protect their rights. The book explains the complexities of the world trade system and examines what poor countries can do about the trap in which they find themselves.

China's joining the World Trade Organization at the end of 2001 signifies a milestone in the country's global integration after two decades of economic reforms that have fundamentally transformed the economic organization of China. This collection seeks to identify the gendered implications within China of the country's transition from socialism to a market economy and its opening up to international trade and investment. The changes have created greater wealth for some, while at the same time, serious gender, class, ethnic, and regional disparities have also emerged. Drawing from historical, analytical, and policy-oriented work, the essays in this collection explore women's well-being relative to men's in rural and urban China by looking at land rights, labor-market status and labor rights, household decision-making, health, the representation of women in advertising and beauty pageants.

This book was previously published as a special issue of the journal, Feminist Economics, the official journal of the International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE). All contributions have been subjected to the journal's rigorous peer review process and comply with the journal's editorial policies, as overseen by the editor, Diana Strassmann, and the journal's editorial team, including the associate editors, the editorial board, numerous volunteer reviewers, and the journal's in-house editorial staff and freelance style editors. The special issue and book have been made possible by the generous financial support of Rice University and the Ford Foundation-Beijing.

This study challenges the dominant tendency of civil society to negate international trade as such. The authors argue that it is necessary to frame differentiated trade rules based on levels of economic development, and also to shift from subsidies to shore up uncompetitive livelihoods to productivity-enhancing investments.Most importantly, the book ends with a case for trade unions, women's organizations and other civil society organizations to imagine and create themselves as being global -- in order to take up the challenge of strengthening global countervailing power to capital.