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A critical look at how China's growing strategic arsenal could
impact a rapidly changing world order China's strategic
capabilities and doctrine have historically differed from the
United States' and Russia's. China has continued to modernize and
expand its arsenal despite its policy of no first use, while the
United States and Russia have decreased deployed weapons stocks.
This volume brings together an international group of distinguished
scholars to provide a fresh assessment of China's strategic
military capabilities, doctrines, and political perceptions in
light of rapidly advancing technologies, an expanding and
modernizing nuclear arsenal, and an increased great-power
competition with the United States. Analyzing China's strategic
arsenal is critical for a deeper understanding of China's relations
with both its neighbors and the world. Without a doubt, China's
arsenal is growing in size and sophistication, but key
uncertainties also lie ahead. Will China's new capabilities and
confidence lead it to be more assertive and take more risks? Will
China's nuclear traditions change as the strategic balance
improves? Will China's approach to military competition be guided
by a notion of strategic stability or not? Will there be a
strategic arms race with the United States? China's Strategic
Arsenal provides a current understanding of these issues as we
strive for a stable strategic future with China.
The Routledge Handbook of Asian Security Studies provides a
detailed exploration of security dynamics in the three distinct
subregions that comprise Asia, and also bridges the study of these
regions by exploring the geopolitical links between each of them.
The Handbook is divided into four geographical parts: Part I:
Northeast Asia Part II: South Asia Part III: Southeast Asia Part
IV: Cross-regional Issues This fully revised and updated second
edition addresses the significant developments which have taken
place in Asia since the first edition appeared in 2009. It examines
these developments at both regional and national levels, including
the conflict surrounding the South China Sea, the long-standing
Sino-Indian border dispute, and Pakistan's investment in tactical
nuclear weapons, amongst many others. This book will be of great
interest to students of Asian politics, security studies, war and
conflict studies, foreign policy and international relations
generally.
A critical look at how China's growing strategic arsenal could
impact a rapidly changing world order China's strategic
capabilities and doctrine have historically differed from the
United States' and Russia's. China has continued to modernize and
expand its arsenal despite its policy of no first use, while the
United States and Russia have decreased deployed weapons stocks.
This volume brings together an international group of distinguished
scholars to provide a fresh assessment of China's strategic
military capabilities, doctrines, and political perceptions in
light of rapidly advancing technologies, an expanding and
modernizing nuclear arsenal, and an increased great-power
competition with the United States. Analyzing China's strategic
arsenal is critical for a deeper understanding of China's relations
with both its neighbors and the world. Without a doubt, China's
arsenal is growing in size and sophistication, but key
uncertainties also lie ahead. Will China's new capabilities and
confidence lead it to be more assertive and take more risks? Will
China's nuclear traditions change as the strategic balance
improves? Will China's approach to military competition be guided
by a notion of strategic stability or not? Will there be a
strategic arms race with the United States? China's Strategic
Arsenal provides a current understanding of these issues as we
strive for a stable strategic future with China.
Despite its increasingly secure place in the world, the People's
Republic of China remains dissatisfied with its global status. Its
growing material power has simultaneously led to both greater
influence and unsettling questions about its international
intentions. China also has found itself in a constant struggle to
balance its aspirations abroad with a daunting domestic agenda.
This authoritative book provides a unique exploration of the
complex and dynamic motivations behind Beijing's foreign policy.
The authors focus on China's choices and calculations on issues
such as the ruling Communist party-regime's interests,
international status and image, nationalism, Taiwan, human rights,
globalization, U.S. hegemony, international institutions, and the
war on terrorism. Taken together, the chapters offer a
comprehensive diagnosis of the emerging paradigms in Chinese
foreign policy, illuminating especially China's struggle to
engineer and manage its rise in light of the opportunities and
perils inherent in the post-cold war and post-9/11 world.
This work will bring together a series of perspectives on the
question of U.S.-Indian strategic cooperation. The contributions in
the book will assess past efforts, the present status and future
directions of such cooperation.
An introductory chapter written by the editors will provide an
overview of the entire volume identifying the key themes and
issues. The next chapter will set out the strategic context for and
logic behind India's emerging security cooperation with the United
States. A parallel chapter will describe the strategic context for
and logic behind growing U.S. security cooperation with India. A
key impetus for the growing bilateral cooperation is the U.S.-led
Global War on Terrorism. One chapter will provide a U.S. assessment
of India's role in the anti-terror struggle, and another chapter
will provide an Indian assessment of the U.S. worldwide anti-terror
effort. An additional chapter will present a Chinese view of the
growing security ties between Washington and New Delhi and
bilateral cooperation in fighting terror. Another pair of chapters
will review and assess military-to-military ties between the United
States and India, one from the perspective of Washington, and the
other from a New Delhi perspective. Both chapters will place their
bilateral military ties in the context of each country's defense
ties with other countries (e.g. Russia and China).
A further set of chapters will consider a critical area of global
concern: the proliferation of ballistic missiles and weapons of
mass destruction-especially nuclear technology, one from an Indian
perspective and a second from a U.S. viewpoint. The issue of dual
use technology will also be addressed in bothchapters. A final
series of chapters will examine the controversial issue of
peacekeeping. Different states and their armed forces tend to hold
quite different views about under what circumstances a peacekeeping
operation can be successfully executed and whether it should be a
core mission for a military force. One chapter will present an
Indian perspective, another chapter will provide a U.S. perspective
and another will offer the perspective of a third country. Finally,
a brief concluding chapter, written by the co-editors, will
evaluate the evolving U.S.-Indian security ties and recommend
possible paths for future development.
This work will bring together a series of perspectives on the
question of U.S.-Indian strategic cooperation. The contributions in
the book will assess past efforts, the present status and future
directions of such cooperation.
An introductory chapter written by the editors will provide an
overview of the entire volume identifying the key themes and
issues. The next chapter will set out the strategic context for and
logic behind India's emerging security cooperation with the United
States. A parallel chapter will describe the strategic context for
and logic behind growing U.S. security cooperation with India. A
key impetus for the growing bilateral cooperation is the U.S.-led
Global War on Terrorism. One chapter will provide a U.S. assessment
of India's role in the anti-terror struggle, and another chapter
will provide an Indian assessment of the U.S. worldwide anti-terror
effort. An additional chapter will present a Chinese view of the
growing security ties between Washington and New Delhi and
bilateral cooperation in fighting terror. Another pair of chapters
will review and assess military-to-military ties between the United
States and India, one from the perspective of Washington, and the
other from a New Delhi perspective. Both chapters will place their
bilateral military ties in the context of each country's defense
ties with other countries (e.g. Russia and China).
A further set of chapters will consider a critical area of global
concern: the proliferation of ballistic missiles and weapons of
mass destruction-especially nuclear technology, one from an Indian
perspective and a second from a U.S. viewpoint. The issue of dual
use technology will also be addressed in bothchapters. A final
series of chapters will examine the controversial issue of
peacekeeping. Different states and their armed forces tend to hold
quite different views about under what circumstances a peacekeeping
operation can be successfully executed and whether it should be a
core mission for a military force. One chapter will present an
Indian perspective, another chapter will provide a U.S. perspective
and another will offer the perspective of a third country. Finally,
a brief concluding chapter, written by the co-editors, will
evaluate the evolving U.S.-Indian security ties and recommend
possible paths for future development.
The Routledge Handbook of Asian Security Studies provides a
detailed exploration of security dynamics in the three distinct
subregions that comprise Asia, and also bridges the study of these
regions by exploring the geopolitical links between each of them.
The Handbook is divided into four geographical parts: Part I:
Northeast Asia Part II: South Asia Part III: Southeast Asia Part
IV: Cross-regional Issues This fully revised and updated second
edition addresses the significant developments which have taken
place in Asia since the first edition appeared in 2009. It examines
these developments at both regional and national levels, including
the conflict surrounding the South China Sea, the long-standing
Sino-Indian border dispute, and Pakistan's investment in tactical
nuclear weapons, amongst many others. This book will be of great
interest to students of Asian politics, security studies, war and
conflict studies, foreign policy and international relations
generally.
In recent years there have been reports of actions purportedly
taken by People's Liberation Army (PLA) units without civilian
authorization, and of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) civilian
leaders seeking to curry favor with the military-suggesting that a
nationalistic and increasingly influential PLA is driving more
assertive Chinese policies on a range of military and sovereignty
issues. To many experienced PLA watchers, however, the PLA remains
a "party-army" that is responsive to orders from the CCP. PLA
Influence on China's National Security Policymaking seeks to assess
the "real" relationship between the PLA and its civilian masters by
moving beyond media and pundit speculation to mount an in-depth
examination and explanation of the PLA's role in national security
policymaking. After examining the structural factors that shape PLA
interactions with the Party-State, the book uses case studies to
explore the PLA's role in foreign policy crises. It then assesses
the PLA's role in China's territorial disputes and in military
interactions with civilian government and business, exploring the
military's role in China's civil-military integration development
strategy. The evidence reveals that today's PLA does appear to have
more influence on purely military issues than in the past-but much
less influence on political issues-and to be more actively engaged
in policy debates on mixed civil-military issues where military
equities are at stake.
Andrew Scobell examines the use of Chinese military force abroad as in Korea (1950), Vietnam (1979), and the Taiwan Strait (1995-1996) and domestically, as during the Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s and in the 1989 military crackdown in Tiananmen square. Scobell warns that a "Cult of Defense" disposes Chinese leaders to rationalize all military deployment as defensive. However, changes in the People's Liberation Army's doctrine and capabilities over the past two decades suggest that China's 21st Century leaders may use military force more readily than their predecessors.
Andrew Scobell examines the use of Chinese military force abroad as in Korea (1950), Vietnam (1979), and the Taiwan Strait (1995-1996) and domestically, as during the Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s and in the 1989 military crackdown in Tiananmen square. Scobell warns that a "Cult of Defense" disposes Chinese leaders to rationalize all military deployment as defensive. However, changes in the People's Liberation Army's doctrine and capabilities over the past two decades suggest that China's 21st Century leaders may use military force more readily than their predecessors.
In recent years there have been reports of actions purportedly
taken by People's Liberation Army (PLA) units without civilian
authorization, and of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) civilian
leaders seeking to curry favor with the military—suggesting that
a nationalistic and increasingly influential PLA is driving more
assertive Chinese policies on a range of military and sovereignty
issues. To many experienced PLA watchers, however, the PLA remains
a "party-army" that is responsive to orders from the CCP. PLA
Influence on China's National Security Policymaking seeks to assess
the "real" relationship between the PLA and its civilian masters by
moving beyond media and pundit speculation to mount an in-depth
examination and explanation of the PLA's role in national security
policymaking. After examining the structural factors that shape PLA
interactions with the Party-State, the book uses case studies to
explore the PLA's role in foreign policy crises. It then assesses
the PLA's role in China's territorial disputes and in military
interactions with civilian government and business, exploring the
military's role in China's civil–military integration development
strategy. The evidence reveals that today's PLA does appear to have
more influence on purely military issues than in the past—but
much less influence on political issues—and to be more actively
engaged in policy debates on mixed civil-military issues where
military equities are at stake.
Despite its impressive size and population, economic vitality,
and drive to upgrade its military, China remains a vulnerable
nation surrounded by powerful rivals and potential foes.
Understanding China's foreign policy means fully appreciating these
geostrategic challenges, which persist even as the country gains
increasing influence over its neighbors. Andrew J. Nathan and
Andrew Scobell analyze China's security concerns on four fronts: at
home, with its immediate neighbors, in surrounding regional
systems, and in the world beyond Asia. By illuminating the issues
driving Chinese policy, they offer a new perspective on the
country's rise and a strategy for balancing Chinese and American
interests in Asia.
Though rooted in the present, Nathan and Scobell's study makes
ample use of the past, reaching back into history to illuminate the
people and institutions shaping Chinese strategy today. They also
examine Chinese views of the United States; explain why China is so
concerned about Japan; and uncover China's interests in such
problematic countries as North Korea, Iran, and the Sudan. The
authors probe recent troubles in Tibet and Xinjiang and explore
their links to forces beyond China's borders. They consider the
tactics deployed by mainland China and Taiwan, as Taiwan seeks to
maintain autonomy in the face of Chinese advances toward
unification. They evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of China's
three main power resources -- economic power, military power, and
soft power.
The authors conclude with recommendations for the United States
as it seeks to manage China's rise. Chinese policymakers understand
that their nation's prosperity, stability, and security depend on
cooperation with the United States. If handled wisely, the authors
believe, relations between the two countries can produce mutually
beneficial outcomes for both Asia and the world.
North Korea poses a key challenge to the global community of
states. Sometimes viewed as primarily a nuclear or proliferation
challenge, Pyongyang actually presents the United States and other
countries with multiple problems. As the 2005 National Defense
Strategy of the United States notes, these challenges include
"traditional, irregular, and catastrophic." While each dimension of
these threat capabilities are fairly clear and, with the exception
of the third, readily documented, North Korea's intentions are a
much more controversial subject upon which specialists reach widely
disparate conclusions. In this monograph, Dr. Andrew Scobell
examines the topic of Pyongyang's strategic intentions. He first
identifies a broad spectrum of expert views and distills this
wisdom into three "packages" of possible strategic intentions. He
then sets out to test which package appears to reflect actual North
Korean policy.
North Korea is a country of paradoxes and contradictions. Although
it remains an economic basket case that cannot feed and clothe its
own people, it nevertheless possesses one of the world's largest
armed forces. Whether measured in terms of the total number of
personnel in uniform, numbers of special operations soldiers, the
size of its submarine fleet, quantity of ballistic missiles in its
arsenal, or its substantial weapons of mass destruction programs,
Pyongyang is a major military power. North Korea's latest act to
demonstrate its might was the seismic event on October 9, 2006. The
authors of this monograph set out to assess the capabilities and
discern the intentions of North Korea's People's Army.
The tenor of U.S.-China relations for much of the first year of the
administration of President George W. Bush was set by a crisis that
need not have occurred. How the situation was handled and
eventually resolved is instructive. It tells us about a beleaguered
communist leadership in the buildup to major generational
transition (scheduled for late 2002 and early 2003) and the mettle
of a democratically elected U.S. government tested early in its
tenure by a series of foreign policy crises and a carefully
coordinated set of devastating terrorist strikes against the
continental United States. The way the April 2001 crisis on Hainan
Island was resolved must be chalked up as a success for the United
States. the key was Washington's ability to convince Beijing that
holding the air crew was hurting, and not advancing, Chinese
interests.
I am pleased that, for the second year in a row, the U.S. Army War
College and The National Bureau of Asian Research (NBR) teamed up
to convene the annual PLA colloquium. Over the years, this event
has successfully increased understanding of China's military and
the multiple aspects of its ongoing modernization effort. Last year
was no exception. On September 28, 2007, under the joint leadership
of the U.S. Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute and
NBR's Pyle Center for Northeast Asian Studies, approximately 70
leading experts on the People's Liberation Army (PLA) convened at
Carlisle Barracks, PA, for a 2-day discussion on the Chinese
military's human infrastructure. Presentations and discussions at
the conference focused on identifying trends in recruitment,
education, training, personnel management, and demographics within
the PLA.
North Korea's conventional capabilities have eroded but remain
significant, including its sizeable contingent of special
operations forces. Meanwhile, Pyongyang continues the vigorous
development of its nuclear and missile programs, and has ongoing
chemical and biological weapons programs. Perhaps the biggest
unanswered questions concern North Korea's military intentions.
Does the Korean People's Army have an offensive or defensive
doctrine? Does Pyongyang intend to use its weapons of mass
destruction and ballistic missiles to replace the threat posed by
its eroding conventional forces? Or is its intention to use
conventional and unconventional forces in what it might view as a
winning combination? In theory, U.S. forces could carry out
preemptive precision attacks to destroy known North Korean nuclear
facilities and missile emplacements, but such attacks might provoke
North Korean retaliation and trigger a general conflict. Washington
and Seoul cannot overthrow the North Korean regime by force or
destroy its strategic military assets without risking devastating
losses in the process. Meanwhile, North Korea cannot invade the
South without inviting a fatal counterattack from the United States
and South Korea. Thus, the balance of forces that emerged from the
Korean War, and which helped maintain the armistice for more than
50 years, remains in place.
This volume addresses the role of the Chinese military in shaping
its country's security environment. The PLA itself is shaped and
molded by both domestic and foreign influences. In the first decade
of the 21st century, the PLA is not a central actor in China's
foreign policy the way it was just a few decades ago. Nevertheless,
the significance of the PLA should not be discounted. The military
remains a player that seeks to play a role and influence China's
policy towards the such countries and regions as United States,
Japan, the Koreas, Southeast Asia, South Asia, and Taiwan. It is
important not to overlook that, in times of crisis or conflict, the
role and influence of the PLA rise significantly.
The author seeks to assist planners and decisionmakers in thinking
about and preparing for possible future contingencies concerning
North Korea. He does not dwell on war or conflict scenarios
involving North Korea because military planners have already
focused considerable effort and attention on these. It is entirely
possible that the fate of the country as a political, territorial,
and juridical entity is intimately bound up with the fate of the
Kim Jong Il regime, but one should not assume this to be so. In
other words, the collapse of the Kim regime may not lead to the
collapse of North Korea as a state. Moreover, one should not assume
that even if the regime collapse is followed by state collapse that
these events would inexorably lead to Korean unification.
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