Volume 38 opens on 1 July 1802, when Jefferson is in Washington, and closes on 12 November, when he is again there. For the last week of July and all of August and September, he resides at Monticello. Frequent correspondence with his heads of department and two visits with Secretary of State James Madison, however, keep the president abreast of matters of state. Upon learning in August of the declaration of war by Mawlay Sulayman, the sultan of Morocco, much of the president's and the cabinet's attention is focused on that issue, as they struggle to balance American diplomatic efforts with reliance on the country's naval power in the Mediterranean. Jefferson terms the sultan's actions "palpably against reason." In September, he addresses the concerns of the mayor of New York City and the governor of South Carolina that free blacks expelled from Guadeloupe by the French will be landed onto American shores. Although he believes the matter will be dealt with by the states, he also instructs Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gallatin to direct custom house officers to be watchful. In late August, Jefferson is alerted that he has been touched by the "breath of Slander," when James T. Callender's accusations appear in the Richmond "Recorder" and make public his relationship with Sally Hemings. The president offers no comment, and a month later returns to Washington, where he continues planning for an impending visit by his daughters.

This volume opens on 4 March 1802, the first anniversary of Thomas Jefferson's inauguration as the nation's third president, and closes on 30 June. In March, a delegation of Seneca Indians comes to Washington to discuss their tribe's concerns, and Jefferson names a commissioner to handle a land sale by Oneida Indians to the state of New York. In April, the Senate ratifies a treaty with the Choctaw nation for a wagon road across their lands. Jefferson worries about an increasingly dictatorial France taking back control of New Orleans, prompting him to the intemperate remark that he would "marry" America's fortunes to the British fleet. Charles Willson Peale sends him sketches of the skull of a prehistoric bison found in Kentucky. During the closing, and very frustrating, weeks of Congress, he distracts himself with a cipher devised by Robert Patterson. He prepares lists of books to be purchased for the recently established Library of Congress and also obtains many titles for his own collection. Even while he is in Washington occupied with matters of state, Jefferson has been keeping close watch on the renovations at Monticello. In May, he has Antonio Giannini plant several varieties of grapes in the southwest vineyard, and he orders groceries, molasses, dry Lisbon wine, and cider to be shipped to Monticello in time for his arrival. He looks forward "with impatience" to the moment he can embrace his family once more.

This volume opens on 13 November 1802, when Jefferson is in Washington, and closes on 3 March 1803, the final day of his second year as president. The central issue of these months is the closing of the right of deposit at New Orleans, an act that threatens the economic wellbeing of Westerners. Jefferson asks his old friend Pierre Samuel du Pont de Nemours to remind the French government of the strong friendship between the two nations. To disarm the political opposition, the president sends James Monroe, who is respected by the Federalists, to Europe as a special envoy to work with Robert Livingston in negotiating the dispute with France. Jefferson proposes a "bargain" that will result in the acquisition of the Louisiana Territory. In a confidential message to Congress, Jefferson seeks $2,500 to send a small party of men to explore the Missouri River. Congress concurs, and Jefferson's secretary Meriwether Lewis will lead the expedition. Settling the boundaries with Native American lands is a major theme of the volume. In reality, "settling" results in major cessions of Indian lands to the American government. During the months of this volume Jefferson never leaves the capital, even for a brief sojourn at Monticello. He does, however, enjoy a visit of six weeks from his daughters and two of his grandchildren. They participate in Washington society, capture the affection of Margaret Bayard Smith, and brighten Jefferson's days.

This volume opens on 4 March 1803, the first day of Jefferson's third year as president. Still shaken by the closing of the right of deposit at New Orleans, he confronts the potential political consequences of a cession of Louisiana to France that might result in a denial of American access to the Mississippi. But he resists pressures to seize New Orleans by force, urging patience instead. The cabinet determines in April that "all possible procrastinations" should be used in dealing with France, but that discussions with Great Britain move forward as well. In Paris, a treaty for the cession of the Louisiana Territory to the United States is signed, and in May the right of deposit is restored. On 3 July, word reaches Jefferson in Washington of the agreement that France has sold the entire Territory for $15 million. The glorious news, which may be the most momentous that Jefferson receives while president, appears in the "National Intelligencer" the following day. Having received congressional approval to send an expedition to locate a continental route to the Pacific, Jefferson drafts instructions and a cipher for Meriwether Lewis and arranges for the needed instruments. Following through on a promise to a friend to give his views of Christianity, Jefferson puts his religious creed on paper, a "Syllabus" of the morals of Jesus and the comparative merits of Christianity. He intends it only for a few trusted friends.

"I have sometimes asked myself whether my country is the better for my having lived at all?" Jefferson muses in this volume. His answer: "I do not know that it is." Required by custom to be "entirely passive" during the presidential campaign, Jefferson, at Monticello during the summer of 1800, refrains from answering attacks on his character, responds privately to Benjamin Rush's queries about religion, and learns of rumors of his own death. Yet he is in good health, harvests a bountiful wheat crop, and maintains his belief that the American people will shake off the Federalist thrall. He counsels James Monroe, the governor of Virginia, on the mixture of leniency and firmness to be shown in the wake of the aborted revolt of slaves led by the blacksmith Gabriel.

Arriving in Washington in November, Jefferson reports that the election "is the only thing of which any thing is said here." He is aware of Alexander Hamilton's efforts to undermine John Adams, and of desires by some Federalists to give interim executive powers to a president pro tem of the Senate. But the Republicans have made no provision to prevent the tie of electoral votes between Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Jefferson calls Burr's conduct "honorable & decisive" before prospects of intrigue arise as the nation awaits the decision of the House of Representatives. As the volume closes, the election is still unresolved after six long days of balloting by the House.

Building on a quarter century of scholarship following the publication of the groundbreaking Women in the Age of the American Revolution, the engagingly written essays in this volume offer an updated answer to the question, What was life like for women in the era of the American Revolution? The contributors examine how women dealt with years of armed conflict and carried on their daily lives, exploring factors such as age, race, educational background, marital status, social class, and region. For patriot women the Revolution created opportunities-to market goods, find a new social status within the community, or gain power in the family. Those who remained loyal to the Crown, however, often saw their lives diminished-their property confiscated, their businesses failed, or their sense of security shattered. Some essays focus on individuals (Sarah Bache, Phillis Wheatley), while others address the impact of war on social or commercial interactions between men and women. Patriot women in occupied Boston fell in love with and married British soldiers; in Philadelphia women mobilized support for nonimportation; and in several major colonial cities wives took over the family business while their husbands fought. Together, these essays recover what the Revolution meant to and for women.

As this volume opens, partisan politics in the United States are building to a crescendo with the approach of the presidential election. Working for a Republican victory, Jefferson consults frequently with Madison, Monroe, and others to achieve favorable results in state elections. He corresponds with controversial journalist James T. Callender. Sifting information from published rumors and private letters, he follows events in Europe, including Bonaparte's unexpected rise to power in France, and sees the value of his tobacco crop plummet as U.S. legislation cuts off the French market. Jefferson grows concerned at Federalist promotion of English common law in American jurisprudence and at proceedings in the Senate against William Duane, printer of the Philadelphia "Aurora." Drawing heavily on British legislative practice, however, as well as advice from Virginia, he begins in earnest to compile a manual of parliamentary procedures for the Senate.

As president of the American Philosophical Society, Jefferson calls for reform of the United States census. He publishes an appendix to "Notes on the State of Virginia" defending his account of the Mingo Indian Logan's legendary 1774 speech. And Jefferson consults Joseph Priestley and Pierre Samuel Du Pont de Nemours about the curriculum for a projected new university in Virginia. While continuing the reconstruction of Monticello, he mourns the death of the infant girl of his younger daughter, Mary Jefferson Eppes.

During the thirteen months covered by this volume, Thomas Jefferson spent more than half of his time in Philadelphia serving as vice president under President John Adams and presiding over a Senate that was dominated by his political opponents, the Federalists. Debates in Congress took place against a backdrop of bitter partisan rivalry, characterized most famously by the near-brawl on the floor of the House between Matthew Lyon and Roger Griswold. Congress and the nation waited, in a "state of extraordinary suspense," for dispatches from the American envoys in France. When the accounts of the XYZ Affair became public, the nation prepared for war. Two days after the Alien Friends Act was signed into law Jefferson left for Monticello, stopping at Montpelier to convey the latest news to James Madison. Disheartened and frustrated by the Alien and Sedition Acts, Jefferson penned the famous resolutions adopted in November by the Kentucky legislature. He kept his authorship a secret, however, seeking to avoid any appearance of "rashness" by Republicans. This endeavor reflected his struggle to make sense of the political direction of the nation in times he could neither comprehend nor accept.

Jefferson continued to engage in scientific pursuits and fulfill his role as a promoter of American science and learning. He was reelected to the presidency of the American Philosophical Society, to which he presented his paper on the moldboard plow. He corresponded on American Indian languages, astronomy, and the Anglo-Saxon language. He longed for Monticello, and, as Jefferson had learned before, his property fell into neglect when he was away on public business. Renovations to the house slowed, supplies for the nailery were disrupted, and he had to arrange for the sale of his crops through intermediaries. With the prices of wheat low, he was drawn back into financial dependence on tobacco.

In the twenty-two months covered by this volume, Jefferson spent most of his time at Monticello, where in his short-lived retirement from office he turned in earnest to the renovation of his residence and described himself as a ''monstrous farmer.'' Yet he narrowly missed being elected George Washington's successor as president and took the oath of office as vice president in March 1797. In early summer he presided over the Senate after President John Adams summoned Congress to deal with the country's worsening relations with France. As the key figure in the growing ''Republican quarter, '' Jefferson collaborated with such allies as James Monroe and James Madison and drafted a petition to the Virginia House of Delegates upholding the right of representatives to communicate freely with their constituents.

The unauthorized publication of a letter to Philip Mazzei, in which Jefferson decried the former ''Samsons in the field and Solomons in the council'' who had been ''shorn by the harlot England, '' made the vice president the uncomfortable target of intense partisan attention. In addition, Luther Martin publicly challenged Jefferson's treatment, in "Notes on Virginia," of the famous oration of Logan.

Jefferson became president of the American Philosophical Society and presented a paper describing the fossilized remains of the megalonyx, or ''great claw.'' At Monticello he evaluated the merits of threshing machines, corresponded with British agricultural authorities, sought new crops for his rotation schemes, manufactured nails, and entertained family members and visitors.

The Federalists left a paradoxical legacy. They successfully established the domestic and international legitimacy of the new American government, brought order to the nation's finances, and encouraged western development. Yet they were swept out of national power by the Jefferson revolution in 1800, and they stubbornly refused to adjust to the emerging democratic politics. The essays in this volume demonstrate that American political culture was fashioned in a dialogue between Federalists and Jeffersonians. They portray an active Federalist coalition that offered a vibrant intellectual and political alternative throughout the era of the early republic. Cutting across boundaries of region, culture, race, gender, and class, Federalists struggled with the problems of nation building, national identity, and economic development.

These essays demonstrate that American political culture was fashioned in a dialogue between Federalists and Jeffersonians. They portray an active Federalist coalition that offered a vibrant intellectual and political alternative throughout the era of the early republic. Cutting across boundaries of region, culture, race, gender, and class, Federalists struggled with the problems of nation building, national identity, and economic development.

In Volume 34, covering May through July 1801, the story of Thomas Jefferson's first presidential administration continues to unfold. He quickly begins to implement his objectives of economy and efficiency in government. Requesting the chief clerk of the War Department to prepare a list of commissioned army officers, Jefferson has his secretary Meriwether Lewis label the names on the list with such descriptors as "Republican" or "Opposed to the administration, otherwise respectable officers." The president calls his moves toward a reduction in the army a "chaste reformation." Samuel Smith, interim head of the Navy Department, in accordance with the Peace Establishment Act, arranges for the sale of surplus warships. Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gallatin gathers figures on revenues and expenses and suggests improvements in methods of collecting taxes. Jefferson delivers an eloquent statement on his policy of removals from office to the merchants of New Haven, who objected to his dismissal of the collector of the port of New Haven. He makes clear that while his inaugural address declared tolerance and respect for the minority, it did not mean that no offices would change hands. On the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Fourth of July, Jefferson entertains around one hundred citizens, including a delegation of five Cherokee chiefs. And on 30 July, Jefferson leaves the Federal City for two months at Monticello.

An interdisciplinary collection of comparative essays which look at aspects of the thought of Edwards and Franklin and consider their places in American culture.